미군정기 교육정책과 종교에 관한 연구

김동혁 동국대학교 교육대학원 1998 국내석사

The purpose of this study is to explain the relation of religion and educational policy during the period of U.S Military Government. The main question of this study is as follow : Though Korean society have the Buddism and Confusianism, Why there are many christian missionary schools in Korea and What cause makes this? This study started with a great premise, on which educational policy during the period of U.S Military Government is the main resource of this phenomena. So, under the premise, the study analysed the historical data, collected by secondary data including texts, newspapers, and magazines in this time at the liberarv. some of findings are summarized as follow : First of all, The reason why educational policy of U.S Military Government has a particular religiosity, christianity are the religiosity of educational agents who is consitituted of some of american and many korean christians. Really they are all the members of Korean Educational Committee and Choson Educayional Inquiry Committee in this time. So they deliberated on the political matters relating to education, proposed a educational policy to U.S Military Government, and made a dicision the policy. Especially they made korean education thought Hong-Ik-In-Gan(弘益人間), which is on controversity and conflict between nationalist and democrats and of which content is changed into democracy. Its result has a effect which excluded nationalist in decision-making of korean educational policy. Also they reviced korean traditional curriculum, increased English subjects, and alternated Su-Sin(修身), whose content inclused the korean traditional education thought, into Kon-Mim(公民) whose content is constituted of social lives. And they excluded the korean traditional language, Chinese language, in formal school work. This Policy effect was gradually grass-rooted in korean education process throught the institutionalization. The number of christian missionary school increased year and year, some of subject including the subject of korean national language is filled with the content of christian religiosity.

