The New Korean Wave: Lessons for China’s International Cultural Communication in the New Media Era

Zhang, Yan 부산대학교 중국연구소 2023 Journal of China Studies Vol.26 No.4

International communication is important for nation-states to carry out public diplomacy to promote their soft power. It also contributes to resolving global conflict and promoting mutual understanding among nations. Technological changes and the vigorous development of new media have promoted the digitalization of communication content and online activity which has completely changed international interaction. The People's Republic of China has been committed to improving its international communication capacity. However, China's international communication ability has yet to improve to the level of its comprehensive national strength and international status. The content disseminated by Chinese media into international cultural communication lacks attractiveness and does not fit well with the expectations of overseas audiences. Therefore, to break through the dilemma of China’s international communication, it is necessary to learn from the experiences and lessons of international communication from other countries, especially non-Western countries. Over the past 20 years, South Korean cultural products have swept the world, from dramas to movies to music. Especially with the rapid development of new media via the Internet, international communication of South Korea has created the New Korean Wave (Hallyu 2.0) which is seen as a strong contra-flow in the face of Western international communication powerhouses. This article explores and analyzes the four elements of "Who", "Says What", "To Whom", and "With What Effect" in the process of spreading the New Korean Wave, based on Lasswell's communication model. Then, this article continues by comparing and discussing these four elements with the current situation of China's international cultural communication in the new media era. Conclusions are drawn that show that China’s international cultural communication in the new media era should give private companies more room and autonomy for their own development; the content should pursue the greatest degree of resonance and create a sense of legend among viewers, the primary communication should be to foreign audiences who have cultural proximity with China; the process of conducting China’s International cultural communication should prevent and minimize the negative effects and engage in the two-way equal communication. While it is absorbing the useful experience of other countries, especially non-western countries, China should combine its own reality and use advanced technology to explore a unique path of international cultural communication with Chinese characteristics.

시진핑 시대 중국 교육정책에 관한 연구

공봉진,김창경 동북아시아문화학회 2020 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.65

Xi Jinping's Thought is ‘Xi Jinping's Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era’. Xi Jinping’s Thought focus on the construction of socialism with Chinese characteristics in a new era. The Chinese government is emphasizing the Xi Jinping's Thought to successfully realize China's dream of the great revival of Chinese nation. The educational content emphasized by the first government of Xi Jinping was education on core socialist values. The educational content emphasized by the second government of Xi Jinping is the New Era patriotic education and China's Education Modernization 2035. The purpose of this study is to examine the educational policy of the Xi Jinping administration, and to examine the political implications of various education practices that are being implemented across schools and society. In particular, it looks at the main contents of the ‘China’s education modernization 2035' announced in 2019. And it is to examine the political implications of this education policy. China aims to achieve a basic modern society in 2035 as the first step toward completing a modernized society. ‘China’s Education Modernization 2035' was announced, and education tailored to the new era is being conducted. The Chinese government believes that Xi Jinping's Thought learning can build socialism unique to China in the new era. In this regard, the educational policies and contents implemented by the Xi Jinping administration tend to emphasize the Chinese Communist Party and Xi Jinping's Thought. Xi Jinping administration aims to provide education centered on the Communist Party of China and cultivate talented people in the new era required by the CCP. And through this, the Chinese government wants to build a modernized society. We can see that the Chinese government intends to complete ‘Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era’ through education.

China’s New Mainstream Blockbusters’ Characteristics and Trends from the Perspective of Film Industry Aesthetics in the Post-Industrial Era

