Background, Essence and Development Tendency of China-Israel Innovation Cooperation

Yu Zhongxi,Zhong Dongmei,Bi Runmei 아시아사회과학학회 2022 Jornal of Asia Social Science Vol.8 No.2

On March 21st, 2017, China and Israel announced the establishment of "Innovative Comprehensive Partnership", which is a new milestone in the development of bilateral relations between the two countries since the establishment of China and Israel in 1992. In the field of scientific and technological innovation, China and Israel have complementary advantages. China's advantages mainly lie in infrastructure and creative output (such as the technology output), while Israel's advantages lie in system, human capital and research, market maturity and commercial maturity. China-Israel scientific and technological innovation cooperation is mainly reflected in two aspects: the mechanism of innovate cooperation and the level of innovation project. (1) The mechanism of innovate cooperation is led by the China-Israel Joint Committee on Innovation Cooperation, and local governments, enterprises and universities actively cooperate to build an Industry-University-Research's innovative ecologically chain; (2) Innovation projects mainly focus on the establishment of international innovation parks and private innovation and venture capital activities. In the future, the two countries should strengthen the mechanism and improve the evaluation in terms of innovation. (1) For the former, the two countries should try their best to attract larger enterprises and scientific research institutes in the province to carry out scientific and technological innovation cooperation with innovative enterprises, scientific research institutes and innovation incubators in Israel. (2) For the latter, for the innovation projects of China and Israel at the government level, an authoritative evaluation and supervision team should be set up on the basis of the China-Israel Innovation Cooperation Joint Committee to conduct a comprehensive investigation and study on the large-scale projects currently cooperating between China and Israel, so as to obtain relevant investigation reports. Although China and Israel have made achievements in the process of building a comprehensive partnership for innovation, they should also be aware of some shortcomings and challenges they are currently facing. (1) The main shortcomings include that there is no scientific and comprehensive evaluation mechanism for innovative enterprises of both sides, and high expense and high risks of the cooperation; (2) The homogenization of Israeli innovative enterprises introduced by local provinces and cities in China is serious, and there is a possibility that different provinces and cities compete for high-quality enterprises to enter the park, resulting in higher introduction costs. Local provinces and cities should be encouraged to discuss and cooperate to reduce the introduction costs; the main challenges are the cultural differences between Chinese and Israeli enterprises and the insufficient protection of intellectual property rights, which leads to the reluctance of some high-quality innovative enterprises to cooperate. Generally speaking, the establishment of an "innovative and comprehensive partnership" between China and Israel has a positive effect on the development of China-Israel relations, conforms to the common interests of both countries, and can effectively promote the exchanges among the governments, enterprises, universities and the public of the two countries, and promote the further development of bilateral relations.

