(A) Study on the factors influencing the cooperation intention between Chinese enterprises and Korean enterprises

Zheng MeiLin 호서대학교 대학원 2021 국내박사

This paper aims to explore the factors that influence the cooperation intentions of Chinese and Korean enterprises. First by studying the existing literature, it can be concluded that technological innovation capability, network capability, national image, organizational trust, and government support will impact the intentions to cooperate. Moreover, organizational trust and government support play an intermediary and moderating role which influences the intentions of Chinese and Korean enterprises to cooperate. A questionnaire was conducted among the representatives of 323 Chinese enterprises by combining online and offline survey methods. The results of empirical analysis show that technological innovation capability has no significant impact on cooperation intention. However, network capacity, national image, and organizational trust have a significant and positive impact on cooperation intention. Thus, non-technical factors are more important determinants than technical factors. Besides, after analyzing the mediating effect of organization trust, it is found that the three variables of technological innovation capability, network capacity, and national image all have a significant and positive influence on the mediating variable trust. In addition, the moderating effect of government support shows that only the interaction with the national image can be statistically significant. Moreover, the empirical results show that Chinese enterprises with five to ten years of cooperation experience with Korean enterprises are more willing to cooperate with Korean enterprises than other enterprises. According to the results of this study, we believe that in order to promote cooperation between Korean and Chinese enterprises, several efforts should be made to improve the overall national image, strengthen public relations, and strive to increase mutual trust. The limitations of this research are as follows. First, the objects of this study are distributed in some specific fields, and they are not representatives of all Chinese enterprises. Second, the proportion of enterprises from the power and electronics industries is too high, which may lead to a deviation of the overall research. Third, the respondents are selected as research objects when they attend specific exhibitions, but not the actual representatives of each enterprise, which is a significant limitation.

Taking institutionalized cooperation seriously : alliance cooperation and its determinants

이근욱 Harvard University 2002 해외박사

I address the issue of alliance cooperation and its determinants. The main question is under what condition allies honor their promise. I suggest that allies honor their alliance commitments when they are in a military division of labor and when military interdependence is high among the allies. The effect of institutionalized alliances behavior, I argue, is reinforced by the short time horizon in crises or war. Three sets of cases from the 1900-10s, in the 1930s, and in the 1950-60s will be used. I will control the effect of perceived offense-defense balance and threat and measure their biases. The, more alliances were institutionalized, the more often the allies honored their alliances. In the 1900s and 1910s, states did not cooperate with each other in times of diplomatic crises or outbreaks of war, without institutionalized alliance. In the 1930s, the Western Powers failed to cooperate against the German threat. The absence of institutionalized alliance made security cooperation among the potential victims of a German expansion. In the years of the Cold War, NATO kept a constantly high level of alliance cooperation as well as a high level of alliance institutionalization. I suggest that the US foreign policy to the allies in East Asia should be focused upon keeping the current level of alliance institutionalization, rather than the China threat. Without highly institutionalized alliance, East Asian states will not cooperate with the United States or with each other even if they perceive a threat from China. In case the United States would choose to play a role of "offshore" balancer, the states in East Asia will pursue independent nuclear programs rather than balancing cooperation.

