제주유배문학의 연속성에 대한 시론(試論) -김진귀-김춘택-임징하를 중심으로-

김새미오 ( Kim Sae-mi-o ) 영주어문학회 2017 영주어문 Vol.36 No.-

This study examines the continuity in the exile literature of Jeju. A particular attention is made to the inquiry of how the lineage of literature descends under the hardship of exile to Jeju. For the inquiry, this study focuses upon the literature lineage that descends from Manguwa Kim Jin-Gwi to Seojae Im Zhing-Ha through Bukheon Kim Chun-Taek. Bukheon is the son of Manguwa and Seojae is the son-in-law of Manguwa. All of them were exiled to Jeju for different periods and they left their exiled experiences in writings using the identical stone ink of banyongyeon. Therefore, I consider their exiled experiences delivered through bangyongyeon are the places to understand well the continuity in the exile literature of Jeju. This paper first looks into the mentally experienced aspect of the three authors through the process of bangyongyeon to be delivered to them; and further into the continuity in the exile literature of Jeju by examining the poetry and proses that express the experiences of exiles to Jeju made by each of the three authors. For the connectivity in their writings, a formal style in their writings is examined. Kim Jin-Gwi composed several verses that respond to the words of Namsarok by Cheongeum Kim Sang-Heon. Cheongeum was never exiled to Jeju but he was the person belonging to the political group of Noron like Kim Jin-Gwi. Also, Namsarok consisted of the most accurate information of Jeju at those times. Kim Chun-Taek extended his literary world by making continuous interactions with Jeju intellectuals in his exiled land of Jeju to which his father Kim Jin-Gwi was also sent as an exile. The exile literature of Jeju made by Kim Chun-Taek succeeded his father Kim Jin-Gwi`s expressions for spaces, figures, and emotions. Kim Chun-Taek was able to do this because he visited Jeju during the time his father Manguwa Kim Jin-Gwi spent exile years in Jeju. Im Zhing-Ha spent relatively shorter periods of exiles compared to the previous two figures. Of particular, Im Zhing-Ha made extensive numbers of verses in response to the works of Kim Chun-Taek, these being done during Kim`s exile to Jeju. Im Zhing-Ha received bangyongyeon from Kim Chun-Taek so that he is considered to have a great interest in the traces of Bukheon Kim Chun-Taek during his exile to Jeju. The examination of the literary characters of the three authors enables us to confirm that the exile literature of Jeju is linked to each other through the internal emotions. The continuity in literature that this paper examines has not been well shed upon in this research field. Further studies upon this research topic is expected to pave well to establish the proper orientation for the exile literature of Jeju.

『남정기』의 창작 동기와 작자 문제

정길수 ( Kil Soo Chung ) 조선대학교 인문학연구원 2012 인문학연구 Vol.0 No.43

Namjeong-gi is known as a novel translated into classical Chinese by Kim Chun-taek(1670~1717) from Kim Man-jung(1637~1692)`s original work in Hangul. The only reason for judgement is the preface of Namjeong-gi by Kim Chun-taek. I analyzed Kim Chun-taek`s preface, researched the controversy surrounding a creative motive of Namjeong-gi, and reexamined problems about the author of Namjeong-gi. As a result, I suggested following hypotheses: 1) Namjeong-gi is a purpose novel for the political target which directly reflects Inhyeon-wanghu仁顯王后`s dethronement and restoration in King Sukjong肅宗`s period. 2) Kim Chun-taek said that the author of Namjeong-gi was Kim Man-jung. But it is doubtful, because there are many different aspects between Namjeong-gi and Ku-un-mong九雲夢, and two works have a contradictory viewpoint in description of a musical performance scene. 3) It is necessary to accept that there is some possibility Kim Chun-taek is the author of Namjeong-gi, because of the political utility of Namjeong-gi, Kim Chun-taek`s position in the Inhyeon-wanghu restoration movement. Moreover, it must be considered that Kim Chun-taek is a translator of Namjeong-gi and the first man who comments about the existence of Namjeong-gi. 4) The suitable time to realize a political purpose for using Namjeong-gi is the peak period of the restoration movement just before Inhyeon-wanghu`s restoration.

