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      • KCI등재

        의례의 지역화와 경합 -태국 이주 산악민 소수종족의 의례를 중심으로-

        한유석 실천민속학회 2024 실천민속학연구 Vol.44 No.-

        [국문초록] 이 연구는 태국 이주 소수종족인 몽족과 카렌족, 카친족의 의례에 대한 사례 연구이다. 필자는 소수종족 이주민의 의례가 한편으로는 태국에서 어떻게 지역화되는지, 다른 한편으로는 의례의 원본을 둘러싸고 어떻게 경합하는지에 주목한다. 본국이 아닌 타국에서의 의례는 이주 수용국의 다양한 요소들이 채택ㆍ수용되며 지역화된다. 이러한 의례의 지역화는 몽족과 카렌족, 카친족뿐만 아니라 태국 내 다른 소수종족들의 의례에서도 공히 드러난다. 의례의 지역화, 즉 ‘의례의 태국화’된 요소들은 크게 현지어의 혼용과 태국 국왕의 상징화로 요약된다. 동시에 이주민들은 종족 정체성의 강화와 유지를 위해 오히려 본국의 동족보다 의례의 원본에 더 집착하는 경향을 보인다. 이를 가능하게 하는 것은 온라인을 통한 전지구적 상호연결인데, 해외 이주 소수종족집단은 온라인 상에서 의례의 원본 여부를 놓고 대결하는 장을 형성하기도 한다. 의례의 원본에의 집착과 경합은 기원 지역, 즉 종족의 원 거주지이자 내부에서보다 이주 지역, 즉 해외에서 더 강하게 나타난다. 해외에서는 자신들의 정체성이 흐려질까 하는 두려움이 존재하기에 카친족이자 몽족, 카렌족으로서의 종족 정체성을 더 요구하는 경향이 강하다. 이 과정에서 종족 집단 내 서브그룹의 차이는 그다지 중요하지 않다. 범-카친으로서, 범-몽으로서, 범-카렌으로서의 유대와 일체감, 그리고 종족 정체성이 더 중요하다. This article is a case study of the rituals of Thailand’s migrant ethnic minorities:the Hmong, Karen, and Kachin. I focus on how the rituals of ethnic minority migrants are localized in Thailand, on the one hand, and how they contest the origin(or canon) of their rituals, on the other. Rituals in non-home countries than the home country are localized by adopting and adapting various elements from the host country. This localization of ritual is evident in the rituals of the Hmong, Karen, Kachin, and other ethnic minorities in Thailand. This localization of rituals, or “being Thai style of rituals,” is largely characterized by the use of local languages and the symbolization of the Thai king. At the same time, migrants tend to be more attached to the original rituals than to their own people in order to strengthen and maintain their ethnic identity. This is made possible by global interconnection through the internet, where migrant ethnic minority groups can contest online over the authenticity of their rituals. This preoccupation with and contestation of ritual origin is stronger in areas of migration than in areas of origin, i.e., the original home of the ethnic group. There is a fear that their identity will be blurred in overseas areas. Therefore, they are more inclined to claim their ethnic identity as Kachin, Hmong, and Karen. In this process, the differences between subgroups within an ethnic group are less important. Bonds, unity, and ethnic identity as pan-Kachin, pan-Hmong, and pan-Karen are more important.

      • KCI등재

        유아기 가족의 가족의례에 대한 인식 및 실태

        정계숙 ( Kai Sook Chung ),손환희 ( Hwan Hee Son ),윤갑정 ( Gab Jung Yoon ) 한국유아교육학회 2015 유아교육연구 Vol.35 No.2