Deciphering the Role of the Pivotal Party in Triangular Cooperation

문미리 서울대학교 대학원 2020 국내석사

Development aid had traditionally been conducted through North-South development cooperation projects. However, as more rising donors emerged, the practices of South-South development cooperation and triangular cooperation also became more widely used. Scholars have divided triangular development cooperation projects into five models which are based off which actors were participating in the initial negotiations and had played a major role in the development project. This thesis examines a list of triangular cooperation cases provided by the OECD and then categorizes the cases into the five models in order to find which model is the most widely utilized. The study found that Model 2 (the provider actor and the pivotal actor forming an agreement and then including the beneficiary actor) has been the most widely used, followed by Model 4 (all three actors cooperate and negotiate at the same time) and then Model 1 (an existing South-South cooperation is joined by the provider actor). Through these results it can be seen that the pivotal party has always been a part of the initial negotiations during triangular cooperation, as Model 2, 4, and 1 all include the pivotal party during the beginning stages of planning. However, others, Model 3 (Provider-Beneficiary agreement and then the pivotal party joining) and 5 (a combination of North-South development projects) have rarely been used by nations. Then, the next question that needs to be answered is what role does the pivotal party play in triangular cooperation? What makes the pivotal party significant enough that many successful triangular cooperation cases tend to include it during initial discussions? How can this impact the future of development aid, especially since the SDGs are focusing on all countries, whether developed of developing, having a responsibility to reach towards these goals? Based on studying the background of the cases and finding the patterns of the model types, the correlation of the model used and the related sector and budget cost will also be seen. All the sectors that triangular cooperation projects worked had used Model 2 the most often; therefore, no matter what the sector is, the provider actor and the pivotal actor begin the cooperation. Based on this information, this paper aims to decipher the role of the pivotal state, as an emerging donor state, in triangular cooperation. 전통적으로 국제개발협력 분야에서 남북협력데 대한 주제로 많은 프로젝트가 진행되어 있다. 그러나, 원조국이 다양해지면서, 남남협력과 삼각협력의 역할이 생겨나면서 국제개발협력분야에서 더 많이 유용하게 되었다. 이전 연구들에서는 삼각개발협력을 5가지 모델로 나누고, 그 기준은 어느 행위 요인이 (공여국, 주축국, 수혜국)1차 협상에서 참여를 했는지를 보는 것이었다. 본 논문은 OECD에서 제공한 삼각협력 사례 목록들을 보고, 5가지 모델로 나누어서, 어떤 모델이 가장 많이 사용되었는지를 살펴보았다. 그 연구 결과로는 2번 모델이 (공여국과 주축국의 1차 합의 후 수혜국 투입) 가장 많이 반영 되었고, 그 뒤로는 4번 모델 (모든 행위자가 1차 합의에 참였했다)과 1번 모델이 (존재하는 남남혁력에서 공여국 투입)이 뒤 따른다. 이 결과를 살펴보면, 주축국이 삼각협력 프로젝트에서 항상 첫 번째 협상에 참여하는 것을 볼 수 있다, 모델 2, 모델 4, 그리고 모델 1이 대부분 그런 경향을 보인다. 하지만, 모델 3 (공여국과 수혜국의 1차 합의, 즉 남북협력, 후 주축국 투입)이나 모델 5(여러 남북개발협력 프로젝트가 합쳐지는 것)는 거의 따르지 않고 있다. 그렇다면 다음으로 대답해야 되는 질의는 주축국이 삼각협력에서 어떤 역할을 하는 지의 문제이다. 주축국의 중요한 역할이 무엇인지 성공적인 삼각협력 사례들을 보면 주축국이 1차로 참여한 패턴을 볼 수 있는 것인가? 그리고 앞으로 국제 원조에 앞으로 어떤 영향을 끼칠 것인가? 특히 SDGs를 보면 모든 나라들이, 선진국이냐 개발도상국가이냐 하는 문제를 떠나서, 목표를 위한 발전을 실행해야 한다. 사례들의 배경을 통한 모델 선택의 경향을 보면서 분야 과 비용의 영향도 살펴볼 수 있다. 모든 개발 분야는 2번 모델을 많이 사용했으므로, 공여국과 주축국이 협력을 선행하여 실시하였다. 본 연구는 이 자료들을 통하여 삼각개발협력에서 주축국의 역할을 분석을 하고자 한다.

Effective ODA through development cooperation : application in Korea

곽소영 Graduate School of International Studies, Korea Un 2010 국내석사

South Korea is poised to join an OECD committee on development aid recently. This move is the culmination of South Korea’s transformation from a recipient of international aid to a donor nation. South Korea has become the 24th member nation in the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). This marks the first time since the OECD was established in 1961 that a country has joined the “advance nations’ assistance club” after transitioning from an aid recipient to a donor. The DAC is considered one of the three most important bodies among 25 OECD-affiliated committees. Therefore, becoming a member of this prestigious committee implies that South Korea has become a real player and a vital part of the OECD. To be eligible for the DAC, a nation must have well-functioning assistance programs, a set of assistance policies and strategies, as well as an appropriate aid assessment system. South Korea is the only member of DAC which has undergone the developing phase in recent history. This experience qualifies South Korea to serve as not only a simple provider of monetary assistance, but also as a bridge connecting donating nations with recipients. The DAC membership is also expected to enhance South Korea’s image and elevate its status in the international community by highlighting the nation’s contributions to the good of mankind. Also, recently, South Korea International Cooperation Agency emphasized importance to South-South Cooperation and Triangular Cooperation. Triangular Cooperation is the support of developed country to South-South Cooperation, in other words, developing countries. South Korea is emerging as a strong supporter of development in South. By adopting the new way of Cooperation, South Korea should find another way to reborn as one of the representative donor countries. Handing out aid to other countries is not only a humanitarian act, but a crucial long-term investment in creating new growth engines for the Korean economy. Overseas assistance can be seen as investing in South Korea’s potential economic partners and fulfilling our duty as a faithful member of the international community. Now is the time to seek ways to maximize the benefits of making global donations, which will deliver South Korea into the ranks of truly advanced nations.