최정희의 해방기 소설 연구

YU BINGJIE 고려대학교 대학원 2026 국내석사

This study aims to deepen the overall understanding of Choi Jeong-hee’s literary world by examining her novels written during the Liberation period. From her debut in 1931 to the publication of her last work in 1980, Choi Jeong-hee was active for about fifty years and published more than eighty short stories and novels, showing a wide range of literary styles and themes. However, previous studies on her literature have mainly focused on her early and late works. Her Liberation-period novels have not received enough attention. For this reason, this study analyzes those novels in order to fill a relative gap in earlier research. In this study, the Liberation period is defined as the five years from August 15, 1945, which was an incomplete liberation, to the outbreak of the Korean War on June 25, 1950, when the hope for complete liberation was frustrated. Among the works Choi Jeong-hee wrote during this period, sixteen short stories are examined. Until the year after liberation, Choi Jeong-hee lived for seven years in a small village called Deokso, and her experiences there became an important basis for her Liberation-period fiction. While living a rural life, she worked as a farmer herself and gained a close connection with peasants. Her attention to poor farmers who suffered from exploitation by landlords was closely related to her seven years of life in Deokso. In addition to rural issues, the problem of women shown in her Liberation-period novels was also a subject she had consistently been interested in since the 1930s. In Section 1 of Chapter II, this study examines the narratives of peasants’ suffering from two main perspectives: the oppression by landlords and the violence committed by the U.S. military. Novels such as Bongsu and His Family, Jeomnye, A Village Caught in Pleasure, and The Scene of Drawing Water describe the hardships of peasants based on the author’s experiences in Deokso. The reality after liberation was very different from what peasants had hoped for. In particular, after the sharecropping system was put into practice, conflicts between landlords and tenant farmers became even more serious. This system was based on the traditional ownership of land by landlords and continued their control, while in the actual process the damage was passed entirely onto tenant farmers. Therefore, although the country was liberated, the village was still like a living hell, and poor peasants cried out that “independence must happen once again.” This conflict between landlords and tenant farmers was symbolized in Liberation-period fiction through the images of weasels and chickens. The images of weasels and chickens, which represent landlords and peasants, can also be understood as symbols of the colonizer and the colonized. In A Village Caught in Pleasure, the peasants’ suffering caused by the presence of the U.S. military is shown in a comprehensive way through the sharecropping system that made their lives poorer, the rapid increase of prostitutes and bars, the disappearance of political gatherings, and the corn that caused disease. As a result, the