        Rituals are considered important for forming a strong and healthy family unit. This study was for providing perceptions and realities of family rituals of family with children in early childhood. For the purpose, survey was conducted targeting 257 parents with young children. The results divided to two topics. One is perception and realities of family rituals, another is difference of family rituals according to demographic characteristics. First, families had their family rituals, discussed and decided depends on their spouse in early marital. And family rituals experience about ‘family love’ were traditional rituals in parents’ childhood and weekend rituals in the present. In the dinnertime ritual, families ate meal together and talked about daily life, in the bedtime ritual, parents read a book and slept with their children before 9 p.m. And families performed vacation rituals with frequency, next was annual rituals and weekend rituals among 8 types rituals. Parents perceived family rituals have a lot of affective contribution, symbolism and occurrence. Second, family rituals’ types and performance were according to parents’ ages, academic ability, a couple working, religion, family’s special rituals, and discussion about family rituals. Finally, this study showed that parents’ perceptions and realities of family rituals of family with children in early childhood for the first time, Korea. It implicated that family rituals contribute to creation of a sense of family love and family identity. 본 연구는 유아기 가족의 가족의례의 실태는 어떠하며 가족의 배경 변인에 따라 가족의례 실행에 어떠한 차이가 있는지를 알아보는데 주된 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 부산과 경상도에 거주하는 유아기 자녀를 둔 부모 257명을 대상으로 가족의례 척도를 사용하여 설문조사를 실시하였다. 연구결과, 첫째, 가족의례의 인식과 실태를 살펴보면, 대체로 유아기 가족은 가족 고유의 가족의례를 가지고 있으며, 가족의례에 대해 결혼 초기에 의논하였고, 배우자의 의견을 따르는 경향을 보였다. 또한 가족애를 느끼게 하는 의례는 부모의 어린 시절에는 전통의례였으나 현재에는 주말의례라고 응답하였다. 저녁식사의례는 가족이 모두 함께하며 주로 일상생활에 대한 이야기를 나누며, 취침의례는 저녁 9시 이전에 책읽기를 하고 자녀와 같이 자는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 8가지 의례유형들 중 휴가의례, 연중의례, 주말의례 순으로 많이 이루어지고 있었으며, 가족의례는 정서적 기여, 상징성 부여, 정규성이 높다고 인식하는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 가족의 배경변인에 따른 가족의례의 차이를 살펴보면, 부모의 연령, 학력, 맞벌이 유무, 종교, 가족 고유의 가족의례 유무, 가족의례 의논 유무에 따라 가족의례유형과 구성요소별 실행에 유의한 차이가 나타났다. 본 연구는 처음으로 국내 유아기 가족의 가족의례 실태를 밝힘으로써 앞으로 가족 정체성과 건강성을 증진하기 위하여 가족의례의 연구와 활용에 대한 시사점을 제공하였다.

      • 논문(論文) : 강릉(江陵)의 제사(祭祀)