북헌(北軒) 김춘택(金春澤)의 필기체 자기서사 연구 -'록(錄)' 작품을 통해 본 정치적 시련과 자기변호를 중심으로-

정하정 ( Jung Ha-jung ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2018 민족문화연구 Vol.78 No.-

This study scrutinized Kim chun-taek(金春澤)'s 'Lok(錄)' as a means to expand the range of research on his literary work. 'Lok(錄)' are literary works of a single genre created on the basis of experiences of political trials and alienation such as arrestment, transportation, imprisonment and interrogation. These works describe one's experience in the flow of political events as a fact. And it can be assumed that Kim chun-taek intentionally chose this style of writing because of this trait. Describing the facts is the most powerful way to prove innocence for Kim Chun-taek, who was convicted in the circumstantial grounds and hearsay. Given this, the facts described in these works are not the facts that actually happened but the facts perceived as a fact and intentionally selected by the author. Therefore, these works show the intention and desire of the author who are embedded in the back of the narrative. In this perspective, this study focused on the reason he chose to describe his experience as a fact not on covering whether the facts described in the works are true. As a result, while the author describing his experience of arrest and transportation, depicting the interrogation scene on a observer's point of view and recreating the crisis during his journey in the sea, the attributes of self-justification can be detected. In conclusion, it can be said that Kim Chun-taek's works have successfully implemented the notion of 'self-defense' on the basis of the power of 'fact'. In addition to the fact that the special situation of arrestment, transportation, imprisonment and interrogation, which is not often seen in other literary works, becomes the background of the work, this feature can be said to be the characteristic and significance of Kim chun-taek(金春澤)'s 'Lok(錄)'.

북헌(北軒) 김춘택(金春澤)의 제주 유배지 삶에 대한 고찰

고영진 동방문화대학원대학교 문화예술콘텐츠연구소 2024 문화와예술연구 Vol.25 No.-

Jeju Island was an isolated highland surrounded by the sea, and from the late Goryeo period to the end of the Joseon Dynasty, it served as a place of exile for hundreds of people. After being occupied by the Yuan(元) Dynasty, Jeju Island was also historically known as a place of exile for immigrants for about a hundred years. During the Joseon Dynasty, it was chosen as a place of exile for those who received the highest form of punishment politically and ideologically. . Those exiled included politicians, royalty, scholars, officials, and criminals of various degrees, as it was considered an optimal location for political isolation. The punishment mainly involved two forms: "Wirianchi," which involved surrounding the exiled individual's residence with thorns to physically isolate them, and "Jeoldoanchi," which involved exile to remote islands like Jeju Island. Jeju Island exile represented the most severe form of Jeoldoanchi, which effectively cut off the exiled individuals from the outside world, making it the most severe and isolating punishment. This study aims to examine the literary legacy, education of future generations, and the imprint left on Jeju Island by Kim Chun-taek also known as Bukheon, a scholar of the Sukjong era who endured various hardships during the Joseon Dynasty. Bukheon, Kim Chun-taek, was the descendant of Kim Man-jung, who authored "The Cloud Dream of the Nine” and “Sassinamjeonggi,” also the nephew of Queen Ingyeong , the wife of King Sukjong. From a young age, Kim Chun-taek received education from Kim Man-jung and was recognized for his exceptional talent, even receiving praise from Kim Su-hang. He endured numerous difficulties during political conflicts due to his affiliation with the prominent factions of Seo-in and Noron. He was exiled to Jeju in September 1706 (during the 32nd year of King Sukjong's reign) and departed from Jeju in 1710 (during the 36th year of King Sukjong's reign) when he was transferred to Impi Soanyeok. While in exile on Jeju, he resided in the same place where his father, Kim Jin-gu, had lived during his own exile. He taught a student from Jeju, followed his father's teachings, and that student passed the civil service examination, leaving behind a notable legacy. It is deemed that there is sufficient value in reevaluating the aspect of fostering successors in Jeju, where academic and intellectual resources were scarce. While Bukheon has been widely discussed by many, there is a desire to examine, albeit limited, the traces left by Bukheon in Jeju. Research on literary materials left by successors is deemed necessary; however, it has been challenging due to the fragmented and limited nature of available evidence.

