Women’s Land Ownership and Empowerment: A Case Study of Mrigauliya Village Development Committee Nepal

Sunita Basnet 성공회대학교 일반대학원 2012 국내석사

Land traditionally is seen as source of divine of its association with sustainable livelihood, prosperity, social status, economic security and political power in Nepal. Women’s rights to property have been incorporated into various national and international legal and political documents including UDHR, ICESCR, ICCPR, CEDAW, and the Beijing Declaration of the Fourth World Conference on Women in promoting economic growth and alleviating poverty. It evidently indicates that human rights is closely connected to the right to private property (Cheneval 2006) and uplift the living standards of marginalized people comprising women (The Kathmandu Post 2010). The discriminatory provisions about the women's right to partition share is unconstitutional and is a form of exclusion (Luintel 2001:93). It is even against the provisions of international instruments relating to human rights to which Nepal is a party, which means it is a denial to human rights. Cheneval (2006:11) argued that the denial to human rights opens the door to slavery and exploitation. Although in legal terms, women’s equal inheritance rights and equal rights on husband’s property is mentioned beautifully, there continues to be striking differences between contemporary property law and actual practice. Since, women’s property status is exceptionally low in Nepal, land entitlements are put forth for the advancement of women’s empowerment. Hence, the key exploration of my quantitative survey is to find the linkage of empowerment through women’s land entitlement. This study collected quantitative data from 100 women from Mrigauliya Village Development Committee (VDC). The study reveals the facts that 41 out of 100 women legally own the land. Data from the survey showed that mostly (96%) women have security of land tenure as wives and daughter-in-law, whereas in rare case through parents (2%) and own selves (2%). Only two women have full control over their land who interestingly happened to be widow with small children and living separately. A major obstacle to the implementation of women’s property rights is the lack of more gender sensitive lenses to consider the complexity of issues surrounding women and the achievement of women’s empowerment in the Nepalese society. The findings of this study might be of great potential to policy makers, bureaucrats, women’s organizations, feminists and international agencies to devise new or alternative ways of strategies to bring women in equal footing with men and developing more democratic and just society in Nepal. Keywords: Women’s Land Ownership, Women’s Right, Empowerment, Nepalese women, Nepal

Reconstruction of Women’s Rights in Post-Conflict Countries: A Case Study of Rwanda