hardships faced by peasants after liberation were produced by the combined effects of pro-Japanese remnants, feudal remnants, and the colonial nature of the U.S. military government, which cannot be separated from one another. In Section 2, this study examines the narrator’s critical view of peasants in the novels. A common feature of these works is the use of a female narrator called “I.” As an observer, “I” describes and judges the various events that take place in the village. Rather than showing sympathy for the peasants, “I” presents a critical attitude toward them. The peasants, who had lived as servants for generations, were not even able to think about the unfair relationship between themselves and the landlords, or about the real causes of their poverty. The root of this slave-like mindset can be found in the master–servant relationship between landlords and tenant farmers that had continued for hundreds of years, that is, the feudal system. The narrator’s criticism of the peasants is therefore an attack on the feudal system, and it stresses that only by solving these system-level problems can peasants give up this mindset and become true subjects of their own lives. The narrator “I,” who shows an educational and enlightening role, is positioned not as a bystander but as someone who seeks to awaken the peasants. Although “I” does not take bold action, she shows a longing for an ideal world. In Section 3, this study looks at the kinds of sacrifices women experienced. Choi Jeong-hee’s Liberation-period novels approach women’s issues not from a personal level but from a social one. The double system of oppression faced by women can be summarized as poverty caused by class inequality and discrimination against women. Women’s pain and sacrifice grew out of this double oppression. In the complex situation of the Liberation period, these women were not able to raise fundamental questions about their conditions, and as a result, they could not clearly express a strong desire to free themselves from the sacrifices forced on them by reality. In Section 1 of Chapter III, this study analyzes Bonghwangnyeo in order to understand the image of Bonghwangnyeo as an active subject. In Bonghwangnyeo, the space is divided into a lower village and an upper village. Bonghwangnyeo is born as the granddaughter of a landlord in the upper village, and she is a girl who loves the sky, wide fields, and the sea. She shows a sense of rejection toward patriarchal ideas of womanhood, and in the symbolic ending of the novel, she chooses a third path. This suggests that, in order to escape the patriarchal system that controls and defines her, and to free herself from the sacrifices forced by it, one must seek new possibilities in an outside world that belongs to neither the old nor the new order. In Section 2, the relationship between maternal love and self-love is discussed through an analysis of female characters who respect their own desires. In Choi Jeong-hee’s Liberation-period novels, maternal love and self-love do not conflict with each other. The self-love of women shown in her works comes from affirming their own desires rather than giving them up or sacrificing them. In Section 3, this study analyzes Choi Jeong-hee’s novels that deal with love after liberation. Among these works, Spring, which depicts love between female students, can be seen as a controversial piece. Describing same-sex love does not mean rejecting heterosexual love, but rather suggesting its possibility. In Choi Jeong-hee’s novels, same-sex love functions as a way to emphasize women as subjects of love and desire. 