        김흥술 ( Heung Sul Kim ) 강원대학교 사학회 2011 江原史學 Vol.0 No.25

        강릉의 제사는 가정 제사를 제외한 사회적 제사로 향교에서 지내는 문묘제사, 각 종중별 유력 가문의 사우제사, 강릉단오제에서 지내는 단오제사, 마을별로 1년에 1회 이상 지내는 민속제사, 현대축제 등 행사에서 지내는 축제제사로 나누어 살펴 볼 수 있다.문묘제사는 강릉향교에서 올리는 춘·추기석전제(음력 2월 初丁)가 있다. 사우제사로는 송담서원(음력 2월 中丁)·청간사(춘분)·경양사(음력 3월 5일)·회암영당(음력 3월 初丁)·덕봉사(음력 3월 8일)·황산사(음력 3월 中丁)·종선각(음력 4월 8일)·전충사(음력 4월 中丁)·명주군왕능향전(음력 4월 20일)·화동서원 충정사(음력 8월 中丁)·오봉서원(음력 9월 初丁)·향현사(음력 9월 中丁)·화부산사(음력 10월 22일) 등에서 올려지는 다례라고 불리는 제사이다. 단오제사는 4월 보름 대관령산신제·대관령국사성황제·구산서낭제·학산서낭제·봉안제, 음력 5월 3일 영신제, 음력 5월 4일부터 8일까지의 조전제, 송신제에 이르기까지 강릉단오제에서 치러지는 12차례의 제사를 일컫는다. 민속제사로 마을마다 정초에 행해지는 고청제, 농사의 풍년을 기원하는 대보름 의식, 해안 마을의 풍어제, 운정동 고봉제 등 서낭고사와 같은 마을제사가 있다. 축제제사로는 망월제·허난설헌 헌다례·여름해변 용왕제·허균허난설헌문화제·한송정들차회·소금강청학제·대현율곡이이선생제 등 현대의 축제내지는 추모문화제에서 올려지는 기원제와 추모제 형식의 제사와 헌다례가 있다. 이외에 가뭄이나 산불예방을 위해 시청이나 관련 기관·단체에서 올리는 제사·고사가 부정기적으로 올려진다. 제사는 본래 엄격한 유교식 절차에 따라 진행되었다. 그러나 오늘날에는 산업화의 진전에 따라 설이나 추석이 외지에 나갔던 가족들이 모이는 기회가 되면서 명절의 의미가 강화되는 경향을 보이고 있다. 현대사회에서 강릉지역에 전승되고 있는 사회적제사의 개별적 공과나 이해를 따지기에 앞서 지역사회의 유풍으로 어떻게 문화적·교육적으로 콘텐츠·가치화 하고 활용할 것인지를 고민해 볼 필요가 있겠다. These social rituals are categorized into Munmyo ritual(ritual for Confusinism), Sau ritual(ritual for family clan``s ancestors), Dano ritual(ritual that is held during the Gangneung Dano-je Festival), Folk ritual that is held in a town once a year, and Festival ritual that is held in modern festivals. Munmyo rituals are held twice a year.(the first ten days of a February & August in lunar calendar) Sau rituals are called "tea rituals" and they are held in Songdam-seowon(March 8 in lunar calendar), Cheonggan-sa shrine (Spring equinox), Gyeongyang-sa shrine(March 5 in lunar calendar), Hweam-yeongdang shrine (the first ten days of a March in lunar calendar), Deokbong-sa shrine(March 8 in lunar calendar), Hwangsan-sa shrine(the middle ten days of a March in luncar calendar), Jongseon-gak shrine (April 8 in lunar calendar), Jeonchung-sa shrine(the middle ten days of a April in lunar calendar), Myeongjugunwang Neunghyang-jeon(April 20 in lunar calendar), Hwadong-seowon chungjeong-sa(the middle ten days of a August in lunar calendar), Obong-seowon(the first ten days of a September in lunar calendar), Hyanghyeon-sa shrine(the first ten days of a September in lunar calendar), and Hwabusan-sa shrine(November 22 in lunar calendar). Dano rituals include 11 rounds of rituals such as Daegwallyeong sansin-je, Daegwallyeong guksaseonghwang-je, Bongan-je in April in lunar calendar, Yeongsin-je in held May 3 in lunar calendar, Jojeon-je held from May 4 to May 7, and Songsin-je held in May 7. Folk rituals include Gocheong-je that is performed early January in almost every town, Daeboruem ritual that is held for praying for good harvest, Pungeo-je that is held in fishing villages, Gobong-je that is held in Unjeong-dong, and town rituals such as Seonangdang-gosa. Festival rituals are rituals that are carried out in modern festivals in the form of praying and respecting deceased person, and tea ceremony. They include Mangwol-je, Heo, nanseol-heon tea ceremony, Yongwang-je in summer beach, Heo, gyun Heo, nanseol-heon cultural festival, Hansong-jeong field tea ceremony, Sogeum-gang Cheon hak-je, and Daehyeon Yulgok Yi, yi sonsaeng-je. Besides these rituals, Rituals and Gosa(告祀) are irregularly held by city government and many civil associations. Rituals were carried out in accordance with strict Confucian principal and process. but today, it tend that holiday has more important meaning than ritual itself because it functions family gathering due to industrialization. Prior to evaluate the pros and corns of these social rituals which has been transmitted in Gangneung, it needs to be thought how to utilize and make them to cultural and educational contents.