김춘택의 작자의식과 <별사미인곡>의 창작,향유 양상에 대한 일고찰

강경호 ( Kyung Ho Kang ) 한국시가학회 2013 한국시가연구 Vol.35 No.-

Gasa <Byulsamiingok(別思美人曲)> was created by Kim Chun-taek(金春澤) when he had exiled to Jeju island. It has been mainly acknowledged as a work influenced by Song Gang`s <Sa·Sokmiingok> or exilic·royal Gasa by an exile caused by party strife.However, I assume that Kim Chun-taek, who created a lot of Chinese poetry at his time, did not simply imitate Song Gang`s Gasa in order to express his pathetic situation. Thus, I reconsidered Kim Chun-ta다`s consciousness as an author and the reason why he created <Byulsamiingok(別思美人曲)>. And then I would review the aspects of enjoying and passing down the work. As a result, I figure out what Kim Chun-taek created Gasa with his own consciousness as an author. I could confirm that <Byulsamiingok> is a parting words[別辭] for the content differences and a parting tune[別調] for the musical differences. In particular, Kim Chun-taek wished <Byulsa- miingok> sung like ‘song of love’ or ‘song of waiting’ by various enjoying singers. Since it, his wish has been realized by the singsong Giseang[歌妓] of Jeju handed down and enjoy the Gasa.

김천택 편 [청구영언] ‘무명씨(無名氏)’ 작품 배열의 내적 체계 – [청구영언] 무명씨, 주제별 분류인가? –

강경호 국제어문학회 2017 국제어문 Vol.0 No.75

The purpose of this article is to examine the arrangement and the internal system of the anonymous works in Cheongguyoungeon by Kim Chun-Taek Collection. Until now, it has been common practice to see that the works are distributed by the classification of themes and contents. However, considering that the song itself is a collection of songs of the contemporary, it is considered to have been compiled with the active involvement of singer Kim Chun-taek. It is the intent of this article to identify these aspects in anonymous works and to re-illuminate their internal principles and systems. As a result of the review, it was confirmed that the works were arranged according to various association principles such as vocabulary, material, image, contents and subject. The arrangement of works by association is generally known to appear in the middle and late 19th century in the collections of Gagok affiliated Gagokwonryu. However, in this discussion, we have come to realize that the beginning of this principle was made in the early 18th century. The anonymous works of Cheongguyoungeon are not as a long and continuous pattern of common vocabulary and custom phrases like the nineteenth century song book. However, the fact that images that are ventilated in various ways appear through complex association, can be given different meaning from the later song books. It is confirmed that the reminiscence principle of the arrangement of works is reflected also in the song book of the mid and late 18th century. It is believed that the internal order of this arrangement of works has been accumulated and passed down to song book in the early 19th century. 이 글은 김천택 편 『청구영언』에 수록된 무명씨 작품들의 배열 방식과 그 내적 체계를 검토하는 데 목적이 있다. 그간 『청구영언』 무명씨는 주제⋅내용별분류에 의해 작품이 배분되어 있다고 보는 것이 학계 통설이었다. 그러나 『청구영언』 자체가 당대 가곡 연창의 실질을 담고 있는 ‘가집’이라는 점과 가객 김천택의 적극적인 관여에 의해 편찬되었다는 점을 감안한다면 어떠한 방식으로든그 음악적 색채가 짙게 반영되어 있을 것으로 생각된다. 이러한 양상을 무명씨작품들에서 확인하고 그 내적 원리와 체계를 새롭게 조명하고자 한 것이 이 글의 의도이다. 검토한 결과 『청구영언』 무명씨는 어휘, 소재, 이미지, 내용, 주제 등 다양한연상 원리에 의해 작품이 배열되고 있었음을 확인할 수 있었다. 연상 작용에 의한 작품 배열은 일반적으로 19세기 중후반 가곡원류계 가집에서 나타나는 것으로 알려져 있지만, 본 논의를 통해 이 같은 원리의 시작이 18세기 초반 『청구영언』에서부터 이루어졌음을 알게 되었다. 『청구영언』의 무명씨 작품들은 19세기 가집들처럼 공통 어휘나 관습구가 계속적으로 반복되며 길게 이어지는 양상을 띠지는 않는다. 그러나 다양한 방식으로 환기되는 이미지들이 복합적인 연상 작용을 거치면서 나타난다는 점에서 이후 가집들과의 변별적 의미를 부여할 수 있다. 작품 배열의 연상 원리는 이후18세기 중후반 가집들에서도 반영되어 나타나고 있는 것으로 확인되며, 이러한작품 배열의 내적 질서가 축적되면서 19세기 초반 가집들에까지 전승된 것으로 판단된다.