중국의 대한반도 정책과 한국의 대응전략 -미중·한미관계 및 한중·북중관계를 중심으로-

김진호 한국동북아학회 2018 한국동북아논총 Vol.23 No.2

In the process of China's changing toward a great power, China has been emphasizing the "New relations between big powers" and said, "The Pacific is wide enough to be managed by the major Great Powers. US has also being replaced by India and Pacific Strategy from the "rebalancing" and "pivot to Asia" strategies in Asia. At present, East Asia is a region where US’s global strategy and China's East Asian strategy are confronted. It seems to be competition between Western chess and Chinese chess. It means the challenging between the power nation and the nation that willing to become powerful nation. Nowadays Some scholars have argued that China's economic and military upsurge may lead to a power shift in East Asia. But scholars who believe in the stability of the US-led world system see the possibility is low. International relations in Northeast Asia are currently facing conflicts such as the confrontation between the US, Japan, South Korea's alliance system and China, Russia, North Korea’s partnership. Also, There are opposing forces such as the North Korean nuclear issue and bilateral relations conflicts between Taiwan straight. In this paper, I try to analyze the possibility of power shift by China 's rising in Northeast Asia, and examine what China' s strategy for the Korean Peninsula and the individual strategy against Korea and North Korea in the environment of recent international issues surrounding the Korean Peninsula, In the position of China, the Northeast Asia region is very important, because it is the gateway for China to expand its influence into the Pacific Ocean. Korea is also faced with North Korea's provocations now. Besides, China is currently seeking to strengthen its influence by exploiting the dynamics and geopolitical advantages of international relations in Northeast Asia, which will be a new challenge to the security environment in Korea. This paper focuses on the prediction of what the changes of China 's Northeast Asian strategy might be in Korea' s security environment. 중국이 강대국을 목표로 변화하는 과정에서 ‘신형 대국관계(新型大國關係, 후에 신형국제관계로 변함)’를 강조하며 “태평양은 미중 양 대국이 같이 관리할 수 있을 정도로 넓다(寬廣的太平洋有足够空間容納中美兩個大國).”라고 한 주장과 전략은미국의 ‘재균형(Rebalancing)’과 ‘아시아로의 회귀(Pivot to Asia)’전략에서 발전된 인도·태평양전략으로 대치되고 있다. 동아시아 국제관계는 미국의 세계전략과 중국의 전략이 서로 충돌하는 형상으로, 강대국과 강대국이 되려는 국가 사이에서양 체스와 중국 장기(象棋) 양식의 경쟁이 일어나고 있다. 현재 동아시아에서 중국의 경제·군사 능력 상승과 대외영향력이 증대함에 따라 일부 학자는 해당 지역에서 세력전이가 일어날 수도 있다고 주장도 하지만, 미국 주도 세계체제의 안정성을 신뢰하는 학자들은 이러한 세력전이 가능성을 낮게 본다. 그러나 외형상 동북아 국제관계는 미국·일본·한국의 동맹체제와 중국·러시아·북한의 협력체제의 대립 및 북핵문제와 양안(兩岸) 갈등과 같은 진영 간 대립이 지역 안보, 경제에 영향을 미친다 할 수 있다. 본 논문은 동북아에서 중장기적으로 중국에 의한 세력전이가 일어날 수 있는지에 대해 분석하며, 북핵문제로 복잡해진 한반도 주변 국제환경에서 중국의 대(對)한반도 전략 및 한국과 북한에 대한 개별 전략이 무엇인지 알아보는데 중점을두었다. 동북아지역은 중국이 주장하는 바와 같이 ‘중국이 외부로 진출하기(走出去)’ 위한 관문이자, 중국은 현재 동북아국제관계의 역학관계 및 지정학적 장점을 활용하며 자국의 영향력을 강화하는 상황이다. 동북아에서 새로운 대국의 출현과그 영향력 강화는 북한 핵 도발과 더불어 한국의 안보환경에 새로운 도전이 되기도 하는데, 본 논문은 중국의 동북아 전략이 한국의 안보환경에 어떤 변화를 일으킬 수 있는지와 그에 대한 대응은 무엇인지 알아보는데 중점을 두었다.