      • KCI등재

        고려전기 왕릉과 배릉 의례

        김아네스 호서사학회 2023 역사와 담론 Vol.- No.107

        This study aims to examine ancestral rituals performed by the kings at the royal tombs during the early Goryeo dynasty, and explore its political significance. It seems that King Taejo worshiped his ancestors and elevated his parents’ tombs to royal status naming them Chang-Reung. Following his death, King Taejo was buried at Hyeon-Reung, 27 days later. This established a tradition wherein subsequent kings were buried at the royal tombs, following the procedures of the national funeral. The royal tombs played a pivotal role as essential facilities for performing ancestral rituals within the royal court since the inception of Goryeo dynasty. Establishing the Royal Shrine had changed the status of royal tombs. The royal tombs became central places for royal ancestral rituals for the following groups: royal ancestors who were not enshrined in the Royal Shrine and the deceased kings whose tablets were transferred from the Royal Shrine to his own royal tombs. Royal rituals consisted of seasonal rituals that were held four times a year as well as irregular rituals such as prayer and announcement rituals. These rituals were usually held by public officials on behalf of the kings. In addition, there were rituals where the kings visited royal tombs by themselves to worship their ancestors at the site. The kings often performed ancestral rituals at King Taejo’s Hyeon-Reung, King Sejo’s Chang-Reung and their parents’ tombs. After completing the three-year memorial service of their parents, the kings usually performed ancestral rituals of the Hyeon-Reung, Chang-Reung and their parents’ tombs. And then their deceased parents’ tablets were placed in the Royal Shrine followed by the Che and Hyeop rituals. The worship rituals at the royal tombs followed a specific set of procedures: it commenced with a welcoming bow to the spirits, followed by offering drinks to the ancestral spirits three times, reading a written prayer, and presenting clothes and jewelry. Finally, the king bid farewell with another bow to the ancestral spirits. These royal rituals were instrumental in sanctifying the status of King Taejo and King Sejo. The ritual procedures at the royal tombs symbolized the deep connection between the kings and their royal ancestors through blood lineage. They hold political significance as the kings confirmed the legitimacy of their royal authority and strengthened their power.

