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      On the Nature of Edge Feature Movement

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A76486579

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

        Edge feature movement (EF-movement) is supposed to be pure internal merge (IM), which is solely induced by edge feature (EF) just like pure external merge (EM). Both pure IM and pure EM, which constitute "free Merge", are supposed to come free in natural language (Chomsky 2005). In this paper, in fact, it is shown that EF-movement is solely constrained as well as interpreted by interface conditions, which means that EF-movement is not subject to last resort or crash at narrow syntax but to the extended interface conditions.<BR>  It is not necessary or even possible to assume that accounting for various syntactic deviancies entirely depends on syntactic operations like feature checking in narrow syntax; for example, syntactically deviant or "crashed" sentences may receive appropriate interpretations at the interface. In this paper, it is argued that at least EF-movements are licensed in terms of the D-effect interpretation at the interface. In other words, the notion of Agree in narrow syntax should be replaced by the notion of D-effect in terms of the D-effect Condition at the interface for EF-movement. In place of the various minimality conditions for Agree-movements at narrow syntax, the Interpretive Economy Condition is proposed at the interface to constrain the interpretation of derivations by EF-movement. For A-type EF-movements the Case Licensing Condition is proposed at the interface for the generalizations on case that are independent of Agree for the theory of EF-movement. Given the three conditions at the interface, D-effect Condition, Interpretive Economy Condition, and Case Licensing Condition, it is argued that EF-movements are "free-ride movements" in the sense that they are simply induced by free Merge in narrow syntax only to be licensed as well as constrained by the three interface conditions. It is speculated that ultimately not only EF-movements but all movements need to be checked or licensed through Agree or D-effect at the interface, for proper characterization of their interactions with other factors at the interface such as possible interpretations of even "crashed" sentences in terms of linguistic and/or non-linguistic contexts at the interface.
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        Edge feature movement (EF-movement) is supposed to be pure internal merge (IM), which is solely induced by edge feature (EF) just like pure external merge (EM). Both pure IM and pure EM, which constitute "free Merge", are supposed to come ...

        Edge feature movement (EF-movement) is supposed to be pure internal merge (IM), which is solely induced by edge feature (EF) just like pure external merge (EM). Both pure IM and pure EM, which constitute "free Merge", are supposed to come free in natural language (Chomsky 2005). In this paper, in fact, it is shown that EF-movement is solely constrained as well as interpreted by interface conditions, which means that EF-movement is not subject to last resort or crash at narrow syntax but to the extended interface conditions.<BR>  It is not necessary or even possible to assume that accounting for various syntactic deviancies entirely depends on syntactic operations like feature checking in narrow syntax; for example, syntactically deviant or "crashed" sentences may receive appropriate interpretations at the interface. In this paper, it is argued that at least EF-movements are licensed in terms of the D-effect interpretation at the interface. In other words, the notion of Agree in narrow syntax should be replaced by the notion of D-effect in terms of the D-effect Condition at the interface for EF-movement. In place of the various minimality conditions for Agree-movements at narrow syntax, the Interpretive Economy Condition is proposed at the interface to constrain the interpretation of derivations by EF-movement. For A-type EF-movements the Case Licensing Condition is proposed at the interface for the generalizations on case that are independent of Agree for the theory of EF-movement. Given the three conditions at the interface, D-effect Condition, Interpretive Economy Condition, and Case Licensing Condition, it is argued that EF-movements are "free-ride movements" in the sense that they are simply induced by free Merge in narrow syntax only to be licensed as well as constrained by the three interface conditions. It is speculated that ultimately not only EF-movements but all movements need to be checked or licensed through Agree or D-effect at the interface, for proper characterization of their interactions with other factors at the interface such as possible interpretations of even "crashed" sentences in terms of linguistic and/or non-linguistic contexts at the interface.

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      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • 1. Introduction
        2. Property 1: EF
        3. Property 2: Lack of Agree
        4. Property 3: Optionality
        5. Property 4: D-effects
        6. Property 5: Lack of Agree-related Movement Constraints
        7. Conclusion
        8. Implications
        References
      • 1. Introduction
        2. Property 1: EF
        3. Property 2: Lack of Agree
        4. Property 3: Optionality
        5. Property 4: D-effects
        6. Property 5: Lack of Agree-related Movement Constraints
        7. Conclusion
        8. Implications
        References
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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 Zwart, Jan-Wouter, "Word order, intonation, and noun phrase interpretation in Dutch" Ms. 1995