정권교체기 미중관계와 한미동맹

박병철 한국통일전략학회 2015 통일전략 Vol.15 No.2

This study aims at examining changes in US-China relations and ways to secure autonomy of Korean-American Alliance in a transition period. As China emerges as a superpower, the uncertainty and liquidity in the Northeastern region is on the rise. China has taken the status of G2 since the year 2010 and carried out an offensive diplomatic policy with a view to strengthening her regional role to cause neighboring countries to be concerned. The United States of America that has been engaged in the war against terrorism all these years now pursues 'the Foreign Policy of "Pivot to Asia"' to react to these steps of China. US-China relations has begun to change in the double pattern of cooperation and conflict in the past. The space of conflict is expanding as the competition between the United States and the People's Republic of China is being intensified. This situation results from fundamental attributes of the US Foreign Policy of 'Pivot to Asia' and China's 'New Type of Great Power Relationship'. The 'Pivot to Asia' policy basically tries to contain China while China's 'New Type of Great Power Relationship' shows her confidence in the role of a regional hegemonic power. This heralds a strategic competition to avoid the above-mentioned American containment and Chinese siege around the Northeastern region. In these changes of diplomatic circumstances, Korean-American Alliance is likely to be involved in US Asia-Pacific Strategy and China Strategy. The possibility of strategic changes in Korean-American Alliance is also on the increase. The US Foreign Policy of 'Pivot to Asia' may try to adopt an offshore balancing strategy for the purpose of containing China through a policy of strengthening the established alliance (into Korea-US-Japan trilateral alliance). On the other hand, the mutual economical cooperation with China is an inevitable factor for Korea. The Chinese role in the North Korean nuclear issue and the reunification of the Korean Peninsula cannot to be made light of. Thus, ways to expand strategic autonomy of Korean-American Alliance should be actively investigated. The autonomy should be pursued in the course for Korean-American Alliance to develop into a comprehensive future alliance and then, it should be constructed in order for Korea to cope with the changes of 본 연구의 목적은 정권교체기 미중관계의 변화와 한미동맹의 자율성 확보방안을 모색하고자 한다. 중국의 부상으로 동북아 지역의 불확실성과 유동성이 증가하고 있다. 2010년 이후 G2로 성장한 중국은 지역적 역할 강화를 위한 공세적 외교로 인해 동아시아 국가들의 우려를 놓고 있다. 그 동안 테러와의 전쟁을 수행하던 미국은 이에 대한 반응으로 ‘아시아 중시정책’을 추진하고 있다. 미중관계는 과거 협력과 갈등이라는 이중적 패턴의 변화가 시작되고 있는 것이다. 미중관계는 경쟁이 강화됨으로써 갈등의 공간이 확대되고 있다. 이는 정권교체기 등장한 미국의 ‘아시아 중시정책’과 중국의 ‘신형대국관계’가 지닌 본질적인 속성에 기인한다. ‘아시아 중시정책’의 속성이 중국에 대한 견제를 내포하고 있는 반면, ‘신형대국관계’는 지역 패권국으로써 중국의 역할에 대한 확신이다. 동아시아 지역을 둘러싼 미국의 견제와 중국의 피포위 상태를 벗어나기 위한 전략적 경쟁을 예고하고 있는 것이다. 이러한 환경의 변화 속에서 한미동맹은 미국의 아·태전략과 대중전략에 연루될 가능성이 높아지고 있다. 한미동맹의 전략적 변화 가능성도 높아지고 있다. 미국의 ‘아시아 중시정책’은 동맹 강화(한·미·일 삼각동맹으로 확대)정책을 통해 중국을 견제하는 역외균형을 도모할 가능성이 높기 때문이다. 한편 부상하는 중국과의 경제적 상호협력은 한국의 경제성장에 필수불가결한 요소가 되고 있다. 또한 북한 핵문제와 한반도 통일을 위해서도 중국의 역할은 경시될 수 없는 상황에 직면하고 있다. 따라서 한미동맹의 전략적 자율성을 확대하는 방안을 적극적으로 모색해야 한다. 한미동맹의 전략적 자율성은 먼저, 한미동맹이 포괄적 미래동맹으로 발전하는 과정에서 모색되어야 하며, 다음으로 미중관계의 상황변화에 유연하게 대처할 수 있는 방향으로 구축되어야 할 것이다.

华侨华人与中国的公共外交: 理论建构与现实挑战

王秋彬 ( Wang Qiubin ) 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 2020 중국사회과학논총 Vol.2 No.2