본 연구는 최정희의 해방기 소설을 고찰함으로써 최정희의 작품 세계 전반에 대한 이해를 심화하는 데 목적을 두고 있었다. 1931년 등단부터 1980년 마지막 작품을 발표하기까지 약 50년의 활동 기간 동안, 최정희는 80여 편의 장·단편소설을 펴내고 다양한 작품세계를 선보였다. 그러나 최정희 문학에 대한 연구 가운데 유독 해방기 소설만 잘 조명되지 않아서 아쉬운 점을 남겼다. 본 연구는 해방기 소설을 분석함으로써 기존의 연구사에서 상대적 공백지대로 남아 있었던 부분을 보충하고자 하였다. 본 연구는 해방기를 불완전한 해방인 8·15에서부터 완전한 해방이 좌절된 6·25에 이르기까지 5년으로 설정하여 최정희가 이 시기에 창작한 소설 중 단편 16편을 살펴보고자 하였다. 해방이 되던 이듬해까지 최정희가 덕소란 작은 마을에서 7년을 살았고 덕소 시절의 경험들이 해방기 소설의 중요한 모태가 되었다. 최정희가 산가 생활을 하면서 스스로 농사꾼이 되어 농사일을 직접 해왔고, 농민에 대한 유대감을 얻었다. 농촌문제를 제외하고 해방기 소설에서 언급하는 여성문제는 최정희가 30년대부터 일관된 관심의 대상이었다. 또 1948년 들어서는 해방 현실 반영의 강박을 떠나 개인의 삶에 초점을 두고 있다는 점이 최정희의 해방기 소설 특징 중의 하나이다. 이 시기의 최정희 역시 여성에게 주안점을 두고 여성이 가부장제 질서와 모성, 사랑 등에 대한 생각을 보여주었다. Ⅱ장의 1절에서는 지주의 횡포와 미군의 주둔 즉 봉건세력과 외세세력이라는 두 측면에서 농민의 고난을 고찰하며 작가의 현실 의식을 확인했다. 농촌 현실을 고발하는 작품들에서 최정희는 해방에 대한 반응이 매우 비관적으로 보였다. 농민들은 하루이틀 사이에 가난한 것이 아니라 아주 오래전부터 굶주리고 헐벗고 궁핍하게 살아온 것이다. 그 원인은 농촌 사회의 제도적 모순, 즉 지주와 소작인의 주종관계에서 찾아야 했다. 또 일제를 물리치고 한국에 진주해 온 미군이 3년간의 미군정 통치를 시작하였다. 일제 강점기와 미군정기가 서로 자리 바꾸기만 했을 뿐 달라진 것이 없다. 농민들은 여전히 봉건세력, 외세세력에 의해 이중적 시달림을 받고 있었다. 이처럼 농민이 겪은 가난의 질곡은 지주로 대표되는 봉건세력과 미군으로 대표되는 외세세력의 억압에서 비롯된 것이다. 지주와 미군에 대한 비판뿐만 아니라 농민에 대한 비판을 적나라하게 드러난다는 점이 해방기 소설의 한 특징이었다. 2절에서는 이는 어떻게 서술자에 의해 이루어지는지, 그 의의를 고찰하였다. 해방 후의 농촌 현실을 고발하는 해방기 소설은 지식인 여성을 서술자로 내세워 1인칭의 시점으로 사건을 이야기했다. 공통으로 ‘나’는 전혀 인연이 없는 마을에 우연히 오게 되고, 지주와 무관하여 소작인도 자작농도 아니었다. 이러한 독특한 신분으로, ‘나’는 관찰자로서 마을을 조감하면서 마을에서 전개되고 있는 각종 사건을 평가했다. 농민들은 노동자계급의 튼튼한 동맹자라는 긍정적 성격보다 노예근성이라는 부정적 성격을 지닌 존재들이었다. ‘나’는 이러한 농민들에 대한 비판적 시선을 보였다. 봉건제도는 농민들에게 복종을 강요하고 복종을 습성으로 내면화하고 그들의 사고능력마저 차단하게 만든 원흉이었다. 이러한 점으로, 농민들에 대한 ‘나’의 비판은 오히려 지주로 대표되는 봉건제도에 대한 날카로운 비판, 신랄한 공격으로 볼 수 있었다. 그러나 서술자 ‘나’는 이상적 세상에 대한 동경, 유토피아에 대한 전만을 버리지 않았다. 3절에서는 농촌이라는 공간에서 고난와 불행을 감내하며 살아가는 여성상을 살펴보았다. 최정희의 해방기 소설은 인생의 불행과 비극의 원인을 사회 계급적 집단의 운명 속에서 발견해 보려고 했다. 이러한 작가적 시야의 발전으로 해방기 소설은 여성 문제를 사회 구조적인 측면에서 접근했다. 이 시기의 소설에서 여성들이 놓인 공간은 지주의 억압이 존재하는 농촌이다. 해방 이후 가난한 여성< 소작인 남성< 지주 남성의 위계질서는 크게 달라지지 않았다. 더구나 미군의 성적 유린이 야기한 여성의 수난은 민족수난에서 여성을 우선적 피해자로 위치시켰다. 여성들은 해방기라는 공간에서 이전보다 희망적인 것이 아니라 오히려 더욱 많은 희생을 당했을 것이다. Ⅲ장의 1절에서는 「봉황녀」를 분석하여 능동적 주체인 봉황녀의 이미지를 파악하였다. 「봉황녀」에서 아랫마을과 윗마을로 이분화된 공간이 제시되어 있었다. 봉황녀는 윗마을 지주의 손녀딸로 태어나 하늘, 넓은 평야, 바다를 좋아하는 소녀이다. 봉황녀는 가부장제적 여성성에 대한 거부감을 드러내고 소설의 상징적 결말에서 제3의 길로 나섰다. 이는 자기를 구속하고 규정하는 가부장제에서 벗어나고 가부장제가 자신에게 강요하는 희생에서부터 해방하고 싶으면 신구 질서도 아닌 외부의 세계에서 새로운 가능성을 찾아야 한다는 것을 의미했다. 2절에서 소설에서 자신의 욕망을 존중한 여성상을 분석함으로써 모성애와 자기애의 관계를 다루었다. 최정희의 해방기 소설에서는 모성애와 자기애가 서로 갈등하거나 대립하지 않았다. 최정희 소설이 보여주는 여성의 자기애는 자신의 욕망을 버리거나 희생시키지 않고 그 욕망을 긍정하는 데에서 비롯된 것이다. 3절에서는 해방 이후 최정희는 사랑을 테마로 하는 소설을 분석하였다. 이 소설들 중 여학생의 동성애적 사랑을 담은 「봄」은 문제작이라고 할 수 있었다. 동성애를 그리는 것은 동성애의 가능성을 제시할 뿐 이성애를 거부하는 것이 아니다. 동성애는 최정희 소설에서 여성의 욕망과 관련되어 사랑의 주체인 여성이라는 것을 강조하는 장치로 위치했다.