(The) cooperation between China and the lower Mekong Basin countries in the Mekong river Basin

김진우 Graduate School of International Studies, Korea Un 2013 국내석사

China, the regional superpower and upstream country in the Mekong River, has not been cooperative in the water resource development cooperation in the Mekong River basin. However, since the early 2000s, China’s attitude has changed and became cooperative with the Lower Mekong basin countries due to Yunnan Province’s increased economic interests in the Mekong basin countries. In order to reduce the intraregional development gap, Chinese government launched the western regional development policy but its ineffectiveness has led to alternative policy which seeks to take advantage of Greater Mekong Subregion program in order to boost the economy of western region of China. Thus, the increased bargaining power of the Lower Mekong basin countries in economic cooperation has affected China’s foreign policy in water resource development cooperation. In this thesis, complex interdependence theory was deployed to provide explanation of China’s foreign policy agenda toward the Lower Mekong basin countries and draw implications for the Lower Mekong basin countries to bring harmonious cooperation in the region.

Constructivist perspective on CJK cooperation : focusing on role of trilateral cooperation secretariat (TCS) with lessons from ASEAN

Chang, Yoon 고려대학교 국제대학원 2016 국내석사

China, Japan, and Korea have cooperated since its first meeting in 1999, and they have recently established the Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat (TCS) to arrange a number of regional discussions systemically. In response to this movement, this study is designed to analyze the role of TCS in CJK cooperation. Furthermore, another purpose in this study is to identify an alternative theoretical framework for CJK cooperation because of the negative perception of traditional regional cooperation theories. In spite of the negative attitude toward CJK cooperation, three countries have accomplished considerable regional cooperation and institutionalization for 15 years. This implies that it is a rare case for traditional theorists to analyze CJK cooperation. Thus, this study selected the constructivist model as the alternative framework to analyze CJK cooperation. As the constructivism emphasizes the collective identity created by the interaction between the structure and the agent, this study looked at whether the TCS contributes to the change of policy makers’ awareness toward CJK cooperation. Consequently, this study identified that the attitude of policy makers in each of governments toward CJK cooperation has become a lot more assertive. However, the TCS has a long way to go. The contemporary TCS is established by intergovernmental mechanism without regulatory norms. It means the activity of TCS is sensitively influenced by politician’s leadership. Consequently, it is limited to promote ideas for enhancing CJK cooperation independently. Therefore, this study explored the role of ASEAN Secretariat and found two notifications that ‘the entrenched political will in regard to the regional cooperation’ and ‘the existence of regulatory norms for behavior and procedure’ are required to enhance the role of TCS for CJK cooperation.

The stunted regional cooperation for energy security between Korea, Russia and Japan

Sarah-Lena Vonderberg 서울대학교 국제대학원 2014 국내석사

Regional cooperation in North East Asia is still mainly visible in pioneer projects. Especially the developed North East Asian countries seem to struggle to cooperate with each other. This thesis is to evaluate the stunted regional cooperation between the Republic of Korea, the Russian Federation and Japan on the example of energy security cooperation. The Russian Federation is a major oil producer, however has not completely engaged with all the North East Asian Nation in regular energy trade. The Republic of Korea as well as Japan both need to import almost 100 percent of their oil demand. Both countries are relying of resources from the Middle East and other geographically inconvenient as well as political unstable countries for their security related energy supply. The obvious question is: While the Russian Federation seems as an easy answer to the question from who to buy oil, the Republic of Korea as well as Japan where not be able to work together as importing countries and build successful cooperation; Why are those three geographically extremely close countries with a matching oil demand and supply equation not engaged in energy security cooperation yet? This thesis tries to analyze this question as well as provide a vast overlook over the cooperative situation for energy security in North East Asia in general by the different regional and international organizations and dialogues as well as an overlook over the energy situations in the respective countries. It furthermore tries to define the relatively new term of energy security to increase the understanding of the term in today’s international relations. The thesis offers a summary of the offers and needs of the three respective countries in the terms of oil related energy security and suggests four main factors why they have not be able to successfully cooperate so far.