China has the largest diaspora in the world, with an estimation of over 60 million in 2014. Ethnic Chinese overseas share some common historical memories and cultures and thus have better understandings of China’s policies; and they directly build up the image of “Chinese” in foreign lands and proactively take the advantages in Sino-Foreign engagement. China pays special attention to the roles that overseas Chinese can play in its communication and exchanges with international communities against the backdrop that China has been increasingly involved into world politics and integrated into global economy. Diasporas have been recognized as valuable resources by states to serve the construction and strategic development of their home countries and promote mutual trust and understanding in international relations. It is a common practice for Israel, India, Japan, South Korea and many other major countries in the world to utilize the resources of the diaspora for diplomacy by strengthening the psychological, cultural and economic bonds with their diasporas. The constructs of ethnic identity produce appeals for power seeking states. Chinese government, ever since the Mao era, has been engaging the Chinese diaspora in the process of modernization and the communication between China and the external world, and the state leaders view soft power as an indispensable part of comprehensive national strength. Therefore, China pursuing to increase its capability to disseminate information and ideas in the campaign of soft power attaches great importance to overseas Chinese in promoting public diplomacy and people-to-people exchanges. Chinese authorities put forward the concept of “diaspora public diplomacy” in 2011 and constantly make efforts in developing diaspora policies and institutions for transnational expansion of influence and global reach. The working mechanism of diaspora public diplomacy is as follows: through a diverse range of government-led cultural and economic exchanges with and policy interpretations to overseas Chinese, the relevant departments of China will guide them to correctly understand China’s social conditions and public sentiment and opinions; and then the Chinese diaspora will disseminate Chinese-related information and explicate it to the local public and government with indigenized expressions that can be effectively received and understood by the local communities, so as to increase the extent of recognition and favorability among the external audiences and further promote the local government to stipulate and implement friendly policy towards China which would be consistent with China’s national interests. In this process, overseas Chinese have dual identities. They are firstly the intermedium transmitters of China's public diplomacy mainly conducted by government’s overseas Chinese affairs institutions, and then the agents of China’s public diplomacy in regards to the communication with the foreign publics and governments. In practice, China relies on overseas Chinese as its base to project Chinese soft power, mobilizes the diaspora with Chinese language and culture appeal, and follows the principles of cooperation and mutual benefits (good for the overseas Chinese, good for their residing country and good for China). China has made efforts to enhance media capacity by partaking or involving overseas Chinese media to tell the stories of China and spread the culture of China, which increases creativity and credibility of China’s publicity and meanwhile strengthens the ties of “Chinese”; China has conducted a series of reforms in laws and regulations relating to immigration and a variety of economic sectors to attract foreign investments and talents; China calls on the diaspora to actively integrate into the local society while maintaining “Chineseness” identities and make contributions to the development and progress of the country they reside in, to consolidate the mutual trust on international level and establish the positive image of overseas Chinese as a group. However, the Westphalian nation-state system doubts the loyalty of ethnic groups in the political perspective and the western society follows realism approaches in understanding China’s increasing strength and presence in international community; China faces massive scale smears and attacks on its ideology and policies. The transition to assertiveness of China on international issues and the complexities of international relations make the practice of diaspora public diplomacy harder to advance. The host country and media coverage tend to interpret China’s diaspora public diplomacy by state-centric approaches and the multidimensionality in diaspora’s homeland engagement leads to public sentiment of suspicion and even hatred. In some countries and regions, Chinese national students, diasporic Chinese and locals with Chinese ancestry are deemed as “the fifth column” that are seeking for expansion of communist interests and influence, posing threats to their security. And there are some overseas Chinese who do not agree with China’s policy are still “tarnishing” China, which, to a certain extent, damages China’s image. To recapitulate, China should make realistic appraisal of the international environment and push forward its international engagement with more flexible and indigenized diaspora public diplomacy. In practice, Chinese diaspora policies should adhere to the principle of mutual benefits and accommodate the needs and interests of both Chinese diasporic communities and the foreign audiences, dismissing the thinking that overseas Chinese should and will actively strive for the development of the country of their ancestors and serve as the foundation for promoting China’s grand strategy such as the Belt and the Road. In carrying out specific programs, China should make differences between domestic and external-oriented affairs, differentiating approaches and means in terms of communication and propaganda according to the varying conditions in targeted countries or regions and norms of other nationals and ethnic groups. The link of psycho-cultural and phenotypic ethnic identities should be consolidated between the motherland and overseas Chinese. Diasporic engagement in public diplomacy and overseas Chinese affairs falling under the responsibilities of official institutions should be coordinated with a holistic perspective by the state, so as to promote the appeal of China and improve China’s relations with foreign countries.

