일본어의 초점 실현과 인토네이션의 구조

최영숙,Choi, Young-Sook 한국음성학회 2002 음성과학 Vol.9 No.4

The purpose of the present study is to see in terms of $F_{0}$ variation in Japanese how discourse focus and the lexical word accent interact with each other in realizing overall intonation patterns. Discourse focus causes prosodic restructuring of phrase structures and, as a result, largely affects pitch contours, whereas the lexical word accent is said to delimit the $F_{0}$ into a certain range. Measurement of $F_{0}$ was made of utterances of Japanese sentences to observe behavior of pitch contours with varied focus assignment and lexical accent specifications. The utterances were obtained in question-answer discourse contexts so that in a sentence, either one NP was always focused or no focus was assigned. I set four points for $F_{0}$ measurement; $F_{1s},F_{1m}, F_{2s}$, and $F_{2m}$, two for each noun phrase corresponding to $F_{0}$ at the beginning of the first syllable and that of the vocalic portion of the second syllable in the two NP's. The results of present study were as follows: (1) for all combination of lexical accent types, the $F_{0}$ rise both in NP1 and NP2 are higher when focused than when not focused. (2) NP2 starts a new accentual phrase when focused, showing even higher $F_{0}$ than NP1, the latter of which implies that in forming a new accentual phrase by focusing, catathesis does not seem to take effect on NP2 preceded by accented NP1. (3) unfocused NP2 preceded by unaccented NP1 has higher $F_{0}$ than those preceded by accented NP1.

Association of Pota-phrases with compared phrases in Korean Comparatives

( Jae-il Yeom ) 한국언어정보학회 2016 언어와 정보 Vol.20 No.3

In a comparative sentence in Korean, a pota-phrase can occur in various positions in relation to the compared phrase, but both are compared with respect to the same comparative predicate. In this paper, I discuss two major distributional properties of pota-phrases. One is that despite the general flexibility of positions, there is a directional asymmetry: a pota-phrase can be associated with a topic if it occurs after the topic, but not if it occurs before the topic. The other is that a pota-phrase can combine with a much larger phrase than a comparative predicate, even with a syntactic island in between. These properties are explained by analyzing a comparative construction as involving multiple foci, assuming that the comparative morpheme te and the compared phrase (or its trace) yield a set of alternatives on the right side of the pota-phrase and that a pota-phrase is a focus-sensitive operator that exploits the sets of alternatives. In dealing with focus, I adopt a slightly modified version of the structured meaning approach so that the meaning of comparison can be reflected in the alternative set. (Hongik University)

함안 방언 월성조 연구

구현옥 한글학회 2013 한글 Vol.- No.299

This paper investigated the patterns of tonal phrase formation correlation with focus on the sentence of Haman dialect. Interrogative with /H/ tone and Negative sentence mark ‘an(안)’ have focus on the sentence so that they can neutralize the following unfocused tonal phrase. Tonal phrase of interrogative with /H/ tone type neutralizes following all unfocused phrase to /H1/ on the interrogative sentence. Then, the last syllable is changed as /M/tone when the neutralized tonal phrase is more than three syllables. Tonal phrase of Negative sentence with ‘an(안)’ neutralizes the next phrase to /H1/, but after phrase is optional either tone pattern-combination or tone weakening. The tone pattern /H1/ on the interrogative with /H/ tone and ‘an(안)’ is due to the purpose of emphasizing. The tone type /H1/ on the above two sentences simplify tone pattern and decrease competence of tone in this dialect. It means the tone in this dialect is undergoing a change.

현대중국어 ‘수량구+没VP了’의 정보구조 연구

이은경,MENGYANG JIA,박정구 한국중국언어학회 2024 중국언어연구 Vol.- No.110

This paper analyzed the information structure of the construction ‘Numeral Pharse+mei+VP+le’. The analysis led to the conclusion as follows. First of all, in the construction ‘Numeral Pharse+mei+VP+le’, it was found that the numeral phrase may function as a focus, or the entire predicate, including the numeral phrase, may function as a focus. However, in general, the VP excluding the numeral phrase does not function alone as a focus. If the VP excluding the numeral phrase is to function as a focus, it is common for the aspect marker ‘le’ not to appear at the end of the sentence. The frequency of appearance varies depending on the type of numeral phrases. Through corpus search, the type with the highest frequency of appearance is the case that the numeral phrase expresses the amount of time, while the numeral phrase expressing the amount of action has a relatively low frequency and the numeral phrase expressing the amount of objects has the lowest frequency. The numeral phrase expressing amount of time, action and objects used in the construction 'Numeral Pharse+mei+VP+le’' has something in common in that they represent accumulated quantities, but the more discrete and entity-referential they are, the less frequently they appear in the construction, but vice versa, the use of the construction is relatively preferred.