이지인 서울대학교 대학원 2015 국내석사

In the aftermath of the devastating genocide of 1994, which claimed hundreds of thousands of lives and shattered the social, political, and economic structures of the country, Rwanda embraced a new model of development and made remarkable economic and political progress. Although the country still faces a range of issues related to women, Rwanda achieved significant progress in women’s rights, particularly gender equality and women’s empowerment. Based on the theory of historical institutionalism, this study identifies the Rwandan genocide as a critical juncture and seeks to understand the reconstruction of women’s rights as a process. This study aims to identify the underlying causes of Rwanda’s reconstruction of women’s rights and examines the progress in gender equality and women’s empowerment. The contributions of the Rwandan government and civil society organizations (CSOs) to the post-genocide reconstruction process are evaluated in this study, and the evolving relationship between the Rwandan government and CSOs before and after the genocide is subsequently analyzed. The Rwandan genocide has profoundly shaped the country’s policies and the paradigm of women’s rights in the post-genocide period. This study claims that Rwanda has undertaken the reconstruction of women’s rights in order to establish state legitimacy. This study further suggests that the international community has compelled Rwanda to focus on the promotion of women’s rights, and that the rise of Rwandan women after the genocide has served as another driving force of the reconstruction of women’s rights. In examining Rwanda’s achievements in the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment, this study finds that there has been gradual and substantial progress in women’s access to education, participation in agricultural and non-agricultural activities, and involvement in the politics of Rwanda at multiple levels. It is further claimed that among the actors involved in the post-genocide development of Rwanda, the Rwandan government and CSOs have played a significant role in establishing and promoting women’s rights, and that the relationship between the Rwandan government and CSOs can be described as a gradual shift from mobilization to cooptation. 수십만 명의 목숨을 앗아가고 르완다의 사회적∙정치적∙경제적 구조를 산산조각으로 만든 참혹한 1994년 대학살의 여파 속에서 르완다는 새로운 발전모델을 수용하였고 놀라운 경제적∙정치적 성장을 이루었다. 아직도 여성과 관련된 다양한 문제에 직면해 있지만 르완다는 특히 양성평등과 여성의 권한 강화와 같은 여성인권에 대한 중대한 발전을 이루었다. 본 연구는 역사적 제도주의 관점에서 르완다 대학살을 결정적 분기점으로 구분하고 여성인권의 재구성을 하나의 ‘과정’으로 이해하고자 하였다. 또한 르완다가 여성인권을 재구성하게 된 근본적인 원인을 파악하고 르완다의 양성평등과 여성의 권한 강화에 대한 발전을 검토하였다. 더불어 대학살 이후 재건 과정에 대한 르완다 정부와 시민사회단체의 기여를 평가하고 르완다 정부와 시민사회단체 사이의 관계를 대학살 전후로 나누어 분석하였다. 르완다 대학살은 대학살 이후 르완다의 정책과 여성인권의 패러다임에 지대한 영향을 미친 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구에서는 르완다가 대학살 이후 정부의 정당성을 수립하기 위해 여성인권의 재구성에 착수하게 되었음을 설명하고 있다. 또한 르완다가 국제사회의 압력으로 인해 여성인권을 도모하게 되었음을 설명하였고, 르완다 여성의 부상(浮上)은 여성인권의 재구성에 있어 또 다른 주역으로 기여하였음을 확인하였다. 또한 양성평등과 여성의 권한 강화에 관한 르완다의 성과를 검토하는데 있어서 여성의 교육 기회와 농업과 비농업 부문에 대한 여성의 참여, 그리고 여성의 다층적 정치적 참여가 점진적이고 실질적인 발전을 이루었음을 확인하였다. 더불어 본 연구에서는 대학살 이후 르완다의 개발과 관련된 행위자 가운데 르완다 정부와 시민사회단체가 여성인권을 확립하고 개선하는데 있어 중요한 역할을 수행하였음을 확인하였다. 그리고 르완다 정부와 시민사회단체의 관계는 ‘동원(動員)’에서 ‘포섭(包攝)’으로 점진적인 변화를 하고 있는 것으로 나타났다.