남중국해 중재소송 판결에 대한 중국의 입장과 국제정치적 함의

안슬기 사단법인 인문사회과학기술융합학회 2017 예술인문사회융합멀티미디어논문지 Vol.7 No.2

In this paper, it attempts to analyze China’s stance on the decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration(PCA) for the South China Sea territorial disputes between China and the Philippines. For this purpose, this study is to understand the South China Sea arbitration proceedings of the PCA. This paper also analyzes circumstances of occurrence and China’s negative stance on this issue. As a result, the Chinese government’s opposition to the South China Sea arbitration and its ruling is found to be summarized as follows: First, it was found that China has been opposed to the jurisdiction of the PCA under the Part XV of the United Nations Convention On the Law of the Sea(UNCLOS). Second, as the basis of China’s claim to historic rights within its nine-dash line, China has been opposed to the tribunal ruling that was in favor of the Philippines. In particular, China claims that there was direct U.S. involvement in the arbitration proceedings for supporting the Philippines. Chinese scholars emphasize that the United States not only provided legal and technical advisers to help the Philippine’s proceeding, but also actively supported the Philippine’s claim to the South China Sea by using domestic and international public opinion. Therefore, the decision of the PCA carries implications for international politics—mainly that the dynamics of the U.S.-China relations in the South China Sea will become increasingly sensitive. 본 논문은 중국과 필리핀 간의 남중국해 영유권 분쟁 관련 상설중재재판소(PCA)의 판결에 대한 중국의 입장을 분석해 보는 데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 본 논문은 상설중재재판소의 남중국해 중재소송 진행과정을 파악하여, 본 사안의 발생경위와 중국 정부의 부정적인 입장을 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 중국 정부의 남중국해 중재소송과 그 판결에 대한 반대 입장은 다음과 같은 두 가지로 나타났다. 첫째, 중국은 유엔해양법협약(UN Convention On the Law of the Sea, UNCOLS) 제15부에 규정된 조항에 의거하여 상설중재재판소의 재판 관할권을 반대하였다. 둘째, 중국은 남해구단선의 역사적 권리를 근거로 하여 상설중재재판소의 필리핀 승소 판결을 반대하였다. 특히 중국은 중재소송 과정에서 필리핀 측을 지지하기 위한 미국의 직접적인 개입이 있었다고 주장한다. 중국학자들은 미국이 법률적·기술적 고문을 파견하여 필리핀의 소송 진행에 상당한 도움을 주었을 뿐만 아니라 국내외 여론을 이용하여 필리핀의 남중국해 영유권 주장을 적극적으로 지지해주었다고 강조한다. 따라서 이번 중재법정의 판결은 남중국해를 둘러싼 미중 간 역학관계가 더 민감한 방향으로 흐를 수 있다는 국제정치적 함의를 담고 있다.

중국인의 대한국 인식 변화와 사드

김상규 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2018 중소연구 Vol.41 No.4

The THAAD issue has deteriorated the 25-year diplomatic relationship between Korea and China. So, now we can see Negative perceptions between the two countries have risen and skepticism about their relationship with China has been raised in Korea. But China is still strategically important to us. Therefore, we need to be analyzed the change mechanism of China’s recognition of Korea. so I analyzed 25 years from establishing diplomatic relations between Korea and China. As a result of this study, China’s perception of Korea’s change of perception has formed a friendly perception draws on cultural factors after diplomatic relations, and then I find that China has a double cognitive attitude between Japan and Korea in terms of history and culture. Finally, also find out that because of the factor of the United States, they had anxiety and threat in terms of security. Because of this, Korea has a problem with the THAAD problem was forced to cause strong opposition from China. China’s national security interests represented by core interests have a strong influence on China’s cognitive behavior in terms of perception. It is necessary to establish a methodology to respond flexibly and promptly in case of similar conflicts in the future through a thorough analysis and comparison of the mechanism of change in perception attitude of China 사드 문제로 인해 수교 25년의 세월이 무색할 만큼 한중 양국의 관계가 악화되었다. 그동안 다양한 갈등 상황이 있었지만 현재의 상황은 최악이라는 평가이다. 특히 중국인의 한국에 대한 인식은 역대 최저이다. 인식은 상대에 대한 부정적, 적대적 인식을 형성하고 재생산하기 때문에 국가 관계에서 아주 중요한 연구 주제이다. 이에 한중 양국의 발전적인 관계 형성을 위해 한중 수교 이후 중국인이 한국을 어떻게 인식해왔고, 그 인식의 변화 기제는 무엇인지 분석하였다. 본 논문의연구 결과, 중국인의 대한국 인식 변화 기제는 수교 초기 문화와 체육 등 소프트파워 요인에 의해 우호적 인식을 형성하였다. 이후 중국 내부의 변화와 맞물린역사문화 요인에 의해 한국에 대한 인식 변화가 나타나지만 다분히 모순적 행태를보였다. 마지막으로 외부 요인에 의한 안보적 불안감과 위기감의 표출이 한국과의갈등을 강화하는 요인으로 작용하고 있음을 분석해내었다. 인식 변화 기제에 근거해 분석한 사드 문제는 중국의 국가안보 이익이 중국인의 인식 행태에 가장 강력한영향을 끼친 사례로 확인되었다. 향후 중국인의 인식 변화 기제에 대한 철저한분석과 대비를 통해 차제에 유사 갈등 발생 시 대응 방법론을 수립할 필요가 있음을 논의하였다.