우로,김산월,김송죽 사단법인 미래융합기술연구학회 2020 아시아태평양융합연구교류논문지 Vol.6 No.6

As China became a post-industrial society in 2015, with the development of the film industry, establishing the concept of “film industry aesthetics” is becoming increasingly important. At the same time, as the soft power has become more significant in the international arena, and several Chinese new mainstream blockbusters (CNMB) have suddenly sprung into the box office, making it worthy of attention. CNMB are inseparable from the construction of film industry aesthetics. This paper first explains the relationship between the three concepts—post-industry era, film industry aesthetics and CNMB. Some places of CNMB follow the principles of film industry aesthetics. With the concepts of a Community of Shared Future for Mankind and the China Dream proposed by Chairman Xi Jinping in 2012, the themes of CNMB have been upgraded, presenting many new features and reflecting mainstream values of the rapidly developing Chinese society. Therefore, this study also determines the new characteristics of CNMB. At last, the author reports their development trends in the post-industrial era. This paper hopes to provide reference values to their development, and also to the method of how to form a cultural characteristics of a country and its image and convey its mainstream values in the country and the world. This is beneficial to a country's cultural output and improvements of soft power. It also conforms to the development of China's national “Belt and Road” strategy. This paper uses literature research and an interdisciplinary approach to clarify the correlation between the concepts and the contexts, and then uses the method of generalizations and contrast to sum up CNMB features from the perspective of film industry aesthetics. Furthermore, this paper adopts the literature research method to point out that in the background of the post-industrial era and its development trends, it adopts the method of data analysis, comparison of form, and typical case study. By these research methods, it is found that CNMB' some places are similar to the aesthetics of the film industry. But with the development of the era, there are new characteristics of CNMB. Under industrial rules in the post-industrial era, it should strengthen ways to convey the mainstream values of a country to the world and, thus, enhance a country’s soft power.

시진핑 신시대 중국의 대만정책과 양안관계의 변화:‘평화발전’에서 ‘평화통일’로의 이행

신상진 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2019 중소연구 Vol.43 No.3

This article discusses what factors influence China’s policy toward Taiwan in Xi Jinping New Era, and how Taiwan responds to China's offensive unification policy. In addition, this study analyzed the changing direction of China-Taiwan relations in accordance with the policy changes of China and Taiwan, and derived the implications of China's policy changes toward Taiwan and changes in cross-Taiwan Strait relations. The author also analyzed that China has proposed a goal of realizing the revival of the Chinese people by 2050. And as the “de-Chineseization” progressed rapidly in Taiwan after Tsai Ing-wen elected as the president, Xi Jinping was supposed to solve the Taiwan problem urgently. As a result, China has begun to aggressively implement Taiwan policy. This paper discussed that China starts rigidly interpreting and applying the ‘92 Consensus’ and ‘One China’ principles. This paper concluded that the relation between China and Taiwan is entering a phase of forcing Taiwan choose between independence and unification in Xi Jinping New Era. Accordingly, the revival of the chinese people, which China intends to realize by the middle of this century, is expected to undergo severe trials due to the Taiwan problem. 이 논문은 ‘시진핑 신시대’ 중국의 대만정책이 어떠한 요인의 영향에 의해서 변화하고 있는지를 논의하고, 대만이 중국의 공세적 통일정책에 어떻게 대응하고 있는지를 분석하였다. 그리고 중국과 대만의 정책변화에 따라 양안관계가 어떠한 방향으로 변화되고 있는지를 분석하는 한편, 중국의 대만정책 변화와 양안관계의 전환이 주는 함의를 도출하였다. 중국이 2050년까지 중화민족의 부흥 실현이라는 목표를 제시하고 있는 가운데 대만에서 ‘탈중국화’가 진행되면서, 시진핑이 대만문제를 시급하게 해결해야 할 과제로 상정하게 되었다는 점을 설명하였다. 이에 따라 중국이 대만정책을 공세적으로 전개하기 시작하였으며, ‘92합의’와 ‘하나의 중국’ 원칙을 경직적으로 해석하고 적용하고 있다는 점을 논의하였다. 중국의 대만정책이 유연성을 결여하고 미․중관계가 군사안보 영역까지 대립국면으로 치닫게 되면서, 중국과 대만이 전방위에 걸쳐 갈등하고 있음을 강조했다. 이 논문에서 필자는 ‘시진핑 신시대’ 양안관계가 평화발전이라는 현상유지 지향적 관계에 머무르지 않고 통일과 독립 사이에서 선택을 강요받는 단계로 진입하고 있는 것으로 평가하였다. 이에 따라 금세기 중반까지 중국이 실현하고자 하는 중화민족의 부흥은 대만문제로 인해 엄중한 난관에 봉착하게 될 것으로 전망하였다.