The Role of Grassroot Women Advocacy in Indonesia’s Human Rights Framework

Siswanto, Azzahrasya Sophia 이화여자대학교 국제대학원 2025 국내석사

This study raises question on how Indonesia has succeeded in strengthening women's rights within the framework of human rights since the 1998 Reformation era, highlighting the strategic role of women's civil society organizations at the grassroots level. This research addresses how community-based women’s organizations in after 1998 have mobilized to claim rights, influence policy, and challenge discriminatory practices. Methodologically, the study employs a qualitative case study approach, drawing on document analysis and secondary data, including reports from women’s advocacy networks, government legislation, and rights-monitoring institutions. In the context of post-New Order democratization, the country has ratified various international human rights instruments such as the ICCPR, ICESCR, and CEDAW, and adopted these commitments into the 1945 Constitution and Law Number 39 of 1999 on Human Rights. The research finds that these organizations have played a transformative role in several key areas: political participation, by supporting women’s leadership and advocating for gender quotas in legislative bodies; economic empowerment, through community-based livelihoods programs and support for women workers; social rights, by expanding access to education, health, and reproductive services; and legal reform, through campaigns that led to significant legislative changes, such as raising the minimum age of marriage for girls and passing laws against domestic and sexual violence. These findings suggest that strengthening women's rights in Indonesia does not solely depend on formal regulations from the state, but also on the collective strength of civil society in translating human rights norms into contextual and community-based practices. 이 연구는 1998년 인도네시아 개혁 시대 이후 인권 틀 내에서 여성의 권리가 어떻게 강화되었는지를 질문하며, 특히 풀뿌리 수준의 여성 시민사회 단체들의 전략적 역할에 주목한다. 본 연구는 1998년 이후 지역 기반의 여성 단체들이 권리를 주장하고, 정책에 영향을 미치며, 차별적 관행에 도전해온 과정을 다룬다. 방법론적으로는 여성 인권 단체 보고서, 정부 입법 문서, 권리 모니터링 기관의 자료 등을 포함한 문서 분석과 이차 자료를 활용한 질적 사례 연구를 채택하였다. 신질서 체제 이후 민주화 과정에서 인도네시아는 ICCPR, ICESCR, CEDAW 등 주요 국제 인권 조약을 비준하였고, 이를 1945년 헌법과 1999년 인권법 제39호에 반영하였다. 연구 결과에 따르면, 이러한 여성 단체들은 여성의 정치적 참여 확대(여성 리더십 지원 및 의회 내 성별 할당제 옹호), 경제적 역량 강화(지역 생계 프로그램과 여성 노동자 지원), 사회권(교육, 건강, 재생산 서비스 접근성 확대), 법 개혁(혼인 가능 연령 상향, 성폭력 방지법 제정 등) 등의 핵심 영역에서 변혁적 역할을 수행하였다. 이러한 결과는 인도네시아에서 여성의 권리 강화를 위한 진전이 단순히 국가의 공식적 제도에 의존하는 것이 아니라, 인권 규범을 맥락화하고 지역사회에 맞게 실천으로 전환하는 시민사회의 집단적 역량에 기반하고 있음을 보여준다.

Securing Women`s Safety: an Overview of women's right and security in Kyrgyzstan

나지라 서울대학교 대학원 2021 국내석사

The relevance of addressing the study of this problem is due to a change in the priorities of the international community in cooperation in the implementation of human rights, in particular, the readiness of states to fully and equally implement women's rights enshrined in international treaties. States' awareness of the fact that women's rights are an integral and integral part of human rights leads to a new understanding, firstly, of the content of women's rights, secondly, the need to ensure them by Kyrgyz Republic to build a democratic society, and thirdly, the development of protection mechanisms women's rights. The Kyrgyz Republic is a sovereign, unitary, democratic state. In recent years, it has been developing at a rapid pace but discrimination against women remains an acute and unsolved problem. The government pays little attention to this problem, and therefore more and more non-governmental organizations and crisis centers appear. But at this time, women are more and more involved in social life and contributes to economic, political and cultural development.

양성평등에 대한 여성차별철폐 협약의 영향 : 방글라데시의 관행을 중심으로

아프잘호사인 전북대학교 일반대학원 2013 국내석사

All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. This approach was adopted as the basic principle of the Universal Declaration of Human Right (UDHR), 1948 to ensure equal rights and dignity for all members of the human society. The United Nations General Assembly adopted this declaration to eliminate all sorts of discrimination of sex, race, place and religion but gender disparity remains one of the dominant concerns of the world. Considering this wretched situation, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) was adopted by the UN as an obligation for international community which aims to promote women's equal status and rights in every sphere of life. Among the UN member states 187 countries have ratified this convention. Bangladesh as civil and democratic state is always respectful to human rights and gender equality issues. The state is obeyed to the UN treaties and covenants which have legal effect on domestic legal system. Bangladesh signed this convention on 6th November 1984, with some reservations, Article 2, 13(a), 16(1) (c) and 16 (1) (f). Being a state party of this convention Bangladesh has taken various legal and policy initiatives for gender equality and women empowerment. Positive impact of CEDAW convention on gender equality is satisfactory nowadays but it must be upward by removing all the obstacles and reservations. This study aims to find out the exact result or positive impact of CEDAW convention on gender equality and women empowerment. Comparative analysis has done among different women’s development index in Bangladesh. Policy initiatives, legal enactment or reformations of the successive government for this task are significantly scrutinized to identify the problems and solution for proper empowerment of women in the society. Finally based upon study result, some suggestions or proposals have introduced for consideration by the law and policy makers of state party, that how Bangladesh could ensure gender equality, through an effective implementation of CEDAW convention.