<사씨남정기> 비김춘택 계열 연구

지연숙 ( Yeon Sook Chi ) 한국고소설학회 2009 고소설연구 Vol.27 No.-

朝鮮後期 萬頃縣令을 지낸 濟州人 吳廷賓

고창석(Ko Chang-Seok) 한국인물사연구소 2009 한국인물사연구 Vol.12 No.-

濟州島는 조선왕조 약 500년을 통하여 200여 명에 달하는 流配人들이 귀양살이했던 곳이다. 그들의 신분도 위로는 光海君을 비롯하여 왕족, 정치인, 학자로부터 僧侶와 宦官, 도적에 이르기까지 각계각층이었다. 유배의 형벌은 기한이 정해진 것이 아니었기 때문에 종신형이나 다름없었다. 그러나 정세 변화에 따라 석방된 뒤 다시 벼슬길이 열려 중앙 정계에 진출하는 경우가 있는가 하면, 독약을 내려 자결하게 하거나 다른 지역으로 유배지를 옮기기도 하였다. 또 석방된 뒤에 제주도에 정착하여 入島祖가 되는 사람들도 있었다. 제주도에 유배된 특수한 사례로는 아버지와 아들이 앞뒤하여 유배되거나 재차 유배되기도 하였으며, 또 전 가족이 유배되는 경우도 있었다. 아버지와 아들이 유배된 경우로는 현종 15년(1674)에 大靜縣 延來村에 유배된 申命圭와 경종 2년(1722)에 대정현 柑山里에 유배된 申銋을 들 수 있다. 이 때 신임의 나이는 84세의 고령이었으며 영조 원년(1725)에 석방되어 돌아가던 도중 海南에서 사망(87세)하였다. 또 숙종 15년(1689)에 유배된 金鎭龜와 숙종 32년(1706)에 유배된 金春澤도 아버지와 아들 관계이다. 이들 父子의 적거지는 공교롭게도 濟州城內 東泉洞의 州妓 吳眞의 집이었다. 이들은 제주도에 유배된 뒤, 그들이 거처하는 곳에 제주 사람의 子弟나 儒生들을 불러 모아 학문과 지식을 전달하여 학문 향상이나 문화 발전에 크게 이바지하였다. 유배된 신분이면서도 제주 사람들에게 서울의 학풍을 전수하였던 것이다. 한편 이들과 스승과 제자의 인연을 맺고 교분을 두터이 한 대표적인 제주인물로는 전라도 萬頃 縣令을 지낸 吳廷賓을 들 수 있다. During the 500 years of the Chosun Dynasty, Jeju was a place of exile where up to 200 people were sent to reside for punishment. Their social standings varied from the upper positions of the royal family such as King Gwanghaegun, politicians and scholars to monks, eunuchs and thieves. Because the penalty of exile had no time limit, it was equivalent to life imprisonment. However, depending on the changes in the political situation, a few of them were pardoned and allowed to restart their official careers in the central government. But some of them were given poison as a death penalty or transferred to other places of exile. In other cases, some of them settled in Jeju after their release from exile. There were two cases where both a father and his son were sent into exile to Jeju though many years apart. There were other cases where entire families were exiled. One of the father and son exile cases occurred in 1674 and 1722 respectively. In 1674 (the 15th year of the reign of King Hyunjong) Shin, Myung-Kyu was sent to Jeju, and subsequently, in 1722 (the 2nd year of the reign of King Kyungjong), his son, Shin, Im, aged 84, was put into the same situation. The latter died in Haenam in 1725, at the age of 87 returning from exile. The other case involving fathers and sons in exile, Kim, Jin-Gui was sent into exile in 1689 (the 15th year of the reign of King Sookjong) followed by his son Kim, Chun-Taek in 1706 (the 32nd year of the reign of King Sookjong). Some of these exiles used their time of exile in Jeju to gather together in their lodgings the local children where they taught them many things from their vast amount of knowledge. This greatly contributed to the improvement of local learning and the development of local culture. Even in their adverse situation, they conveyed the academic traditions of the capital. One of the representative local people who formed a close relationship between master and disciple was Oh, Jeong-Bin, the county magistrate of Mankyung of Cholla province.