신문화운동기 리다자오(李大釗)의 조화사상과 정치인식

김형열 ( Kim Hyong-yol ) 대구사학회 2018 대구사학 Vol.131 No.-

In a word, Li Da-zhao's idea of harmony is a harmonious view of the world and a view of life, in which two phenomena and values, which are mutually contradictory and conflicting, can be of one accord and be coexisting. Li Da-zhao saw that everything in the universe is rotating. He thought that prosperity and decline, life and death, destruction and creation, health and decay, old and young, and birth and death both of which were necessary and inevitable were repeated, and in the end, were different appearances of the same things. What should have created new China, new ideas and new institutions should have been practically young, new, dynamic, and energetic society, not just seemingly new and young society. Li Da-zhao's constructive, practical view of the universe and view of the world served to induce the political awakening and artificial efforts of intellectuals to create a new China. By doing so, the people have been forced to demand democracy as a substitute for monarchism and to wipe out the despotism, an element of the old tradition of china that has hindered the revival of young China. Such a conflicting and coexisting, contradictory and changeable view of the world, which is known as the “Youth” universe view, was, in other words, harmonious ideas. This idea of harmony was revealed in several writings published by Li Da-zhao in New Culture Movement era to shape his political and social theory, and later determined the character of political campaign he sought to overcome the political and social contradictions. In Li Da-zhao's whole system of thought, it is too difficult to dismiss the ideological influence so that we can’t look his idea of harmony as an immature philosophical theory or a bourgeois deviation before he became a Marxist. The concept of youth, which was very important in his ideas and writings, could not only mean the ideal future that the old and sick China had to pulled out of the current situation and wanted to achieve. It was another character and appearance china already had at that time. Li Da-zhao did not only want to give the Chinese at the time the ideal value of regeneration and rebirth, but to find the principles and power to create youth china, or new china, in a real society. This idea of harmony between confrontation and coexistence could develop into a trend to accept the matter along with the spirit as a key element in operation of universe from the phase of emphasis on non-materialistic factors. Then, the spiritualism that Li Da-zhao showed in embracing Marxism, in other words, would be an evidence that he has been embraced materialism in a system of idealistic thought.

중국의 대외정책과 해외 유학생 정책 고찰

황지유(Hwang, Ji-You)(黃智裕),김병철(Kim, Byung-Cheol)(金炳澈) 대한중국학회 2019 중국학 Vol.68 No.-

A Study on Foreign Policy and International Student Policy in China This paper examines the relationship between foreign policy and international student policy in China. In particular, the special focus is placed on China‘s foreign policy and international student policy with “One Belt One Road(一帶一路)” initiative announced by Xi Jinping(习近平) as President of the People’s Republic of China in 2013. Firstly, we look at the major foreign issues and its policy and international student policy as one of its ‘components’, which has not been analyzed in China and abroad. From the initial period of new China, through the reform and opening-up period, to the Deng Xiaoping(邓小平) era, Jiang Zemin(江泽民), Hu Jintao(胡锦涛) era, and Xi Jinping era are summarized. Through this study, the goal of China‘s international student policy by period are identified, and the conceptual flow leading to the “One Belt One Road” policy as one of the main foreign strategies of Xi Jinping era and international student policy is examined. Lastly, we compare international student policy in China with foreign polict such as “New North Policy” and “New South Policy” of Moon Jae-in government in Korea for policy implications. 본 논문은 중국의 대외정책과 유학생 정책과의 관계를 살펴보았다. 먼저, 중국의 시대별 주요 대외 이슈 및 그것의 ‘구성요소’ 중 하나로서의 유학생 정책을 통시적으로 살펴보았는데, 이러한 연구는 국내와 국외에서도 정리가 되어있지 않은 부분이기도 하다. 즉 신중국 수립부터 개혁개방 이전 시기를 시작으로, 덩샤오핑 시대, 장쩌민·후진타오 시대, 시진핑 시대까지, 신중국 설립 이후 70여 년 간의 중국 유학생 정책이 목표로 한 지향점을 파악해 보았다. 중국의 유학생 정책은 폐쇄에서 개방으로, 국가 간 조약에 의한 교환학생 중심에서 자비유학생 중심으로 큰 전환을 보이며 현재에 이르고 있다. 특히, 시진핑 시대에 이르러서는 ‘일대일로’ 구상과 연계하여 선상 국가를 새로운 유학생 유치 공급원으로 삼고자 하는 자비유학생 유치 전략도 엿보이고 있다. 마지막으로 한국과 중국의 대외정책과 유학생 정책과의 관계를 비교해 봄으로써 우리에게 주는 시사점을 파악해 보았다.