EU Digital Advocacy on Women's Rights : A Study in South Korea's Polarized Context

Jinwoo Chon 고려대학교 국제대학원 2024 국내석사

While there is extensive research on the effectiveness of cultural diplomacy within digital diplomacy, the advocacy aspect of digital diplomacy is yet to be thoroughly examined. The effectiveness of contentious postings in the foreign public especially remains to be considered. This study aims to fill the research gap by assessing the impact of the EU Embassy's digital advocacy on women's rights in South Korea, focusing on demographic-specific responses. More specifically, it focuses on the European Union Embassy’s use of social media to advocate for women's rights. Employing quantitative surveys, this research investigates the demographic-specific responses to the EU's social media advocacy campaigns on women's rights in South Korea. By collecting 900 respondents, the results reveal that while the treatment effect of women’s rights advocacy posting did not significantly affect younger women, it harmed younger men's perceptions of women’s rights. Also, this study concluded that while the EU's digital advocacy significantly enhances its image among younger male demographics, it does not similarly influence young female demographics. The findings highlight the complexity of digital diplomacy and the need for adapted methods that account for demographics and cultures.

해방 후 여성신문 연구 : 『부인신보』((1947-1950)를 중심으로

조영숙 韓國外國語大學校 國際地域大學院 2021 국내석사

This study examines the Korean women's movement and the political strategies of feminist leaders, in the years following Korea’s independence from Japan. I analyze the women’s newspapers Buin shinbo, which was published from 1947 to 1950, and was one of the few newspapers at that time directed towards a female audience. As the articles and editorials in Buin shinbo make clear, feminist leaders viewed political participation as a sole and necessary strategy in the achievement of women’s rights. This focus on political participation outside of the domestic sphere put the women’s movement as reflected in Buin shinbo in stark contrast with the women’s enlightenment movement. The years following colonial Chosun’s liberation from Japan were dominated by both national and international conflicts, and the divisions during this unsettling period led to the Korean War. Hence, research on the women's movement during this period has been limited. Buin shinbo allows us to see the limitations placed on women during this critical liberation period and the value women leaders placed on political participation. During this period, Korean women faced social, legal, and political restrictions; the idea of women’s rights, or female suffrage, was nonexistent in Korea. Even more so, the turbulence of this period as regards the establishment of a government and the national unification surpassed the question of women’s rights and the goals of the women’s movement. Feminist leaders had to emphasize the role of women in the family while advocating for women's liberation. Emphasizing a women’s role at home had the potential to highlight the necessary and important role women played in society, thus accentuating the value women play in Korean society. In turn, such an esteemed valuation could be parlayed into an argument for women’s rights in the public sphere. However, as the female leaders of Buin shinbo express, the strategy of the women’s enlightenment campaign was not sufficient for securing women’s rights. The best way to obtain women’s rights was to participate in the National Assembly to enact laws for women. The political goals of the feminist leaders in the public sphere were the way of the women’s movement, not idealized versions of femininity.