중국의 지역패권 추구기 동북아 지역 안보 불안정성 심화 -미국의 인도-태평양 전략을 통한 패권 저지와 한·일의 호응을 중심으로-

송주영 세명대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2025 인문사회과학연구 Vol.33 No.4

· Research Topic: This study conceptualizes China’s current trajectory as a hegemonic pursuit phase and analyzes the resulting strategic dynamics between China and the surrounding states on the basis of this definition. In particular, it examines the U.S. response through the Indo-Pacific Strategy and evaluates how South Korea and Japan have aligned with or responded to this strategy during China’s hegemonic pursuit phase. · Research Background: There are multiple interpretations of how China’s current trajectory should be understood in hegemonic terms. Although perspectives vary, it is evident that China is actively pursuing a hegemonic role in the region. However, China’s present behavior cannot be fully explained by existing theoretical frameworks such as Power Transition Theory or Hegemonic Stability Theory, which suggests the need for a new analytical lens. Accordingly, this study conceptualizes China’s current trajectory as a hegemonic pursuit phaseand analyzes the defining characteristics of China during this period, with particular attention to how neighboring states respond to and counter China’s hegemonic ambitions. · Differences from Previous Research: Existing studies have largely focused on theories that explain the moment at which power transition occurs or on analyses grounded in hegemonic stability after a state has already attained hegemonic status. In contrast, this study reexamines China’s rise from a temporal perspective by defining the current stage as a hegemonic pursuit phase. By analyzing the characteristics China exhibits during this phase and the ways in which neighboring states respond to these developments, this research proposes a new temporal framework that has been largely overlooked in previous scholarship. · Research Method: This study employs a wide range of statistical data to provide a clear assessment of China’s current trajectory. In addition, it draws on various sources such as SIPRI and CSIS reports, as well as existing scholarly analyses, to enhance the conceptual clarity of what this paper defines as China’s “hegemony-seeking phase.” · Research Findings: According to hegemonic stability theory, the emergence of a hegemonic power generates a stable international order. Power transition theory likewise posits that interstate conflict is most likely when parity in capabilities is approached. Departing from these perspectives, this study narrows its focus to the period in which a rising state actively seeks to attain hegemonic status. During this hegemonic pursuit phase, conflicts tend to intensify prior to the establishment of hegemony. Furthermore, the United States—as the primary counter-hegemonic actor—mobilizes its capabilities to prevent China from reaching power parity, while regional states such as South Korea and Japan increasingly align themselves with the United States, resulting in a deeper polarization of regional strategic choices. · Contributions and Expected Effects: The originality of this study lies in its focus on a temporal stage that has been largely overlooked in previous research. By introducing a distinct temporal classification of hegemony, this study contributes not only to diversifying future research on hegemonic dynamics but also to deepening scholarly understanding of the logic of power during the process through which states engage in a hegemonic pursuit phase.