중국의 19차 당대회에서 시진핑 사상 당장 삽입의 의미와 평가

서석흥,김경환 중국지역학회 2018 중국지역연구 Vol.5 No.1

At in the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in October 2017, Chinese General secretary Xi Jinping submitted "Xi Jinping’s Thought of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in a New Era". Xi Jinping’s Thought was inserted as a guiding ideology into the Party Constitution of the Communist Party of China. This paper is a study on the process and the background of Xi Jinping’s Thought, major contents and evaluations, and the meaning of it’s insertion into Party Constitution. After Xi Jinping became the "core" of the Communist Party of China in October 2016, the Chinese leadership actively created the atmosphere for Xi Jinping’s Thought to Come into the picture. The background of Xi Jinping’s Thought’s submission is that the development of Chinese socialism has entered a new era. Now that the new era has come, and the major contradictions have changed, we need new theories and thoughts to accomplish the task of the new era. The main content of Xi Jinping’s thought is summed up in "eight clear things" and "14 basic strategies." Chinese authorities regard Xi Jinping’s Thought highly as creating a new frontier for Marxism and Chinese socialism. However, there are not many new and creative things that stand out from the predecessors in Xi Jinping’s thought. It may also be assessed that there is a lack of sufficient theoretical systematization and logical consistency. Xi Jinping inserted the thought that he named himself after Mao Tse-tung and Deng Xiaoping. This was possible because Xi Jinping’s powers were as great as Mao Tse-tung and Deng Xiaoping. However, Xi Jinping has not any political achievements made by Mao Tse-tung and Deng Xiaoping. Therefore, his authority is formal, and he does not have the unsystematic authority that Deng Xiaoping enjoyed. 2017년 10월에 열린 중국공산당 제19차 전국대표대회에서 시진핑 총서기는‘신시대 중국특색 사회주의 사상’을 새롭게 제출했다. 이 시진핑 사상은 수정된중국공산당 당장에 지도사상으로 삽입되었다. 본 논문은 시진핑 사상의 대두과정, 제출 배경, 주요 내용과 평가, 당장 삽입의 의미 등을 연구한 것이다. 2016년 10월 시진핑이 중공 중앙의 ‘핵심’이 된 후, 중국 지도부는 시진핑사상이 대두될 수 있는 분위기를 적극 조성해 갔다. 시진핑 사상이 제출된 배경은 중국 사회주의의 발전이 새로운 시대에 진입했다는 것이다. 새로운 시대가 되었고, 주요모순도 변화했으니, 새 시대의 과제를 달성할 새로운 이론과 사상이 필요하다는 것이다. 시진핑 사상의 주요 내용은 ‘8개 명확’과 ‘14조 기본 방략’으로 요약된다. 중국당국은 시진핑 사상을 맑스주의와 중국특색 사회주의의 신경지를 개척했다고 높이평가한다. 그러나 시진핑 사상에는 전임자들과 구분되는 새로움이나 독창성이 많지않다. 또한 충분한 이론적 체계화와 논리적 정합성이 부족하다고 평가할 수 있다. 시진핑은 마오쩌뚱과 덩샤오핑 다음으로 자신의 이름을 붙인 사상을 당장에삽입했다. 이는 시진핑의 권력이 마오쩌뚱과 덩샤오핑만큼 크기 때문에 가능했다. 그러나 시진핑은 마오쩌뚱과 덩샤오핑이 이룩한 정치적 업적이 없다. 따라서그의 권위는 형식적이고, 덩샤오핑이 누렸던 비제도적 권위는 갖고 있지 않다.