세계 페미니즘에 비추어 본 중국 여성운동의 문제점과 해결책

Liu, Jinming 연세대학교 대학원 2024 국내석사

성별 불평등은 인류 역사와 함께 오래도록 지속되어 왔다. 특히 노예사회와 봉건사회에서는 여성이 국가의 정치 활동에 참여할 기회가 거의 없었으며, 여성을 하나의 집단으로 볼 때 그들의 정치적 참여는 매우 제한적이었다. 그러나 근대 이후, '민주주의, 평등, 자유'라는 기치 아래 여성들의 집단 의식이 각성하면서, 여성들은 가정을 나와 국가 경제와 사회생활에 적극적으로 참여하기 시작했다. 이러한 변화는 페미니즘 운동에 힘을 실어주었고, 여성들은 남성이 독점하던 정치 영역으로 진출할 것을 요구하며 목소리를 높였다. 이 과정에서 페미니즘은 남성의 신사다움을 재정의하는 기준이 되기도 했다.오늘날 대다수 국가에서 여성은 남성과 동등한 정치 참여권을 갖다. 서방 일부 국가에서는 여성 정치인들이 내각의 절반 가까이를 차지하며, 국내외 정치 무대에서 중요한 역할을 수행하고 있다. 이러한 변화는 여성이 단지 사회적, 경제적 참여자에 그치지 않고, 정치적 리더로서도 그 역량을 인정받고 있음을 보여준다. 이는 성 평등의 진전을 상징하는 중요한 변화이며, 여성의 권리와 기회의 확대가 계속해서 진행되어야 함을 강조한다. 중국 여성들이 집단으로서 정치 참여를 호소하고 행동에 나선 것은 세계 페미니즘의 영향이 중국에 전파된 후, 특히 중국 공산당의 수립과 중화인민공화국의 건국 이후부터이다. 신중국이 건국된 후, 당과 국가는 여성의 정치적 및 법적 지위 향상에 큰 관심을 기울였으며, 일련의 중요한 법률과 규정을 공포했다. 이러한 법률과 규정은 남녀 평등을 입법 원칙의 하나로 삼아 여성의 다양한 권리를 명확히 규정하고 있으며 이를 통해 중국 여성의 정치 참여를 강력하게 보장하고 있다.한때 "시대가 달라졌다, 남녀는 똑같다"와 "여성은 하늘의 절반을 차지할 수 있다"는 구호가 중국 땅에서 울려 퍼졌으며, "반쪽 하늘"은 한때 중국 여성을 상징하는 대명사가 되었다. 1995년에는 남녀 평등이 '기본 국책'으로 정착되었다. 이러한 변화는 중국 여성의 정치적 지위와 참여 수준을 크게 향상시켰으며, 여성은 국가 정치 생활에서 중요한 역할을 하게 되었다. 그러나 중국 여성 운동의 겉모습에는 여전히 난감한 면이 존재한다. 중국 여성 운동은 사회적으로 점점 더 활발해지고 있지만, 정치 참여, 언론, 취업 등 여러 분야에서 여전히 많은 문제가 남아 있다. 여성은 가정의 안정을 유지하고 사회 발전을 촉진하는 가장 기초적인 역할을 한다. 여성의 권리는 그들의 지위와 삶의 질과 직접 연결되어 있으며, 역사적, 문화적, 경제적 요인으로 인해 중국 여성의 권리 의식은 상대적으로 늦게 형성되었으며, 그 실현 과정에서 다수의 도전에 직면해왔다. 현대 사회로 접어들면서도 남녀 간의 실질적인 불평등은 여전히 사회 진보의 주요 장애물로 작용하고 있다. 페미니즘은 서양에서 기원했지만, 동양 국가인 중국에서의 페미니즘 발전은 서양과는 다른 독특한 특성과 과정을 지니고 있다. 본 연구는 중국에서 페미니즘의 관점을 토대로 중국의 발전 특성 및 중국과 서양 페미니즘의 차이점을 탐구한다. 또한, 중국에서 페미니즘이 확산되는 과정에서 발생한 주요 사건들을 결합하여, 정치 참여, 교육, 취업, 결혼 및 출산권 등의 측면에서 중국 페미니즘을 분석한다. 이 연구는 현재 상황과 존재하는 문제들, 그리고 해결책을 세 가지 주요 측면에서 조명하며, 그 목적은 여성 권리 실현을 위한 충분하고 객관적인 기반을 제공함과 동시에 중국 사회의 다양한 분야 발전에 기여하는 것이다.이러한 접근은 중국의 사회적, 문화적 맥락을 고려하여 페미니즘의 글로벌 원리를 적용하고, 중국 여성이 직면한 고유한 문제에 대한 이해를 심화시키고자 한다. Inequality between men and women has been a longstanding historical issue. In societies characterized by slavery and male chauvinism, women have historically been excluded from participating in national political activities. However, with the rise of modern democratic ideals promoting equality and freedom, women, who represent half of the population, have increasingly developed a collective consciousness. As they have ventured out of their homes to actively engage in national economic and social life, there has also been a growing demand for inclusion in the male-dominated political sphere. The concept of "feminism" has even become a measure of societal progress. Today, in most countries around the world, women have equal rights to participate in politics alongside men. In some Western nations, female politicians hold up to half of the cabinet positions and play significant roles on both national and international political stages alongside their male counterparts. Chinese women collectively responded to the introduction of modern Western feminist thought in China, particularly after the establishment of the Communist Party of China and the