미군정기 한국 사립대학 설립의 사회적 조건들 : 국가 정책과 자원 동원을 중심으로

이지원 연세대학교 대학원 2017 국내석사

The purpose of this study is to examine social conditions surrounding the establishment of private universities during the three years (1945~1948) of the U.S. army military government (USAMGIK). While the current interpretations of this phenomenon emphasized the eruption of demand for higher education and personal motivations of the universities’ founders, this study highlights the political-economic conditions such as higher education policies and resource mobilization. The question at the heart of this study is “How could dozens of private universities be established under USAMGIK?” This issue was again divided into two parts: “Why did USAMGIK stopped to ban Koreans' attempts to establish university since the early-1946” and “In what ways did successful attempts to establish private universities mobilize resources to found a university organization?” About the first question, this study argues that the political condition of private university founding could be built by the changing of USAMGIK’s government aim: from 'maintaining the status quo' to 'regime competition.' In December 1945, the U.S. and the Soviet Union reached an agreement on the building of the unified government in Korean Peninsula under the trusteeship. Since then, they have been competing to increase the capabilities of Korean elites and governments in favor of them to maximize their influence in the future government. Under such political atmosphere, the Ministry of Education of USAMGIK could increase the capacity of higher education by loosening regulations on the establishment of private universities. At the same time, the Ministry of Education has ruled out the potential opposition to the government from the higher education sector by closing unauthorized schools. Regarding the second question, this study shows that the successful attempts to establish private universities have acquired assets through five major paths as follows. The use of the basic property of the previous school in the Japanese colonial period, the distribution of Japanese property confiscated by USAMGIK, land patronage from the landlords, the donations from residents, and financial support from the American missionary or education foundation. The remaining four routes, except for the use of basic property, were newly available in USAMGIK period. This paper was intended to show what historical changes affected the formation of these routes. As a result, changes as follows influenced path formation: the monopoly of Japanese property by USAMGIK and their special treatments to Korean bureaucrats, Christianity, and Buddhism, the class crisis of landowners, the monopoly of power by the local government against the residents, and restoring diplomatic relations between the U.S. and South Korea. In addition, this study presents the types of material resources mobilized by each school and routes and identifies that the most mobilized type of resource was farmland. After answering these two questions about the political-economic conditions surrounding private South Korean universities, this study tried to examine the political effects of such establishments under these circumstances to the South Korean higher education sector. As a result, this study showed that the conditional control of USAMGIK, which had ambiguous standards, appeared bureaucrats as the subject of control of private universities. Also, a high proportion of farmland in universities’ property composition made universities having similar economic interest with landlords and engaging related political activities such as intervening government’s farmland reformation. This study suggests a new interpretation of the specific phenomenon of the specific period―the rapid increase of private universities under USAMGIK―by focusing on national policies and resource mobilization. Moreover, it suggests a sociological conceptual framework to analyze the establishment of universities as the relatively more general social phenomena in other places and times. Furthermore, given that this period was the first time modern private universities was institutionalized in Korean society, this study might have the implication that it trace the social origins of current Korean private universities. This study, however, can not directly show the causal relationships arising from these conditions while identifying the social conditions that led to the establishment of private universities. 이 연구는 1945년부터 1948년까지 3년간 지속된 미군정기에 수십 개의 사립대학들이 설립될 수 있었던 사회적 조건들이 무엇이었으며 어떻게 형성되었는지 알아보고자 하였다. 이 현상에 대한 기존의 해석들이 일제 시기 억압되었던 고등교육에 대한 수요의 분출과 대학 설립자들의 개인적 동기를 주요 요인으로 지목한 반면, 이 연구는 사립대학 설립에 대한 미군정의 정책 변화와 조직 창설에 필요한 물적 자원의 동원과 같은 정치경제적 조건들을 조명하여 기존의 설명을 보완해 보고자 하였다. 따라서 이 연구의 핵심을 이루는 질문은 “어떻게 미군정기 한국에서 수십 개의 사립대학들이 설립될 수 있었는가?”이며 이 질문은 다시 둘로 나뉘는데 “왜 미군정은 한국인들의 대학 설립 시도를 초기에는 통제했다가 나중에는 허용하였는가?”와 “성공한 사립대학 설립 시도들은 어떤 경로로 어떤 자원들을 동원하여 대학 조직을 설립하였는가?”하는 것이다. 첫 번째 질문과 관련하여 이 연구는 미군정의 남한 지역에 대한 통치 중점이 ‘현상유지’에서 ‘체제경쟁’으로 1946년 초에 변화되면서 사립대학 설립의 정치적 조건이 마련될 수 있었다고 주장한다. 1945년 12월 모스크바삼상회의를 통해 미국과 소련은 남한과 북한의 통합정부 조기 수립과 신탁통치를 합의하였다. 이후 미국과 소련은 앞으로 수립될 정부에서 자국의 영향력을 증대시키기 위해 자신들에게 우호적인 한국인 정치세력과 행정기관의 역량을 미리 증가시켜놓고자 경쟁하였는데 문교부는 사립대학 설립에 대한 규제를 완화함으로써 남한 국가의 고등교육 역량을 증대시킬 수 있었다. 동시에 문교부는 비인가 학교 폐쇄 조치를 통해 정부에 대한 잠재적 반대 세력을 고등교육 영역에서 배제하기도 하였다. 두 번째 질문과 관련하여 이 연구는 성공한 사립대학 설립 시도들이 크게 다섯 가지 경로를 활용하여 자산을 확보하였음을 보여준다. 일제 시기 전신학교의 기본재산 활용, 미군정에 접수된 일본인 재산의 불하, 지주들로부터의 대량 토지 후원, 다수의 주민들로부터의 소액 후원금 및 물자 수집, 미국의 선교 및 교육재단으로부터의 재정지원이 그것이다. 이 중 기본재산의 활용을 제외한 나머지 네 가지 경로는 미군정기에 들어서 새롭게 이용이 가능하게 된 것들인데 이 논문은 이 경로들의 형성에 영향을 미친 역사적 변동들이 무엇인지를 함께 보여주고자 하였다. 그 결과, 미군정의 일본인 재산 독점과 한국인 관료와 기독교 및 불교에 대한 특별 불하, 소작제 개혁 및 공출제로 인한 지주들의 계급위기, 지역주민들에 대한 지방정부의 권력 독점, 미국과의 국교 회복과 같은 변화들이 경로 형성에 영향을 미쳤다고 주장한다. 아울러 이 연구는 학교별ㆍ경로별로 동원된 물적 자원의 종류를 제시하고 설립에 가장 많이 동원된 자원의 종류가 농지였음을 규명한다. 사립대학 설립의 정치경제적 조건에 대한 두 질문에 답변한 뒤 이 연구는 이러한 조건 위에서 이루어진 사립대학 설립 과정이 이후 한국의 고등교육 영역에 어떠한 정치적 효과를 남겼는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 그 결과, 이 연구는 구체적인 기준이 모호했던 미군정의 조건적 통제 기조가 국가 기구들 중에서도 문교관료를 사립대학 통제의 주체로 등장시켰으며, 재산 구성에 있어 농지의 높은 비율이 사립대학들로 하여금 지주와 유사한 경제적 이해관계를 가지고 관련 정치활동에 나서게 하였다고 주장한다. 이 연구는 국가 정책과 자원 동원에 집중하여 미군정기 사립대학의 급증이라는 특수한 시기의 특수한 현상에 대한 새로운 해석을 제시하고 대학 설립이라는 현상 일반을 분석하기 위한 사회학적 개념틀을 제시한다는 점에서 학술적 의의를 가진다. 나아가 이 시기가 한국사회에서 근대적 사립대학이라는 조직 모델이 처음으로 제도화된 시기라는 점을 고려했을 때 한국 사립대학의 사회적 기원을 추적해 보고자 했다는 함의 또한 함께 가질 것으로 기대된다. 단, 이 연구는 사립대학 설립을 추동한 사회적 조건들을 규명한 반면, 이 조건들로부터 발생한 인과관계들을 직접적으로 보여주지 못한다는 한계를 가진다.