      • KCI등재

        百濟 喪葬儀禮의 硏究 - 錦江流域 상장의례 遺蹟의 意味 -

        이남석,이현숙 공주대학교 백제문화연구소 2016 백제문화 Vol.0 No.54

        Funeral rituals are a rite of passage that cannot be separated from human life. If the procedural behaviors are not recorded, however, it is difficult to exteriorize them even if they may exist perpetually and proposedly. Recently, remains that could enhance the understanding of Baekje funeral rituals were excavated in the middle west area including Baekje region over Geum River Basin. The investigation on these remains have advanced the understanding of past customs. These remains are grave areas that show Baekje funeral rituals including Bangdanjeokseok area of Gobungun, Songsanri, Gongju; Seokjeok area of Ancient Tombs, Sucheonri, Gongju; tombs and architectural structures in Ungjindong, Gongju; and stoneworks at the back of the northern premises in Neungsanri, Buyeo. In addition, Jeongchon remains in Cheonan and Galmaeri remains in Asan too are funeral rituals of significance in the 3rd and 4th centuries along with Pyeonggiri, Sejong, and Bonseonri remains in Seocheon. These ruins have changed over time. the features of graves were specified in the construction environment of old tomb mounds after the proto three kingdom period, and then funeral rituals repeated their transitions along with the emergence of lined tombs. In other words, the initial funeral ritual environments in the proto three kingdom period remains including those in Pyeonggiri, Sejong, may be the very reason for absence of other contemporary tomb remains. As those tombs were specified as burial facilities, rituals developed: the conditions of Jeokseok remains in Suchonri, Gongju, well represent the funeral rituals in the 4th and 5th centuries. Thereafter, lined tombs emerged and ritual facilities were prepared for individual graves accordingly. This change seems to remain up to the time of the transfer of the Baekje Capital to Sabi, but the features of Seokchuk remains in the great tombs during the period of Sabi capital imply another change of Baekje funeral rituals hat resulted from the prevelance of Buddhism. It seems to be difficult to understand details of the procedures of funeral rituals because of the complexity. Since they were a rite of passage, these rituals had to be closely related to social changes. It is expected, therefore, that examining the changes in Baekje graves and remains related to its funeral rituals will contribute to specifying Baekje funeral rituals. 喪葬儀禮는 인류의 삶과 불가분의 관계에 있는 통과의례이지만, 절차적 행위로 기록되지 않을 경우 영속적이고 명시적으로 존재할 수밖에 없다는 특징 때문에 구체화하기 어렵다. 그런데 최근 중서부 지역, 특히 금강유역의 百濟 권역에서 이루어진 유적발굴 결과 백제 상장의례의 이해를 증진시킬 수 있는 것들이 발견되었음에, 이의 검토를 통해 기왕의 이해를 보다 진전시켜 보았다. 백제의 상장의례와 관련된 시설로 墳墓區域에 남겨진 유구로 공주 송산리 고분군의 방단적석유구, 공주 수촌리 고분군내 적석유구, 공주 웅진동 유적의 분묘와 공반 조성되어 있는 건축유구, 그리고 부여 능산리 능사의 북편 건물지 후면의 석축유구를 주목하여 보았다. 그리고 천안의 정촌 유적이나 아산의 갈매리 유적도 세종 평기리나 서천 봉선리 유적과 더불어 3~4세기 무렵의 상장의례 시설로 살필 수 있는 자료이다. 이들 유적은 時代別 변천상을 갖추고 있는데, 원삼국기 이후 고총고분 조영환경에서 분묘의 모습이 구체화되고 나아가 횡혈식 묘제로 발전되는 것과 더불어 상장의례도 나름의 변천을 거듭하였음을 반증한다. 즉 세종 평기리 유적을 비롯한 원삼국기 유적에 남겨진 초기적 상장의례 환경은 동시기 墳墓遺蹟의 不在理由로 설명될 수 있다. 그리고 매장시설로 墳墓가 具體化된 상황에서 진행된 儀禮 흔적으로 공주 수촌리 적석유구의 정황은 4~5세기대의 상장의례 모습을 적극적으로 대변한다. 이후 발전된 횡혈식 묘제의 등장에 따라 의례시설이 개별 분묘별로 마련되는 변화상은 사비천도에도 지속된 것으로 보이나, 사비도읍기 陵寺에 남겨진 석축유구의 정황은 백제의 상장의례가 佛敎의 성행에 따른 또 다른 변화를 대변하는 것으로 여겨진다. 상장의례의 복합성을 고려하면 절차나 과정을 상세하게 이해하는 것은 무리가 있다. 그것이 통과의례이기에 社會變化에 밀접하게 연동될 수 밖에 없기 때문이다. 그러나 앞으로 百濟墓制의 변화상과 상장의례 관련유적의 존재상을 함께 검토함으로써, 백제 상장의례를 구체화할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

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        고려시대 ‘淫祀’의 용례와 관념 재검토