People's Republic of China. Following the founding of New China, there was increased focus from both the Party and state on enhancing the political and legal status of women, leading to the promulgation of a series of significant laws and regulations. These legislative measures prioritize gender equality as a fundamental principle and explicitly outline women's rights, thereby providing strong legal guarantees for Chinese women's political participation. Phrases such as "times have changed, men and women are equal" and "women can hold up half the sky" resonated throughout China for a period, with "half the sky" becoming synonymous with Chinese women. In 1995, gender equality was further established as a "basic national policy". As a result, there has been substantial improvement in both the political status and participation of Chinese women, who have played pivotal roles in shaping their country's political landscape. However, despite these advancements, it is important to acknowledge that there are still various challenges facing Chinese women in terms of their involvement in politics, public opinion representation, and employment opportunities. The facade of progress cannot conceal these underlying issues within the Chinese women's movement which continues to evolve within society towards greater enlightenment. Women are foundational to maintaining family stability and fostering societal development. The status and conditions of women's lives are intimately connected to their rights. Hindered by historical, cultural, and economic factors, the awareness of women's rights in China emerged relatively late, and the path toward realizing these rights has been fraught with challenges. Even in contemporary society, palpable inequalities between men and women continue to impede social progress. While feminism originated in the West, it has undergone a distinct evolution in China, an Eastern country with its own unique context. This paper explores the development of feminism in China from a feminist perspective, analyzing the particular traits of its evolution and delineating the differences between Chinese and Western feminism. It addresses the impact of feminism's proliferation within China, examining the subsequent societal reactions and policy changes. Specifically, this study categorizes the status of women's rights in China into several domains: political participation, education, employment, marriage, and childbirth rights.It methodically examines the current conditions, identifies persisting challenges, and proposes strategic solutions aimed at ameliorating these issues. The ultimate goal of this research is to furnish a robust, objective foundation for the advancement of women's rights, thereby contributing to the broader development of various societal sectors in China. This analysis not only highlights the specific obstacles faced by Chinese women but also underscores the potential pathways for enhancing their roles within both public and private spheres.