해방 후 여성신문 연구 : 『부인신보』((1947-1950)를 중심으로

조영숙 韓國外國語大學校 國際地域大學院 2021 국내석사

This study examines the Korean women's movement and the political strategies of feminist leaders, in the years following Korea’s independence from Japan. I analyze the women’s newspapers Buin shinbo, which was published from 1947 to 1950, and was one of the few newspapers at that time directed towards a female audience. As the articles and editorials in Buin shinbo make clear, feminist leaders viewed political participation as a sole and necessary strategy in the achievement of women’s rights. This focus on political participation outside of the domestic sphere put the women’s movement as reflected in Buin shinbo in stark contrast with the women’s enlightenment movement. The years following colonial Chosun’s liberation from Japan were dominated by both national and international conflicts, and the divisions during this unsettling period led to the Korean War. Hence, research on the women's movement during this period has been limited. Buin shinbo allows us to see the limitations placed on women during this critical liberation period and the value women leaders placed on political participation. During this period, Korean women faced social, legal, and political restrictions; the idea of women’s rights, or female suffrage, was nonexistent in Korea. Even more so, the turbulence of this period as regards the establishment of a government and the national unification surpassed the question of women’s rights and the goals of the women’s movement. Feminist leaders had to emphasize the role of women in the family while advocating for women's liberation. Emphasizing a women’s role at home had the potential to highlight the necessary and important role women played in society, thus accentuating the value women play in Korean society. In turn, such an esteemed valuation could be parlayed into an argument for women’s rights in the public sphere. However, as the female leaders of Buin shinbo express, the strategy of the women’s enlightenment campaign was not sufficient for securing women’s rights. The best way to obtain women’s rights was to participate in the National Assembly to enact laws for women. The political goals of the feminist leaders in the public sphere were the way of the women’s movement, not idealized versions of femininity.