The Role of China’s Public Diplomacy in Sino-Africa Economic Relations

김윤희 동아시아국제정치학회 2020 국제정치연구 Vol.23 No.1

This article analyzes China's public diplomacy in the field of Sino-Africa relations, arguing that China has adopted public diplomacy with soft power as a vital component of its foreign policy on the continent from the early 2000s onward. The necessity of public diplomacy in China's foreign policy was driven by the objective of developing close economic ties with African countries, even as Beijing faced manifold issues in its relations. To comprehend the link between China's public diplomacy and Sino-Africa economic ties, the research scoped on the diverse factors which cause disharmony between China and African countries and why China holds the upper hand in the relations. Then it examines the use of public diplomacy to manage the imbalanced relations between China and Africa, in which China wields economic dominance over Africa. With the rising importance of public diplomacy globally in the twenty-first century, China has employed its public diplomacy to explain and justify its rising global influence, and to dispel negative publicity in international society. While China has a government-centered public diplomacy system, unlike that of the West, various actors (governmental, semi-governmental, and non-governmental actors) systematically engage in China's public diplomacy through diverse instruments such as foreign aid, media, institutes for exchanging culture, and language training to the populations of African countries.

시진핑 집권 이후 중국의 대북정책: 동맹관계와 정상관계의 선택적 균형

문흥호 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2014 중소연구 Vol.38 No.3

This paper attempts to analyze changes in China’s foreign policy towards North Korea Since Xi Jinping took over the leadership of the Communist Party in 2012. The relationship between China and North Korea has emerged as a central element of the changing international order in Northeast Asia. Under the circumstances, Xi Jinping and the leadership have formulated situational diplomatic stance on North Korean affairs, which is called in this paper the arbitrary balancing act between an alliance and a normal bilateral relationship. As the Sino-North Korea relationship has fluctuated between the two poles ever since Xi Jinping came to power, it is of ever growing importance to study the strategic meaning and the details as well as the limitations and the strengths of the arbitrary balancing act. In order to examine the diplomatic planning, first, by analyzing the basis of the foreign strategy and its relevance to the Korean peninsula policy of Xi’s administration, this paper discusses how the aggressive adjustment policy which is focused mainly on the US is to impact on the China’s Korean peninsula strategy. Secondly, this paper studies China’s Korean peninsula policy and its changes in detail under Xi’s rule, particularly emphasizing on how the expansion of Sino-South Korean strategic cooperation influences both China’s North Korean policy and Sino-North Korean relationship. The last part of this paper concentrates on the strategic benefits and limitations of China’s arbitrary balancing act between alliance and normal bilateral relationship with North Korea. Xi Jinping and the current Chinese leadership describe their newly developed foreign relations with North Korea as follows; not just does the Sino-North Korean relationship cover the past, present and future, but also does it include both alliance and normal bilateral relations. They express the purpose of the reordering is to maximize the national interests. The arbitrary balancing act between the two pillars has clearly benefited China; it empowers China to define the terms of Sino-Korean peninsula relations. Moreover, it provides means of avoiding the burdens of the denuclearization on the Korean peninsula. However, there are numerous limitations of the arbitrary balancing act as well. First of all, North Korea has been exploring ways to prevent the collapse of the political entity. To do so, it has diversified its foreign policy and pursued alternatives besides China in order that it can restrain China's growing influence. Second of all, the major powers in the region (Japan, Russia, and the US) have changed their diplomacy towards North Korea so as to deepen the alliances and to hold China in check. Given the circumstances, the arbitrary balancing act is likely to jeopardize China’s monopolistic influences on North Korea, thereby it limits the policy options that have been highly self-oriented so far. Besides, there is another evident disadvantage of the arbitrary balancing act; in the era of the turbulent political environment of Northeast Asia, Xi Jinping would not prefer rapid changes of Sino-North Korea relation in order to conserve the strategic assets. 본 논문은 동북아시아 국제질서 변화의 핵심적 요인으로서 북중관계의 중요성이 부각되고 있다는 점에 주목하여 시진핑(Xi Jinping)집권 이후 중국의 대북정책 변화 추이를 동맹관계와 정상관계의 선택적 운용이란 관점에서 분석하고자 한다. 이는 시진핑 지도부가 동맹관계와 정상관계를 양극단으로 한 범위 내에서 대북정책을 선택적으로 운용하고자 하는 것의 전략적 의미와 내용, 선택적 균형의 유용성과 한계 등을 분석하는 것이다. 이를 위해 첫째, 시진핑 지도부의 대외전략 기조와한반도 전략의 상관성을 분석함으로써 대미정책을 중심으로 한 대외전략의 공세적 조정이 중국의 한반도 전략에 미치는 영향을 검토하고자 한다. 둘째, 시진핑집권 이후 한반도전략과 대북정책의 구체적인 변화 양상을 분석하고자 하며 특히한중 전략적 협력 확대가 중국의 대북정책, 북중관계에 미치는 영향을 분석하고자한다. 셋째, 중국이 북한과의 동맹관계, 정상관계를 선택적으로 혼용하고자 하는전략의 유용성과 한계를 각각 분석하고자 한다. 중국이 북중관계를 동맹과 정상, 과거와 미래가 공존하는 형태로 변모시키고 국익 극대화의 관점에서 선택적으로 양자의 균형을 모색하는 것은 시진핑 지도부의새로운 대외 전략의 구체적 표현이다. 그러나 북중관계에 있어서 동맹관계와 정상관계를 자의적으로 넘나드는 중국의 선택적 균형 전략은 남북한에 대한 압력 수단,대 한반도 영향력의 우위 유지, 북한 핵문제와 관련된 국제사회의 압력 회피 등의유용성에도 불구하고 많은 한계를 내포하고 있다. 그중에서도 중국의 대 북한 영향력 행사의 현실적 한계, 체제의 생존을 위한 북한의 대외적 탈출구 모색, 대 중국견제 차원에서 북한과의 관계개선을 추진하는 일본․미국․러시아 등의 정책변화,중국의 이중적 태도에 대한 남한과 북한의 불신 등은 중국의 자기중심적 대북정책 추진에 큰 제약 요인으로 작용할 것이다. 또한 시진핑 역시 동북아시아 정세가 불안정한 과도기적 상황에서 북한체제의 존속을 통한 자국의 전략적 자산 유지를 위해 북중관계의 급격한 퇴보를 원치 않는다는 점도 선택적 균형 전략의 분명한 한계다.