        정서윤 한국사학사학회 2024 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.50

        儒經에서 ‘제사 이행자의 본분에 상응하지 않은 제사’로 규정되는 淫祀이지만, 고려에서 이는 다채로운 의미를 지니고 있었다. 고려시대 음사의 개념이 당대인의 상황과 祭禮觀에 따라 개별적으로 정의되었기에 다양성을 띠었던 것이다. 崔承老의 음사 정의는 고려 초 국가제례의 문제점을 비판하며 이를 올바르게 정립하려는 시도에서 이루어졌다. 그는 제사를 감사와 회귀의 의식으로보아, 세속적인 것을 기원하는 祭行에 부정적인 시선을 보냈다. 신의 영험을근거로 무언가를 바라기 위해 실시되던 당대의 산악제, 성수 초제를 음사라여겼던 것이다. 12~13세기에는 ‘무격이 주재하는 제사’, ‘무격의 난잡한 제사’, ‘실력 없는무격의 제사’, ‘영험하지 않은 신을 모시는 巫祭’ 등이 여러 관인으로부터 음사로 인식되었다. ‘음사’라는 지적을 통해 당대인들이 비판하고자 한 제사의 요소가 ‘행위’ 그 자체, ‘제사 이행자’, ‘제사 대상’ 등으로 일률적이지 않으면서도, 그들의 음사 인식은 모두 무속신앙과 직결된다는 동질성을 지니고 있었다. 국가제례와 관련하여 음사를 인식했던 최승로와 달리, 12~13세기 관인은 민간에서 이루어지는 巫祭를 대상으로 음사를 정의했다. 여기에는 무격의 혹세무민 방지, 국가 巫祭에 대한 우회적 저지, 재지세력에 대한 견제 등의 이유가 자리하였을 것으로 짐작된다. 이후 주자학의 도입과 수용, 明의 권고 등 구조적인 영향으로 인해, 14세기에는 관인과 더불어 제도적 차원에서 음사 인식을 공유하게 된다. 당대 신의 功績 유무로 관련 제사의 허용 여부가 결정되고 공인되지 않은, 즉 祀典에 등재되지 않은 제사가 음사로 규정되었다. 그리고 ‘음사’의 경전적 원형을 근거로 ‘제사 이행자의 본분에 상응하지 않은 제사’ 즉, ‘참월한 제사’ 역시 고려 말 음사의 범주에 포함된다. 더 나아가 巫祭에 대한 기존의 음사 관념에, 비유교 사상 자체를 邪敎로 인식・배척하는 ‘闢異端’의 사조가 더해진다. 이처럼 전대 확인되는 여러 淫祀觀은 모두 고려 말 당대인의 그것으로 수렴되고 이후 조선으로 이어져 존속하게 된다. Although improper rituals(淫祀) defined in Confucian classics as “rituals that deviate from the status of the ritual performer”, the term held diverse meanings in Goryeo society. This diversity stemmed from the concept of improper rituals being individually defined based on contemporary circumstances and ritual perception. Choi Seung-ro(崔承⽼)'s definition of improper rituals emerged as part of his critique of early Goryeo national rituals, aiming to establish proper ritual system. Viewing rituals as acts of gratitude and return, he took a negative stance towards rituals conducted with secular aspirations. Rituals in mountain and Taoist rites, which sought blessings from divine efficacy, were classified as improper rituals by him. In the 12th and 13th centuries, improper rituals were perceived by various officials as including ‘Rituals presided over by shamans’, ‘Messy shamanic rituals’, ‘Rituals conducted by unskilled shamans’, and ‘Shamanic rituals worshipping ineffective deities’. The criticized aspects of these rituals varied -ranging from the act itself to the ritual performer and the deities involvedyet they all shared a common connection to shamanistic beliefs. Unlike Choi Seung-ro, who viewed improper rituals within the framework of state rites, officials of the 12th and 13th centuries applied the term primarily to shamanic rituals conducted among the populace. This likely reflected concerns about preventing shamans from deceiving the people, indirect suppression of state-supported shamanic rituals, and efforts to check local gentry. By the late Goryeo period, structural influences such as the introduction and acceptance of Neo-Confucianism(朱子學), as well as recommendations from the Ming(明), led to a broader institutional recognition of improper rituals. Acknowledgment of rituals were assessed based on the accomplishments of the deities involved, and any rituals not officially recognized, not registered in the ritual canon(祀典), were classified as improper rituals. Additionally, the category of improper rituals expanded to include “rituals that deviate from the status of the ritual performer”, returning to its scriptural origins. Moreover, pre-existing views of shamanic rituals as improper were further compounded by the rise of the Neo-Confucian movement of anti-heresy discourses(闢異端). These diverse perceptions of improper rituals from earlier periods converged in the 14th century and led to the Joseon dynasty.

