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      조선 15~17세기 수륙재(水陸齋)에 대한 유신(儒臣)의 기록과 시각 매체 = The Joseon Confucian Ruling Class’s Records and Visual Media of Suryukjae (Water and Land Ceremony) during the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Centuries

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      The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as “dangerous festivals.” However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld ( siwangdo ) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings ( gamnodo ), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony ( suryukjae ), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals—regarded as “dangerous festivals” due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation—as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.
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      The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as “dangerous festivals.” However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through th...

      The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as “dangerous festivals.” However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld ( siwangdo ) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings ( gamnodo ), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony ( suryukjae ), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals—regarded as “dangerous festivals” due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation—as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.
      Keywords

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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 박은경, "李朝前期仏画の硏究-地藏菩薩画像を中心に" 九州大学大学院文学 1993

      2 나암 보우, "한글대장경" 동국대학교 역경원

      3 전경욱, "한국의 전통연희" 학고재 2004

      4 김종명, "한국 중세의 불교 의례" 문학과지성사 2001

      5 김승희, "한국 불교회화의 판타지: 감로도의 아귀상" 미술사학연구회 (50) : 7-31, 2018

      6 한상길, "조선전기 수륙재 설행의 사회적 의미" 한국선학회 (23) : 671-710, 2009

      7 진나라, "조선전기 社長의 성격과 기능-불교신앙활동을 중심으로-" 한국사상사학회 (22) : 77-114, 2004

      8 제송희, "조선왕실의 가마[輦輿] 연구" 규장각한국학연구원 (70) : 259-298, 2015

      9 김정희, "조선시대 지장시왕도 연구" 일지사 1996

      10 정명희, "조선시대 불교 의식과 승려의 소임 분화: 甘露圖와 문헌 기록을 중심으로" 미술사연구회 (31) : 253-291, 2016

      1 박은경, "李朝前期仏画の硏究-地藏菩薩画像を中心に" 九州大学大学院文学 1993

      2 나암 보우, "한글대장경" 동국대학교 역경원

      3 전경욱, "한국의 전통연희" 학고재 2004

      4 김종명, "한국 중세의 불교 의례" 문학과지성사 2001

      5 김승희, "한국 불교회화의 판타지: 감로도의 아귀상" 미술사학연구회 (50) : 7-31, 2018

      6 한상길, "조선전기 수륙재 설행의 사회적 의미" 한국선학회 (23) : 671-710, 2009

      7 진나라, "조선전기 社長의 성격과 기능-불교신앙활동을 중심으로-" 한국사상사학회 (22) : 77-114, 2004

      8 제송희, "조선왕실의 가마[輦輿] 연구" 규장각한국학연구원 (70) : 259-298, 2015

      9 김정희, "조선시대 지장시왕도 연구" 일지사 1996

      10 정명희, "조선시대 불교 의식과 승려의 소임 분화: 甘露圖와 문헌 기록을 중심으로" 미술사연구회 (31) : 253-291, 2016

      11 홍선표, "조선시대 감로회도의 연희 이미지" 규장각한국학연구원 (49) : 73-97, 2010

      12 정명희, "조선시대 水陸齋의 성행과 새로운 불화의 수요: 四直使者圖와 五方五帝位圖" 불교미술사학회 21 : 81-112, 2016

      13 박은경, "조선 전기 불화 연구" 시공사·시공아트 2008

      14 이현진, "조선 왕실의 忌晨祭 설행과 변천" 조선시대사학회 (46) : 81-123, 2008

      15 박은경, "조선 16세기 감로도의 위난 이미지를 통해 본 사회상" 규장각한국학연구원 (49) : 25-49, 2010

      16 문명대, "조문(祖文)필 1591년작 朝田寺藏국행수륙재(國行水陸齋) 감로도(甘露圖)의 특징" 한국불교미술사학회 (39) : 213-220, 2012