미군정의 문화정책과 시각문화, 1945~1948

안진이 서울대학교 대학원 2006 국내석사

Rice Control Policy of the U.S.Army Military Government in Korea,1945-1948

권신영 Graduate School of International Studies, Yonsei U 1999 국내박사

This thesis aims to illuminate how the U.S. Army Military Government (hereafter USAMGIK) stabilized rice crisis of South Korea in liberated Korea. The rice crisis was the most critical economic issue after liberation because of the rapid increase of the urban population and the rising price of rice due to a shortage of rice and rampant rice profiteering. In early 1946, the USAMGIK implemented a system that combined both control economy and market economy policies. Since they were not able to regulate a free market economy, control of the social infrastructure was necessary to make the partial economic control policies successful. In May 1946, the USAMGIK established the national economic institutions for implementing the control economy, and the administration of rural and urban areas was reorganized for rice collection and distribution. Since early 1946 when the USAMGIK dissolving the People's Committees, the USAMGIK collected rice through government offices in the provinces (to), counties (kun), and villages (myon) and merged the local private railways companies by placing them under the control of the Department of Transportation. Also in case of Seoul, a distribution system among the cho˘ng (a small administrative unit in urban area) was established to conduct a population census and to act as distribution centers for rice rationing. The rice control policies, however, caused several problems in 1946 when they did not work efficiently. Rice producers suffered from the excessively high collection quotas and the coercive methods used to enforce them. Non- producers were faced with insufficient rations and irregular distribution. Therefore non- producers had to purchase additional rice in the free market at high prices and also the USAMGIK had no choice but to permit black market activities tacitly. The complaints of people were exploded through the October Uprising in 1946. After the October Uprising, the USAMGIK took more positive steps to improve the system of rice control, accepting the demands of the producers and non-producers. While review board for collection quotas were established and the use of coercion in rice collection was forbidden, positive steps were taken to eliminate profiteers and "ghost" population. The investigation of the "ghost" population contributed to the development of the administration capacity of the Seoul city hall, pan- cho˘ng - ku- city hall and the invention of the tax sources. With the help of these measures, the USAMGIK in 1947 was more successful in rice collection. The partial control policies were different from the proposals of the both the domestic rightists and leftists. Leftists argued on principle that the People's Committees and democratic organizations should be in charge of the rice supply while rightists argued that the rice policy should be market-based and that the official price system should be abolished. Since the October Uprising, the USAMGIK, rightists and leftists agreed on the rice control policies. Although rightists proposed that landlords collect the rice, leftists favored the use of democratic social organizations, and the USAMGIK preferred that tenants collect the rice. In short, the USAMGIK and rightists groups differed on the operation of the landlords system, and they and leftists groups differed about the political objectives of the system. It means that the USAMGIK did not deny the whole social reform and leftists and support extreme rightists.

The Failure to Attract and Hire Millennials and Gen Zs Within the U.S. Aerospace & Defense Industry Creates Workforce Scarcity

Stefanovic, Jennifer A University of Southern California ProQuest Dissert 2023 해외박사(DDOD)

The U.S. Aerospace & Defense (A&D) industry has been undergoing a significant transformation to meet 21st century demands since the early 2000s. This transformation includes numerous changes, from limited U.S. government funding and changing market demands to advancing technology and operating in an environment with the threat of near peer adversaries. However, the industry’s most precious asset—its highly specialized workforce—remains scarce and therefore a real threat to the United States and global economy, national defense and security, technological advantage, global superiority, and American warfighter. Though some progress has been made to close the diversity gap, there is still disparate representation including age (generational), gender, and race. A qualitative study, which included interviews, was conducted using Clark and Estes’ (2008) performance gap analysis framework, to better understand the knowledge, motivation, and organizational influences that have contributed to the generational gap, and therefore, potentially discouraging qualified Millennials and Gen Zs from seeking employment in the A&D industry. Overall, the study found that while hiring manager participants have knowledge of what is important to Millennials and Gen Zs when looking for a place of employment, and are motivated to increase the percentage of Millennial and Gen Z new hires, they lack the organizational support necessary to attract and hire these new generations to A&D. Based on these overall findings, a number of recommendations were derived to address the diversity gap, including age or the generational gap. These recommendations can be used by the organization of study and the A&D industry as a point of reference to better understand how to approach building a more inclusive workforce.

한국 경찰의 정치적 성격 연구 : 미군정기와 제1공화국 시기를 중심으로

정유진 서울대학교 대학원 2009 국내석사

(The) United States military government in Korea, 1945-1948 : an analysis and evaluation of its policy

강한무 [UMI] 2014 국내박사

용산2가동 환경친화적 재개발 계획

서덕수 서울대학교 환경대학원 2005 국내석사