      2 Miyagawa, Shigeru, "Why agree? Why move? Ling-Lunch talk" 2006

      3 Miyagawa, Shigeru, "Unifying agreement and agreement-less languages" 2005

      4 Biberauer, Theresa, "True optionality: when the grammar doesn?t mind" 2005

      5 Preminger, Omer, "Toxic syntax: yet another theory of syntactic movement" 2007

      6 Baker, Mark, "The syntax of agreement and concord" 2007

      7 Lavine, James and Robert Freidin, "The subject of defective T(ense) in Slavic" 10 : 253-289, 2002

      8 Rizzi, Luigi, "The fine structure of the left periphery" Kluwer 1997

      9 Chosmky Noam, "The Theory of Principles and Parameters" Berlin: Walter de Gruyter 1993

      10 Heim Irene, "The Semantics of definite andindefinite noun phrases" 1982

      1 Zwart, Jan-Wouter, "Word order, intonation, and noun phrase interpretation in Dutch" Ms. 1995

      2 Miyagawa, Shigeru, "Why agree? Why move? Ling-Lunch talk" 2006

      3 Miyagawa, Shigeru, "Unifying agreement and agreement-less languages" 2005

      4 Biberauer, Theresa, "True optionality: when the grammar doesn?t mind" 2005

      5 Preminger, Omer, "Toxic syntax: yet another theory of syntactic movement" 2007

      6 Baker, Mark, "The syntax of agreement and concord" 2007

      7 Lavine, James and Robert Freidin, "The subject of defective T(ense) in Slavic" 10 : 253-289, 2002

      8 Rizzi, Luigi, "The fine structure of the left periphery" Kluwer 1997

      9 Chosmky Noam, "The Theory of Principles and Parameters" Berlin: Walter de Gruyter 1993

      10 Heim Irene, "The Semantics of definite andindefinite noun phrases" 1982

      11 Bruening, Benjamin, "Syntax at the edge: cross-clausal phenomena and the syntax of Passamaqhoddy" 2001

      12 Heck, Fabian, "Successive cyclicity, long-distance superiority, and local optimization" 19 : 218-231, 2000

      13 D?prez, Viviane, "Semantic effects of agreement: the case of French participle agreement" 1996

      14 Rizzi,Luigi, "Relativized minimality" The MIT Press 1990

      15 Kitagawa, Yoshihisa, "Prosody, syntax and pragmatics of wh-questions in Japanese" 22 : 2005

      16 Zubizarreta, M. L, "Prosody, focus, and word order" Cambridge, MA.: MIT Press 1998

      17 Deguchi, Masanori, "Prosody and wh-questions" 32 : 73-92, 2002

      18 M?ller, Gereon, "Phrase impenetrability and wh-intervention" 2003

      19 Saito, Mamoru, "Order in phrase structure and movement" 29 : 439-474, 1998

      20 Rizzi, Luigi, "On the form of chains: criterial positions and ECP effects" 2004

      21 Boscovic, Zeljko, "On successive cyclic movementand the freezing effect of feature checking" 2006

      22 Chomsky, Noam, "On phases" 2005

      23 Chomsky, Noam, "On nature and language" Cambridge University Press 2002

      24 Tsai, W.-T. Dylan, "On lexical courtesy" 8 : 39-73, 1999

      25 Richards, Norvin, "Movement in language: interactions and architecture" Oxford University Press 2001

      26 Saito Mamoru, "Long-distance scrambling in Japanese" 1 : 69-118, 1992

      27 Richards, Marc, "Interpretive asymmetries at the edge" 2007a

      28 Richards, Marc, "Internal pair-merge: The missing mode of movement" 2007b

      29 Reinhart, Tanya, "Interface strategies" MIT Press 2006

      30 Shimoyama, Junko, "Indeterminate phrase quantification in Japanese" 14 : 139-173, 2006

      31 Bailyn, John, "Generalized inversion" 22 : 1-49, 2003

      32 Yang, Dong-Whee, "Focus movements, distinctness condition, and intervention effects" 2005

      33 Fox, Danny, "Extraction and scope: A Case for Overt QR" 18 : 132-144, 1999

      34 McGinnis, Martha, "Evidence for feature-driven A-scrambling" 18 : 364-378, 1999

      35 Ueno, Mieko, "Event?related brain indices of Japanese scrambling" 86 : 243-271, 2002

      36 Richards, Marc, "Dynamic linearization and the shape of phases" 2007c

      37 Chomsky, Noam, "Derivation by phase" The MIT Press 1-52, 2001

      38 Yang, Dong-Whee, "Defective agree, focus effects, and the phasal movement hypothesis" 2006

      39 Kang Young-Se, "Case licensing" V : 342-347, 1993

      40 Maratnz Alec, "Case and licensing" 91 : 234-253, 1991

      41 Borer Hagit, "Biunique relations and the maturation of grmmatical principles" 10 : 147-189, 1992

      42 ?. Kiss, Katalin, "Argument scrambling, operator movement, topic movement in Hungarian" Blackwell Publishing 22-43, 2003

      43 Chomsky, Noam, "Approaching UG from below" 2006

      44 Bayer Josef, "Against scrambling as an instance of move-alpha" Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter 17-60, 1994

      45 Miyagawa, Shigeru, "A-movement scrambling and options without optionality" Blackwell Publishing 177-200, 2003

      46 Richards, Norvin, "A distinctness condition on linearization" 2007

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