South Korea’s Development Cooperation Policy(Approach) in African Countries : the case of Senegal

Deguenonvo, Malick Habib 서울대학교 대학원 2019 국내석사

MDGs 채택과 함께 2000 년대 초반부터 개발 협력에 열렬히 기여한 한국은 선진국과 개발도상국 간의 격차를 해소하기 위해 개발 경험을 공유하고 개발 프로젝트에 자금을 지원해왔다. 본 연구는 한국의 핵심 협력 국가와 특히 세네갈의 사례 연구를 중심으로 아프리카 개발도상국들에 대한 아프리카 개발 정책 또는 접근 방식을 검토한다. 한국의 개발 협력 전략, ODA, 무역 및 외국인 직접 투자에 사용되는 도구를 면밀히 조사한다. Marcel Mauss 의 선물 이론은 선진국과 개발도상국 사이의 개발협력을 설명하는 이론적 도구로 사용된다. 분석 기간인 2000-2016 년 사이에 한국의 원조 규모는 점차 커지고 있지만, 이러한 원조가 꼭 최빈국(LDCs)으로 향하지 않는 것으로 나타난다. 최빈국이 특히 많은 아프리카의 국가들은 최근에 한국 원조의 동기에 의문을 제기하며, 한국의 원조가 이익 기반인지 인도주의적 동기를 가진지에 대한 논의가 계속된다. 한국의 지원은 주로 정부 기관인 KOICA 및 EDCF 에서부터 유∙무상 차관으로 구성된다. 보다 효과적이고 효율적인 지원을 위해 전략 계획, 중기 전략 및 CPS 를 구성함으로써 한국의 개발협력이 향상되었다. 그러나 아프리카 국가들에서는 개발 자금 조달 도구가 많이 사용되지 않고 있으며 이는 아프리카에서 한국의 낮은 개발협력 수준과 비효율성을 설명한다. 핵심 협력 국가 중 하나인 세네갈은 EDCF 기금과 KOICA 의 많은 프로젝트에 의해 많은 사회 기반 시설과 경제 기반 시설이 제공되었다. 그러나 세네갈에서는 일반적으로 아프리카와 마찬가지로 FDI 의 규모가 매우 작고 무역은 크게 세네갈의 수산물 수출과 전자 기기 수입으로 이루어져있다. 연구의 결론에서는 정책 권고안으로, 아시아 협력 국가들과 마찬가지로 아프리카 협력 국가들과도 무역, FDI 및 기타 개발 금융 도구 개발에 중점을 두어 인프라, 인적 자본, 노하우를 개발하고, 일자리를 창출하며 경제 성장을 촉진해야한다고 저자가 주장한다. 이렇게 하면 한국의 개발협력 효율적을 높아질 것이고 한국과 협력 국가들 간의 윈 - 윈 (win-win) 상황이 이루어질 수 있을 것이다. Strongly engaged in Development Cooperation in the early 2000s with the adoption of the MDGs, South Korea committed to support developing countries by sharing its development experiences and funding development projects to bridge the gap between developed economies and poor countries. This paper examines the Korean Development Cooperation Policy or approach in respect with African countries, with a focus on Korea’s Priority partner countries and particularly with a case study of Senegal. It scrutinizes the instruments used in the Korean Development Cooperation, ODA, trade and FDI. The Gift Theory of Marcel Mauss is used as theoretical tool to explain DC between developed countries and developing ones. In the analysis period 2000-2016, there is clear evidence that South Korea’s support volume is increasing over the years, however, it is not necessarily destined to LDCs, among which numerous African countries, questioning its motives, some argue interest-based, others humanitarian based. Its assistance is mainly constituted of grants and loans with its governmental agencies, KOICA and EDCF respectively. With the strategic plan, the mid-term strategies and the CPS, Korea enhanced it DC for a more effective and efficient support. However, with African countries, not many development financing tools are being used and that explains the low level of Korean DC in Africa, hence its inefficiency. As a priority partner country, Senegal benefited of EDCF funds and lots of projects from KOICA in the social as well as in the economic infrastructures. However, in Senegal, as in Africa in general, the volume of FDI is very low and trade is composed of Senegal’s exports of fisheries and imports of Electronic devices, mainly. As a policy recommendation to conclude, it is argued that developing trade, FDI, and other development financing tools, as it is the case with its Asian partner countries, would develop infrastructures, human capital, know how, create job and boost the economic growth in the recipient countries and make South Korea’s DC an efficient one and a win-win deal.