Jane Eyre’s Contribution to Women’s Rights from the Perspective of Education

Hou, Xiaolu 경희대학교 대학원 2021 국내석사

This study analyzes the dilemma of women in the early 19th century as seen in Jane Eyre from the aspects of education and what’s her contribution to women’s rights from the perspective of education. Although Jane Eyre has been criticized by some critics as appearing conservative and not reflecting Charlotte Brontë's feminism, Jane Eyre responds to the women's rights movement of the early nineteenth-century England by portraying the protagonist as the opposite of the social stereotypes of the time from the perspective of education. This paper not only discusses the injustice suffered by women in terms of educational environment and rights from the perspective of students and women educators respectively, but also discusses the importance of education for women, which is why Charlotte Brontë calls for the improvement of the educational environment for women and the construction of an all-embracing and systematic educational institution. 본 연구는 『제인 에어』에서 본 19 세기 초 여성이 당면한어려움과 교육적 측면에서 여성의 권리에 기여한 점을분석했다. 『제인 에어』는 일부 평론가들로부터 보수적으로 보이고 샬롯 브론테의 페미니즘이 반영되지 않는다는 비판을 받았지만 19 세기 초 영국의 상황을 고려해 주인공을 당시 사회의 고정관념과 반대되는 인물로 묘사함으로써 19 세기 초 페미니즘을 반영했다. 본 논문은 『제인 에어』가 교육환경과 권력에서 여성이 받는 불공정한 처우뿐 아니라 여성에 대한 교육의 중요성까지 학생과 여성 교육자의 시각에서 다루고 있다고 주장하며, 이 작품을 통해 샬롯 브론테는여성의 교육환경을 개선하고 체계적인 교육기관을 만들어야 한다고 말한다