현대중국어 ‘是…的’구문의 생성과 사용

이범열 동북아시아문화학회 2010 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.22

This study aims to present the generation and use of ‘shi-de’ phrase in Mandarin Chinese. After this study took an overview of traditional researches of ‘shi-de’ phrase, it presented how to generate ‘shi-de’ phrase through insertion of ‘shi’ and ‘de’ and movement of an element to be focalized. First, ‘de’ is to be added at the end of the phrase(or sentence) in order to change ‘an event’ to ‘a state of affair’. Second, ‘shi’ is to be put at the front of the phrase(or sentence). Third, an element should be put at the next of ‘shi’ through movement to be focalized. This study also showed how to express a focus in Mandarin Chinese. There are two types of focus. informational focus and contrastive focus. The former is to put an element with new and most important information at the end of the sentence. The latter is to use ‘shi-de’ phrase to put an emphasis on a particular element which is contrasted to other elements. For instance, to focalize ‘Mary’ in ‘Mary drank wine yesterday’, ‘de’ should be put at the end of the sentence and ‘shi’ at the front of the sentence, as in ‘(shi) Mary drank wine yesterday (de)’, in which ‘Mary’ is in the scope of ‘shi’, focus marker. This contrastive focus sentence presupposes ‘X drank wine yesterday and X can be Tom, July, Susan etc’ and means ‘Only Mary rather than the other participants(Tom, July, Susan etc) drank wine yesterday’. In case of focalizing ‘yesterday’, ‘Mary’ should be out of the scope of ‘shi’ and ‘yesterday’ in the scope of ‘shi’ as in ‘Mary (shi) yesterday drank wine (de)’ In conclusion, ‘shi-de’ phrase is composed of the insertion of ‘shi’ and ‘de’ and movement of a particular element to the right side of 'shi' to express a contrastive focus. What is chosen to be focalized is due to the purpose or direction of conversation.

Acoustic Realizations of Prosodic Prominence in English and Korean

Wu, Jing 한국중앙영어영문학회 2020 영어영문학연구 Vol.62 No.1

This study examined a production experiment to test whether the sentence-initial position has a greater advantage in marking prosodic focus than later positions within a sentence do, and whether or not prosodic focus is affected by pitch declination in Korean. Among many different focus types, the present production experiment included discourse-new focus to test prosodic prominence, and broad focus was also used for control data. Discourse-new focus was elicited using a Q&A structure, and the stimuli with broad focus were produced in isolation simply as background reading. The two focus types were then placed equally in three different positions within a sentence (i.e. sentence-initial, sentence-medial, and sentence-final). Results revealed that prosodic focus was realized clearly with increased cues of duration, pitch, and intensity in every focus position in English and Korean. A noteworthy difference, however, was observed between the two languages. In Korean, a new prosodic phrase with pitch resetting was inserted before every focus. Therefore, unlike English, Korean’s prosodic focus was able to be independent of pitch declination and a falling pitch contour normally occurring at the end of a declarative sentence.

동경어의 악센트구 해지에 관한 실험연구

전미주(全美炷) 한국일본어학회 2017 日本語學硏究 Vol.0 No.52

In this study, we examined the effects of focus, accent combination, and adnominal construction on the occurrence of dephrasing in five native Japanese speakers. With reference to the influence of focus, we studied three utterances: 1) a focus-free utterance, 2) an utterance where the focus is present on the first of two words, and 3) an utterance where the focus is present immediately after two words. The results indicate that the dephrasing ratio in the two utterances containing the focus was significantly higher than that in the focus-free utterance. In addition, the dephrasing ratio per accent combination was the highest in UU (unaccented, unaccented) words, followed by AU (accented, unaccented), UA, and AA. Lastly, the dephrasing ratio per adnominal construction was significantly higher in the “adjective + noun” and “verb + noun” structures than in the “noun + noun” structure. The model with the lowest AIC included focus, accent combination, and adnominal construction, but it had nothing to do with the interaction between focus and accent combination, and the interaction between focus and adnominal construction. The correct prediction rate of the generalized linear mixed model, which incorporates focus, accent combination and adnominal construction as explanatory variables, coupled with individual difference as a random effect, was 79.89%.