Assessing China’s Development Cooperation Policy Towards African Countries : the case of Egypt

Ismail Shawky Ismail Amr 서울대학교 대학원 2020 국내석사

본 연구는 아프리카에 대한 중국의 개발협력 정책이 양자간 및 다자간 협력을 통해 이루어지면서 FOCAC가 설립된 이후로 어떻게 변화했는지, 특히 이집트에 대한 정책의 변화를 알아보기 위한 것이다. 이를 위해서는 질문 몇 가지를 던져야 한다. 아프리카에 대한 중국의 발전 협력이 얼마만큼 특별한가? 나아가, 중국은 아프리카에 어느 정도까지 관심이 있으며, 왜 그런가? 아프리카 국가들에 대한 중국의 발전 정책은 무엇인가? 중국이 아프리카 내 세계 은행과 어떻게 협력하는가? 아프리카 국가들은 대륙 내 중국의 존재, 그리고 그 미래를 어떻게 보는가? 또한, 중국의 새로운 국제금융기구들은 아프리카에서 지속가능한 발전을 이룰 수 있는가? 연구 결과에 따르면 중국의 개발 협력은 다른 공여국과는 다르다. 중국은 다른 공여국이 아프리카 국가들에 제공한 원조의 양이나 유형, 그리고 우선순위에 주의를 기울이지 않았다. 또한, 아프리카에 대한 중국의 관심은 단순히 원자재 구매를 넘어서고 있다. 중국은 아프리카에 최대 공여국이 되겠다는 약속을 했고 결국 아프리카의 가장 큰 공여국이 되었으며, 2009~2012년과 2015년 및 2018년 사이에 아프리카에 대한 지원을 두 배로 늘렸다. This study is to figure out the change of China’s Development Cooperation policy toward Africa Since set up FOCAC, in particular, Egypt, through bilateral and multilateral cooperation. To address some pertinent questions to what extent China’s developmental cooperation toward Africa is unique? Furthermore, how far is China interested in Africa, and why? What is the Chinese Policy for development toward African countries? How China cooperate with the World Bank in Africa? How do African governments view China's presence on the continent and the future? Moreover, Does China’s New International Financing Institutions can achieve Sustainable development in African countries? The study result showed that China's development cooperation is different from other donors. China did not pay attention to the amount or types or priorities of aid given to African countries by other donors. In addition to China, interest in Africa goes beyond the procurement of raw materials. China promises to be the largest donor to Africa, and they become the most significant donor eventually to Africa, and they double its aid to African countries between 2009 - 2012, and in 2015 & 2018.

(A) game theoretic approach to analyze the financial cooperation in East Asia

정희숙 Graduate School of International Studies, Korea Un 2014 국내석사

The aim of this paper is to analyze financial cooperation in East Asia through game theoretic approach and to evaluate the effectiveness of the previously suggested solutions for promoting the regional cooperation, for it is expected to provide the direction of possible and feasible further development of East Asian financial cooperation. The current situation of East Asia can be expressed by two simplified forms of games – the game of financial cooperation among plus-three countries (Korea, China and Japan) and that between CJK and ASEAN countries. According to the results from analyzing these two games, the current status of East Asian financial cooperation is stuck in an inefficient point where no players can get actual benefits, even though each player chooses its best strategy in the games. This contradictory situation can move toward a Pareto-optimal point – which is the ultimate goal of the regional financial cooperation – through institutional improvements and collective political will. Under the analytical framework of game theory, the effectiveness of the previously recommended solutions is once again clearly verified. In short, this paper not only allows an accurate and objective understanding on East Asian financial cooperation but also suggests its desirable and feasible ways of improvements