신시대 중국 헌정영화(獻禮片) 연구: 2019년 건국 기념 헌정영화의 감정 정치와 기억의 윤리

이보람 부산대학교 영화연구소 2025 아시아영화연구 Vol.18 No.2

본 논문은 2019년 중화인민공화국 건국 70주년을 기념하여 제작된 헌정영화 〈나와 나의 조국〉, 〈캡틴 파일럿〉, 〈등반가〉를 중심으로, 신시대 중국이 감정을 통해 어떻게 국가 정체성과 윤리 질서를 구성하는지를 고찰한다. 이들 영화는 ‘신시대’라는 정치 담론과 결합하여 감정을 반복 수행되고 정렬되어야 하는 윤리로 구성하며, 국가에 대한 정서적 동일화를 유도하는 감정 정치의 실천물로 기능한다. 〈나와 나의 조국〉은 국가의 역사가 아닌 국민의 기억을 중심에 두고, 일곱 개의 에피소드를 통해 침묵, 인내, 책임 등의 반복 행위를 감정 윤리로 제시한다. 관객은 감정 이입을 넘어, 반복 수행되는 윤리적 태도에 반응하도록 유도된다. 〈캡틴 파일럿〉은 항공 재난 상황에서의 절제된 감정 표현과 직무 수행을 통해, 공동체 윤리를 실천하는 시스템 기반의 감정 주체를 형상화한다. 반면 〈등반가〉는 시청각 스펙터클을 기대한 관객들에게 익숙한 주선율적 민족 서사를 반복적으로 환기시킴으로써, 오히려 장르적 기대를 배반하고 감정 피로와 정서적 거리두기를 유발한다. 본 논문은 감정을 자연발생적 정서가 아닌 정치적 행위로 간주하며, 그것이 영화 내에서 어떻게 설계되고 반복되는지, 그 반복이 감응의 실패로 전환되는 조건은 무엇인지를 분석한다. 이를 통해 신시대 헌정영화가 수행하는 감정 정치의 기획과 그 구조적 한계를 비판적으로 성찰한다. This paper examines how New Era China seeks to construct national identity and ethical order through emotion, focusing on three tribute films(xianli pian) released in 2019 to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China: My People, My Country, The Captain, and The Climbers. Produced as National Day tribute films, these works combine the political discourse of the “New Era” with new narrative strategies, framing emotion as an ethical act that must be repeatedly performed and aligned. Rather than treating emotion as a spontaneous feeling, this study conceptualizes it as a political act—one that adheres to specific signs such as the nation, heroism, duty, and national holidays—and is continually enacted through structured performance. Each film presents a distinct emotional framework that guides audiences toward particular forms of ethical alignment. My People, My Country depicts everyday emotional acts such as silence and responsibility across seven episodes, encouraging viewers to participate in emotion as a form of ethical practice beyond mere identification. The Captain portrays a system-based subject who embodies collective ethics through disciplined professionalism and restrained emotional reactions in the face of crisis. In contrast, The Climbers generates affective fatigue and emotional disengagement due to its excessive use of nationalistic symbols and repetitive emotional staging. By analyzing how these emotional frameworks operate—and under what conditions their repetition leads to affective failure—this study critically reflects on the political design and inherent limitations of affective governance in New Era Chinese tribute films.

China-US Relations in the Post Trump Era

Mir Sher Baz Khetran,Saad Bin Zafar Sraw,Mohammad Anjum Saeed 아시아사회과학학회 2021 Jornal of Asia Social Science Vol.3 No.1

Since US President Donald Trump took charge of White House in 2017, his government termed China as revisionist power and started a Trade war with China that worsened already ongoing geopolitical rivalry between two global giants. It also challenged the established norms of international relations on many fronts by reshaping geopolitical alliances. Trump imposed tariffs and other trade barriers on China with the goal of forcing it to make changes to what the U. S. states unfair trade practices , disrupted a longstanding bipartisan consensus on U. S. policy towards China. The U. S always has had a relation with China based on its own interests. Biden during his tenure as a vice president advocated engagement with Beijing but he criticised the paradigm shift in dealing with China during Trump reign and also objected to 2020 January s trade deal with President Xi Jinping as hollow .