국민연금 여성수급권의 개선방안에 대한 연구

김현정 한남대학교 사회문화대학원 2006 국내석사

국민연금제도가 최종적으로 목표로 하고 있는 국민의 안정된 삶을 위해서는 단순한 급여의 지급이라는 금전적 보상의 차원을 넘어, 제도에 존재하는 차별성을 극복하고 모든 국민에게 공평한 수혜를 주기 위한 연구와 이에 따른 제도적 장치가 제공되어질 때 국민연금제도가 추구하는 진정한 사회보장의 이념은 실현될 수 있을 것이다. 이러한 측면에서 국민연금제도상에 나타난 남녀 차별의 요소에 대한 면밀한 분석과 이에 따른 개선방안을 모색하는 연구는 매우 필요하다고 볼 수 있다. 우리나라 국민의 생애 주기상 나타나고 있는 성별 격차문제 및 여성의 노후빈곤문제가 국민연금제도에서 그대로 반영되고 있는 바, 본 연구에서는 기혼여성의 혼인관계 유지 유무에 따라 수급시점까지 혼인관계를 유지 시 발생할 수 있는 노령연금과 유족연금간의 병급조정으로 인해 여성수급자에게 미치는 영향과 이혼시 발생하는 분할연금, 두가지 측면에서 현행 제도에는 어떤 문제점들이 존재하는지, 우리나라보다 앞서 이 제도들을 실시한 다른 국가들은 어떤 형태와 내용으로 운영하고 있는지, 국가간 비교를 통해 국민연금의 제도를 개선하는데 얻을 수 있는 교훈들에 초점을 맞추어 여성의 노후빈곤문제를 해소하기 위해 수급권 확대를 위한 개선방안을 제시하고자 하였다. 본 연구는 사회보장제도와 관련된 서적과 학술논문, 그리고 국민연금관리공단에서 발행된 연구보고서와 간행물, 국민연금 통계연보 등의 자료와 통계청, 보건복지부 등의 자료 등을 활용한 문헌연구로 하였고, 주요 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 우리나라 여성 중 특히 노후빈곤 위험에 노출된 가능성이 높은 전업주부 및 이혼여성들에게 국민연금수급권 및 수급권의 적절성을 확대하려는 차원에서 기존의 국민연금 분할연금제도가 가진 문제점들을 알아보고 이를 개선하는 방안들을 제시하였는데, 현행 국민연금제도에서 채택하고 있는 연금급여분할 외에 소득분할제도 도입, 재정중립적인 소득분할 방식 채택, 연금분할의 허용시기 조정, 수급자격요건으로서 최저혼인기간 단축, 재혼과 관계없이 분할연금 지급, 분할연금청구권의 소멸시효기간 연장 등의 방안들을 제시하였다. 여성 연금수급권과 관련하여 또 하나의 문제인 여성 본인의 노령연금 수급권과 배우자의 사망에 의한 유족연금 수급권이 중복되어 발생하는 병급조정의 경우로 그에 따른 개선방안을 제시하였는데, 현행제도를 유지하는 방안 외에 캐나다 CPP와 같이 높은 연금 100%와 낮은 연금 50%를 합산하는 방식 도입, 노령연금액에 유족연금액에서 노령연금액의 50%를 차감한 금액을 합산하여 지급하는 방안, 높은 연금과 낮은 연금의 일정 비율을 합산하여 지급하는 방안, 현행안에 노령연금의 1/2 + 유족연금의 2/3를 추가하는 방안, 현행안에 2/3×(노령+유족연금)을 추가 선택하는 방안, 마지막으로 본인기여 급여 전액지급 + 가족기여 급여의 1/2을 지급하는 방안이다. 타국의 사례에서도 알 수 있듯이 각국의 공적연금 병급조정방식은 결국 그 나라의 공적연금제도 특성, 남녀 연금가입율과 연금수급율, 여성의 사회참여율과 역할에 대한 사회의 인식, 유족 및 장애연금에 대한 인식과 설계방식, 연금의 재정상태 등이 종합적으로 고려되어 결정되어야 하므로 무조건 병급조정제한을 둔다거나 가입자들의 불만을 해소하기 위해 무조건 더 주는 식으로의 변경을 추구하기보다 우리의 현실에 맞게 개선하려는 노력이 절실히 필요할 것이다. To achieve a stabled life of the people, which is the ultimate aim of the national pension system, simply making payments would be insufficient; the discrimination within the system should be overcome, researches to provide equal benefits to the people must be conducted, and a systematic measure in accordance should be provided, in order to realize the true ideal of social welfare pursued by the national pension system. In this aspect, researches that conduct meticulous analysis about the sexual discrimination within the national pension system, and seek reform measures, are most necessary. Issues in the life span of our people, such as the sexual gap and women's poverty in old age are reflected in the national pension system. This research aims to observe the influence to female recipients due to the payment level adjustments in the retirement pension and family pension that may occur in cease the subject's marriage is maintained up to the point of reception, regarding the marriage aspect, as well as the dividend pension in case of divorces, to find out the problems of these two issues. Also, I will focus on examining how other countries that had executed this system before Korea are operating the system, what the contents of their programs are, to compare their policies with ours and obtain lessons from the results. The ultimate goal is to propose a reform measure to expand the rights of reception in order to resolve the poverty issue of aged women in Korea. This research was based on archive searches of books about social welfare systems, dissertations, the research reports and publications issued by the National Pension Service, data such as the statistic history of the national pension, and materials from the Ministry of Health and Welfare, and the results are as follows. First, in order to expand the propriety of the right of reception and national pension reception rights for divorced women and housewives, who are highly exposed to the danger of poverty in their aged years, I observed the problems of the existing dividend pension system of the national pension, and proposed reform measures. The solutions I suggested include the implementation of income dividend system, in addition to the pension payment division currently done in the national pension system, selecting a financially neutral income division method, adjusting the approval period of pension division, shortening the minimum marriage period as the basic qualification to receive the pension, paying the dividend pension regardless of remarriage, and elongating the dividend pension demand right's term of validity. Another problem regarding the pension reception right of women is the adjustment of the payment level, which occurs when the subject's retirement pension reception right and the family pension reception right according to the death of the spouse overlaps. The reform measures I suggested are; other than retaining the current system, implementing the method of adding 100% of the high pension and 50% of the low pension, such as CPP of Canada, adding the amount of deducting 50% of the retirement pension to the family pension to the retirement pension, adding a certain proportion of the high and low pension each, adding 1/2 of the retirement pension + 2/3 of the family pension to the current payment level, adding 2/3×(retirement + family pension) to the current payment level, and lastly, paying the full amount for the subject and 1/2 of the family contribution payment. As can be seen in the cases of other countries, the public pension level adjustment method of each nation must comprehensively consider the characteristics of the respective country's public pension system, the member ship rate of men and women, the payment and demand rate of the pension, women's social participation rate, the society's notion of women's social activities, notion about the family and handicap pension, their designing method, and the financial status of the pension. Therefore, rather than limiting the payment level without condition, or just paying more to satisfy the demands of the members, there is an urgent need to reform the overall system to fit the reality of our society.