별본(別本) 『동문선(東文選)』의 편찬 과정과 선문(選文) 방향 재고(再考) : 조선중기 산문을 중심으로

안세현 한국한문학회 2014 韓國漢文學硏究 Vol.0 No.54

본고는 청나라 강희제의 요청에 따라 1713년(숙종 39) 대제학 宋相琦(1657~1723) 등이 간행한 別本 『東文選』의 편찬 과정을 재구하고, 조선중기 산문을 중심으로 산문 선발의 방향과 양상을 구명하였다. 아울러 별본 『동문선』이 지닌 산문선집으로서의 위상을 따져보았다. 본고의 논의를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 편찬 및 간행 과정을 상세하게 재구하였다. 『승정원일기』 등을 검토해 본 결과, 별본 『동문선』의 편찬.간행은 1713년 3월 15일부터 약 6개월이 소요되었으며, 본격적인 시문 선발이 시작된 4월 12일을 기점으로 보면 약 5개월이 걸렸다.(윤5월 포함) 대제학 송상기가 주관하면서 홍문관ㆍ예문관의 관원이 참여를 하였으나, 책의 전체적인 규모 등 중요한 결정 사항에서는 좌의정 李?命(1658~1722)의 역할이 더욱 컸다. 특히 시문 선발의 전체적인 방향은 金春澤(1670~1717)의 의견이 많이 반영되었으며, 조선중기 산문 선발에 있어서는 金昌翕(1653~1722)의 역할이 컸다. 한편 洪世泰(1653~1725)는 교정관으로 선발되어 시문의 교정 작업에 참여하였다. 둘째, 산문 선발의 방향과 조선중기 산문의 수록 양상을 고찰하였다. 청나라에 忌諱가 되는 글은 원칙적으로 배제하고, 질적 성취 여부를 떠나 중국에 알려진 글은 우선적으로 선발하는 선문 기준이 있었다. 특히 김춘택은 「東文問答」에서 道學文字 위주로 산문을 선별할 것을 주장하고, 구체적인 문인과 시문 목록을 제시하였다. 성리학과 관련 글이 지나치게 많이 선발된 것은 김춘택의 의견에 따른 것이었다. 조선중기 산문가 가운데 최립과 장유가 비중 있게 선별된 것은 김창흡의 견해가 많이 반영된 결과였다. 셋째, 산문선집으로서 별본 『동문선』이 지닌 위상을 평가하였다. 별본 『동문선』은 『동문선』ㆍ『속동문선』 이후 왕명에 의해 편찬된 유일한 시문선집이고 조선중기 산문을 수록하고 있다는 점에서 일정한 위상을 지닌다. 그러나 선발된 문인의 대표성이나 성리학 관련 글이 지나치게 많은 점 등을 염두에 볼 때, 산문선집으로서 문제가 많았다. 일반적으로 선집에 수록된 글은 질적으로 좋은 것으로 간주되곤 하는데, 별본 『동문선』에 수록된 산문에 대해서는 주의할 필요가 있다. In this paper, I reorganized the process of compiling the New Edition of Tong Mun Son which was published by order of the King Sukjong. And I also studied the finality and status of that collection. As a result, I assured three aspects like following. First, I reorganized the process of compilation and publication. Accor- ding to the Daily Record of the Grand Secretariat, it took 6 months for the complication and publication. Song Sang-ki(1657~1723), The first counselor of the Royal Library, supervised this work. While Lee Yi-myong(1658~1722), Kim Chun-taek(1670~1717), Kim Chang-heup (1653~1722), and Hong Se-tae(1653~1725) did their own part. Second, I looked out the finality and aspects of selecting prose. There was a firm standard that each work must be considered to be worthful relate to the relationship between Chosun and the Qing dynasty. Third, I evaluated the status of this book as a prose compilation. This book was the only one which was compiled by the King"s order since its former versions were published. However, we should be careful not to trust the achievement of prose in this book. Because there were lots of works about Sung Confucianism in this book.