‘都수량사’구문에 대한 소고

JINHONGSHI 한국중국문화학회 2021 中國學論叢 Vol.- No.69

This paper studies the distribution Characteristics and the Pragmatics characteristics of ‘dou-classifier Phrase’ construction. First if you look at the distribution characteristics of the phrase, sometimes 'dou' combine with classifier Phrase, Sometimes a verb is between the ‘dou’ and a classifier phrase, and sometimes a adverb is at the front or back of the ‘dou’. In the ‘dou-classifier Phrase’ construction, ‘dou’ have a modality meaning which is indicate the greater quantity or severity of the listener or speaker than expected. Nest, We looked at the Pragmatics characteristics of ‘dou-classifier Phrase’ construction. One, implication of speaker's pragmatic scale. In the ‘dou-classifier Phrase’ construction, ‘dou’ indicating the least lower bound in probability scale. Two, Focus marker; From the perspective of information structure, There is a predicate-focus structure and sentence-focus structure, And here, 'dou' functions as a focus marker. 본고에서는 ‘都수량사’구문에 대해 그의 분포적 특징과 화용론적 특징에 대해 살펴보았다. 우선 都수량사’구문의 분포적 특징을 보면 ‘都’는 수량사와 직접 통합하여 쓰이는 경우, 그리고 ‘都’와 수량사 사이에 동사가 놓이는 경우, 그리고 ‘都’의 앞뒤에 부사가 쓰이는 경우 등으로 나누어 볼 수 있었다. 그리고 ‘都수량사’구문에서 ‘都’는 청자 또는 화자가 예상했던 것보다 많은 수량이나 심한 정도를 나타내는 양태의미를 지니는 것으로 보인다. 다음으로 ‘都수량사’구문의 화용론적 특징에 대해 살펴보았는데 간단하게 두 가지로 요약할 수 있다. 첫째, ‘화자의 척도 함축’, 수량사는 담화상에서 적절한 양상의 척도가 제공되고 이 양상의 척도에서 개연성이 가장 낮은 하한값을 가리키는데 수량사구의 개연성을 살펴보면 ‘都…了’구문에서 ‘都’는 화자의 척도 함축을 가져온다는 것을 도출할 수 있었다. 둘째, ‘초점표지’, ‘都수량사’구문을 정보구조의 관점에서 살펴본 결과 서술어-초점구조와 문장-초점구조를 이루는 것으로 나타났는데 그 가운데서 ‘都’는 초점민감연산자 역할을 한다는 것이다.

Acoustic Realizations of Prosodic Prominence in English and Korean

오정 한국중앙영어영문학회 2020 영어영문학연구 Vol.62 No.1

This study examined a production experiment to test whether the sentence-initial position has a greater advantage in marking prosodic focus than later positions within a sentence do, and whether or not prosodic focus is affected by pitch declination in Korean. Among many different focus types, the present production experiment included discourse-new focus to test prosodic prominence, and broad focus was also used for control data. Discourse-new focus was elicited using a Q&A structure, and the stimuli with broad focus were produced in isolation simply as background reading. The two focus types were then placed equally in three different positions within a sentence (i.e. sentence-initial, sentence-medial, and sentence-final). Results revealed that prosodic focus was realized clearly with increased cues of duration, pitch, and intensity in every focus position in English and Korean. A noteworthy difference, however, was observed between the two languages. In Korean, a new prosodic phrase with pitch resetting was inserted before every focus. Therefore, unlike English, Korean’s prosodic focus was able to be independent of pitch declination and a falling pitch contour normally occurring at the end of a declarative sentence.

Prosodic Structure of Wh-interrogatives and Intervention Effects in North Kyungsang Korean

손형숙 한국언어학회 2017 언어 Vol.42 No.4

Sohn, Hyang-Sook. 2017. Prosodic Structure of Wh-interrogatives and Intervention Effects in North Kyungsang Korean. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 42-4, 735-760. Resorting to prosodic structure of double foci construction, this study aims to provide a prosody-based account of intervention effects, and claims that fronting of the wh-in-situ as a syntactic operation is prosodically motivated. In this approach, intervention effects arise as a consequence of prosodic search for the optimal form to resolve the conflicts among prosodic constraints induced by focus. Selection of optimal prosodic structure is accounted for in the framework of Optimality Theory and this study shows how resolution of conflicts among prosodically motivated constraints results in asymmetry in linear precedence between interveners and wh-operator. This supports the claim that prosody is a crucial factor in determining grammatical linearization. Prosodic constraints induced by wh-operator and focus are further extended to indefinite pronominals in focus construction. As a corollary to interactions of prosodic constraints induced by focus, linear precedence relation between indefinite pronominals and focus naturally falls out from the constraint ranking required anyway. Examining a set of pairwise precedence relations based on prosodic structure, we draw the generalization that indefinite pronominals are followed by wh-operator, which in turn is followed by focus-inducing items. This indicates that fronting of DPs, relative to another focus, is a necessary condition for optimal phrasing in focus construction, and corroborates the claim that syntactic structure is conditioned by prosodic structure. (Kyungpook National University)