시진핑-푸틴 집권기 중러관계의 신추세에 관한 연구 : 경제 및 군사안보협력을 중심으로

김재관 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2021 중소연구 Vol.44 No.4

This article focuses on the new trend of China-Russia relations that have been developing into a “de facto alliance” relationship since Putin-Xi Jinping took office in 2012. First of all, this article attempts to newly grasp the nature of the relationship between the two countries, because the development of bilateral relations during this period has shown remarkable changes, especially in the areas of economic and military security cooperation. Through the analysis of these two key factors, I would like to clarify the reality of the China-Russia relationship under dispute. In other words, I attempt to clarify the substantive nature of the “ a comprehensive strategic partnership of cooperation for a new era”declared by the two countries. Looking at the development process of China-Russia relations since the 21st century, the factors of cooperation, competition, and conflict have existed as they interact. However, this article believes that since the two leaders came to power, the factors of competition and conflict between the two countries have substantially decreased, while the factors of cooperation have overwhelmingly expanded. Therefore, this article aims to reveal that the substance of the relationship between the two countries is close to a "de facto alliance” by focusing on the economic and military security factors that have shown remarkable development among the factors of cooperation. First of all, from the perspective of economic cooperation, it was confirmed that as economic cooperation expanded in all directions, distrust between the two countries was resolved, while at the same time, interdependence was deepening. Traditionally, there has been competition and conflict between China and Russia over securing influence in the Eurasian region at the geopolitical and geo-economic level. However, since the two leaders came to power, such conflict elements have been rapidly resolved, and the synergy effect of development has been exerted. The most representative example is the fact that the two leaders agreed to jointly cooperate by linking China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Russia's EAEU strategy. This is a breakthrough turning point in the development of China-Russia relations. Second, strategic cooperation at the level of military security is even more remarkable. In particular, not only the exchange and provision of advanced technology in the military field, but also joint military training similar to the alliance is being promoted in all directions. This proves that the two countries are promoting cooperation that is close to “quasi-alliance” or “de facto alliance”. 이 글은 푸틴-시진핑 집권기인 2012년 이래로 ‘사실상의 동맹’관계로 발전하고 있는 중러관계의 신 추세에 주목한다. 먼저 이 글은 이 시기에 양국 관계 발전이 특히 경제 및 군사안보 분야 협력에서 크게 두드러진 변화를 보여 왔기 때문에 새롭게 양국 관계의 성격을 파악하고자 한다. 이들 두 핵심요인에 대한 분석을 통해 논쟁 중인 중러관계의 실체를 규명하고자 한다. 다시 말해 양국이 선언한 “신시대 전면적인 전략적 협작 동반자관계”의 실체적인 성격을 규명하고자 한다. 21세기 이래 중러관계의 발전 과정을 보면, 협력 요인ㆍ경쟁 요인 및 갈등 요인들이 상호 작용하면서 상존해왔다. 하지만 이 글은 두 지도자가 집권한 이래 기본적으로 양국 사이 경쟁 및 갈등 요인은 크게 줄어든 반면 협력 요인이 압도적으로 크게 확대되었다고 본다. 따라서 이 글은 무엇보다 협력 요인 중에 현저한 발전을 보인 경제 및 군사안보 요인에 초점을 맞춰 양국 관계의 실체가 ‘사실상의 동맹’에 가깝다는 점을 밝히고자 한다. 먼저 경제협력의 차원에서 보면, 경제협력이 전방위적을 확대되면서 양국의 불신이 해소되면서 동시에 상호의존이 심화되고 있다는 점을 확인할 수 있었다. 중러 사이에 전통적으로 지정학적 ·지경학적 차원에서 유라시아 지역 내 영향력 확보를 둘러싸고 경쟁과 갈등이 있어왔다. 하지만 두 지도자가 집권한 이래 이런 갈등 요소가 급격히 해소되면서 발전의 시너지 효과를 발휘하고 있다. 가장 대표적인 사례가 바로 두 지도자가 중국의 ‘일대일로 구상’(BRI)과 러시아의 ‘유라시아 경제연합’(EAEU) 전략을 연계시켜 공동협력하기로 전격 합의한 점이다. 이것은 중러관계의 발전의 획기적인 전환점이 되고 있다. 둘째, 군사안보 차원의 전략적 협력은 한층 더 주목할 만하다. 특히 군사분야 첨단기술교류 및 제공은 물론이고 동맹에 준하는 합동군사훈련이 전방위적으로 계속 추진되고 있는 점이다. 이것은 두 나라가 ‘준동맹’ 혹은 ‘사실상의 동맹’에 가까운 협력을 증진시키고 있음을 증명하는 것이다.