105인 사건 피의자들의 사건 이후 행적에 관한 소고 - 친일로 경도된 9인을 대상으로-

윤경로 한국기독교역사학회 2012 한국기독교와 역사 Vol.36 No.-

이 논문은 105인 사건 피의자들에 관한 사후 행적을 추적한 연구이다. 본 연구에서는 105인 사건 피의자들 가운데 사건 이후 친일로 경도되었던 인물 9명을 선별하여 그들의 친일행적을 추적하였다. 추적 결과 이들 9인의 행적은 대체로 3가지 유형으로 구분된다. 먼저 출옥 후 실업활동에 종사하다가 친일로 경도된 유형이다. 김동원 이근택, 이춘섭, 차균설 등 4인이 이에 해당 한다. 다음으로는 출옥 직후부터 친일활동으로 경도된 경우이다. 이에 해당자로 나일봉과 장응진 그리고 윤치호 등 3인을 들 수 있다. 끝으로 출옥 후 중국 상해로 망명한 후 일제의 ‘첩자’와 ‘밀정’ 혐의로 결국 사살당한 옥성빈과 옥관빈 형제 2인의 경우로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 첫째 부류인 상기 4인은 105인 사건에서 풀려난 후 주로 실업 및 종교 활동과 민족개량주의운동에 참여하다가 1930년대 중반이후부터 보다 적극적인 친일 활동의 길을 걸었다. 특히 이들 4인은 일제의 식민지배하에서 주로 경제실업활동에 종사한 실업인이자, 기독교인이었다는 특징을 지니고 있다. 두 번째 부류인 나일봉과 장응진은 사건 이후 일본 조합교회 교인이 되었다. 특히 나일봉은 출옥 후 바로 일본 조합교회 목사로 변신, 친일활동에 적극 나섰다. 마지막 부류인 옥성빈, 옥관빈 형제는 1933년 중국에서 살해되었다. 옥성빈은 출옥 후 상해로 망명하였지만 상해 망명 직후부터 임정 요인들로부터 ‘요주의 인물’로 지목되어 의심을 받았다. 옥관빈은 당대 재중 한인 가운데 최고의 사업가로 거부가 되어 명성이 높았다. 그러나 사업가로서 대성공을 거둔 그를 바라보는 상해 임정과 한인 독립운동단체의 눈에는 대표적인 ‘한간’(韓奸)으로 비쳐졌다. 따라서 마땅히 처단해야 할 ‘간역(奸逆), 옥역관빈(玉逆觀彬)’으로 단정했고 그 결과 1933년 8월 1일 한인제간단(韓人除奸團)에 의해 처단되었다. 이상 9인의 행적 추적을 통해 105인 사건 이라는 동일한 사건에 연루되어 옥고를 치르는 등 어려움을 당했지만 그들의 이후 행적은 민족과 역사의 길을 걸은 인물과 순응과 훼절의 현실적 길을 택한 자로 구분된다. 이중 상기 9인은 후자에 속한다 할 수 밖에 없다. 이 모두가 국권을 빼앗긴 민족과 나라의 아픔과 슬픔이라 할 것이다. This article selects nine convicts of the Korean Conspiracy Case who became Japanese collaborators after the case, and deals with their pro-Japanese activities. It grouped their pro-Japanese activities into three categories. First, Kim Dong-Won, Yi Geun-Taek, Yi Chun-Seop, and Cha Gyun-Seol became Japanese collaborators as they were engaged in business after their release from prison. Second, Na Il-Bong, Jang Eung-Jin, and Yun Chi-Ho began to work with the Japanese immediately after their release. Finally, two brothers, Ok Seong-Bin and Ok Gwan-Bin exiled themselves to Shanghai, China, were suspected to be Japanese spies, and were murdered on that account. The first group of four individuals participated in business, religious activities,and national improvement movement after their prison term, but became active Japanese collaborators since the mid-1930s. They were all Christian businessmen. The Na and Jang of the second group became members of the Japanese Johap Church. Na, in particular, became an ordained minister of the church, and actively participated in pro-Japanese activities. The two Ok brothers were killed in China in 1933. Ok Seong-Bin exiled himself to Shanghai upon release from prison and god involved in nationalist activities. But he was regarded as a person to be watched. Ok Gwan-Bin, on the other hand, made a huge fortune and became a prominent person among Korean communities in China. However, Korean nationalists in China considered him a double-crossing traitor, and a group of Korean undercover executioners assassinated him. The people involved in the Korean Conspiracy Case suffered greatly. However, some continued to walk along the path of nationalist cause, while others chose a practical way of submission and collaboration. The nine persons of this article chose the latter option.