      17 박도화, "의미와 유형으로 본 '變相'의 分化" 한국미술사학회 277 (277): 41-67, 2013

      18 배도식, "우란분재와 목련전승의 문화사" 중앙일보사 459-504, 2004

      19 장휘주, "사당패의 집단성격과 공연내용에 대한 史的 考察" 한국국악학회 35 : 225-240, 2004

      20 최응천, "불영사의 불전패와 불연에 관한 고찰" 한국불교미술사학회 (48) : 245-272, 2017

      21 허상호, "불교의례의 佛具와 그 用法" 한국문화사학회 (31) : 179-220, 2009

      22 "문학비평용어사전" 국학자료원 2006

      23 김상현, "문정왕후의 불교중흥정책" 한국불교학회 (56) : 25-52, 2010

      24 유수란, "명·청대 寶寧寺 水陸畵의 후원자와 기능" 서울대학교 2016

      25 심우성, "남사당패 연구" 동문선 2012

      26 안지원, "고려의 국가 불교의례와 문화" 서울대학교출판부 2005

      27 김수연, "고려시대 불정도장 연구" 이화여자대학교 대학원 2004

      28 강호선, "고려시대 국가의례로서의 불교의례 설행과 그 정치적 의미" 동국역사문화연구소 (59) : 35-74, 2015

      29 한기문, "고려시기 정기 불교 의례의 성립과 성격" 27 : 29-57, 2003

      30 노명호, "고려 역사상의 탐색" 집문당 2017

      31 전경욱, "감로탱에 묘사된 전통연희와 유랑예인집단" 한국공연문화학회 1 (1): 162-211, 2010

      32 권보나, "감로탱에 나타난 사당패 연희" 서울대학교 2015

      33 강우방, "감로탱" 예경 1995

      34 윤은희, "감로왕도 도상의 형성 문제와 16, 17세기 감로왕도 연구 : 수륙재 의궤집과 관련하여" 동국대학교 대학원 2004

      35 김승희, "감로도에 보이는 공양물의 내용과 그 의미 : 보석사감로도를 중심으로" 한국미술사교육학회 27 : 289-327, 2013

      36 이향순, "감로도에 나타난 조선의 비구니승가" 규장각한국학연구원 (49) : 51-72, 2010

      37 김정희, "감로도 도상의 기원과 전개 -연구현황과 쟁점을 중심으로-" 한국불교미술사학회 (47) : 143-181, 2016

      38 金炯雨, "高麗時代 國家的 佛敎行事에 대한 연구" 東國大學校 大學院 1993

      39 박세민, "韓國佛敎儀禮資料叢書" 보경문화사 1993

      40 백은정, "知恩院 소장 조선전기 <地藏十王18地獄圖> 연구" 한국미술사교육학회 27 : 131-161, 2013

      41 정우택, "朝鮮王朝時代 前期 宮廷畵風 佛畵의 硏究" 13 : 129-166, 1999

      42 伸一野村, "朝鮮時代の仏画にみる女性生活像" 30 : 63-102, 2003

      43 이경화, "朝鮮時代 甘露幀畫의 下段畵의 風俗場面 考察" 220 : 79-107, 1998

      44 정명희, "朝鮮時代 主佛殿의 불화 배치와 기능 - 三壇의 형성과 불화 봉안을 중심으로" 한국미술사학회 288 (288): 61-88, 2015

      45 나윤호, "朝鮮後期 佛敎 牌 硏究" 동국대학교 2015

      46 김정희, "朝鮮前期의 地藏菩薩圖" 4 : 79-118, 1992

      47 심효섭, "朝鮮前期 水陸齋의 設行과 儀禮" 40 : 219-246, 2004

      48 沈曉燮, "朝鮮前期 忌晨齋의 設行과 儀禮" 불교문화연구원 (40) : 365-383, 2003

      49 신광희, "朝鮮 前期 明宗代의 社會變動과 佛畵" 한국미술사교육학회 23 : 321-346, 2009

      50 김정희, "文定王后의 中興佛事와 16世紀의 王室發願 佛畵" 231 : 5-39, 2001

      51 陳俊吉, "山西寶寧寺水陸道場繪畫研究" 國立臺灣藝術大學 1997

      52 山西博物館, "宝寧寺明代水陸画" 文物出版社 1998

      53 김정희, "孝寧大君과 朝鮮 初期 佛敎美術: 後援者를 통해 본 朝鮮 初期 王室의 佛事" 한국미술연구소 (25) : 107-150, 2007

      54 연제영, "儀禮的 관점에서 甘露幀畵와 水陸畵의 內容 비교" 불교학연구회 16 : 265-297, 2007

      55 박도화, "佛說大報父母恩重經 變相圖의 圖像형성과정" 미술사학연구회 (23) : 111-154, 2004

      56 김승희, "19세기 감로도의 인물상에 보이는 새로운 양상" 규장각한국학연구원 (49) : 99-121, 2010

      57 김효정, "18세기 「감로탱」 연희패 등장의 다면적 의미 연구" 한국예술종합학교 2010

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      2027 평가예정 재인증평가 신청대상 (재인증)
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