상품 및 서비스 혁신 : 중국의 해외투자 정책과 중국자본 유치의 전제조건

박문서 ( Moon Suh Park ),김미정 ( Mea Jung Kim ) 한국통상정보학회 2012 통상정보연구 Vol.14 No.1

This paper is aimed to prepare some policy-measures which is helpful for China Money FDI in Korea by analysing FDI-related data and political strength and weakness between the two countries and studying fundamental preconditions required for Korea`s China Money FDI strategies. As the result of research, key preconditions found out can be summarized as follows; First, because China-Korea economic relationship is largely insufficient in a complementary view as well as in a cooperative state level, Korea should remove the threats in advance that could lead two countries to unlimited competition, and then expand to a relationship of trust between China and Korea. Second, Korea, at least from the perspective of China, may not be an attractive investment destination. Therefore, it is necessary to take advantage of Korea`s FTA-expansion-strategy opportunities such as Korea-US FTA which has entered into force recently. Third, because China always has a lot of alternative investment opportunities among world instead of Korea, so Korea should not overlook the fact that China has the bargaining power in large part related on the investment conditions in Korea, such as investment field, investment size, how to invest China Money to Korea, etc. Fourth, if Korea`s FDI policy is trapped in the existing rules of the political frame, and moreover Korea can not have the role of rule breaker, it will be difficult to expect Korea`s China Money FDI results compared to those efforts. Fifth, if Korea will execute China Money FDI strategies in the context of overestimating the China Power or China Money, it should be noted that Korea may have unexpected losses lead to a national by reason of outward and quantitative investment or bad investment.