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        고려 國家祭祀의 體制와 그 특징

        金澈雄(Kim Cheor-Ung) 한국사연구회 2002 한국사연구 Vol.118 No.-

        The state ritual of Kory? was unique in its organization and contents. The miscellaneous rites section ("chapsa") of the Kory?sa (History of the Kory? Dynasty) contains chronological records of various rituals including Taoist rituals. This term the miscellaneous rites was not a category of the Confucian auspicious rituals, but the compilers of the Kory?sa used it to designate the rituals other than the Great, Middle, and Lesser rituals in the Confucian tradition. There is no detailed description of sacrificial rituals in this miscellaneous rites section of the Kory?sa, and this seems to suggest that miscellaneous rituals were not as important as the Confucian rituals. However, upon a closer examination, we find that these miscellaneous rituals were not simply various obscure and indigenous rituals of Kory?. They were in fact state rituals. and their significance was comparable to the Great. Middle, and Lesser Confucian rituals. Kory?'s state sacrificial rituals were organized in a dual system of the Great, Middle, and Lesser Confucian rituals on the one hand and the miscellaneous rituals on the other. Kory?'s state ritual organization had developed closer to the Chinese ritual model than the Silla system that had classified its Mountain rituals in the categories of Great, Middle, and Lesser rituals. While the Kory? court adopted the Chinese ritual forms such as the worship of heaven and earth, the actual substance of the state rituals demonstrate that it did not consistently implement the Chinese Confucian ritual forms. The direct worship of heaven at the Round Altar shows Kory?'s perception of the mandate of heaven and the Kory?-centered world view that placed Kory? on an equal footing with China. In addition, various royal ancestor worships were held at the Royal Ancestor Shrine, individual shrines for deceased kings, and the Portrait Halls. Again, this is very different from the Chos?n period when the ancestor worship centered only on the Royal Ancestor Shrine. Moreover, Taoist and indigenous religious traditions were incorporated into the Kory? state ritual system. As the new state of Kory? tried to overcome the political chaos of the Later Three Kingdoms, Kory? broke with Silla and manifested its Kogury? successionism. Kory? also considered itself to be equal to the Chinese dynasties. These ideological perceptions were closely related to the unique organization and contents of Kory? state ritual system. The ideological basis of Kory? state rituals was not limited to Confucianism, and we can see in the sections of the miscellaneous rites and ceremonies examples of many Taoist, Buddhist, and indigenous religious rituals. However, in step with the growing acceptance of the Nee-Confucian ideology, Chos?n restructured state ritual forms and contents to be more consistent with the orthodox Confucian ritual model.

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        일제 말기 프로파간다 영화에 나타난 수행적 의례와 신체의 구성

        하신애 국제한국문학문화학회 2009 사이 Vol.7 No.-

        This paper is focusing on performative rituals as a physical process of forming identity in propaganda films in the late Japanese colonial period. In propaganda films, performative rituals were utilized in twoways: modern imperial rituals―including Gungsŏngyobae(宮城遙拜), the pledge of military personnel, the formal military inspection, the chorus of war song, etc.―and chosŏn folk rituals, including the village festival, chosŏn folk songs, chosŏn folk dances, etc. On the basis of the performance of these dual rituals, this paper examines two figures of ‘useful body’requested by the Japanese empire of the colonized chosŏn people in this period. It also traces how these two figures of ‘useful body’were separated and arranged by the rank of battle front-home front, or Empire-locality on the film screen. This paper emphasizes that the propaganda spread by local and folk rituals could have had asstrong motivational power of Imperialization and colonial identification as the propaganda spread by modern imperial rituals. Local and folk rituals didn’t remain a fixed object of exoticism or localism. It was rather re-contextualized by imperial intention and acted as a motivational power of Imperialization. So the rituals of practice transforming the colonized body to the imperial subject’s body wasn’t limited to modern and imperial rituals. To have a complete understanding of the Imperialization project in this period, we should pay attention to the propaganda spread by folk rituals.

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        唐의 祀典 체계와 신라의 祀典 정비

        박남수 신라사학회 2019 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.45

        This article aims to examine the reasons why ancestral rites and agricultural rites were excluded from Sajeon(祀典: the national ritual system) of Silla recorded in the Chapter of the ‘Rituals’ section(祭祀志) of Samguksagi(三國史記) while the rituals for Noted Mountains and Large Streams(名山大川祭) were included in it as one of the System of Tripartite rituals(三祀), the traditional ritual system of East Asia. Additionally, the system organization process of Silla was examined by comparing to national rituals in China and dividing the system organization process into three periods according to the time of establishments of the rituals for national founder and Singung(Divine Shrine-hall), Chongmyo(Royal ancestral shrine) and Sajikdan(the State deities). As a result of study, it is founded that the state ritual system of Silla already had agricultural rites corresponding to rituals for Son-of-heaven Ruler and Tripartite Mountain was designated corresponding to Divine Land(神州) in the periods of Nothern Qi(北齊), Sui(隋) and Tang(唐). On the onhand, it is revealed that even if rituals for Gods of Wind(風伯) and Rain(雨師), ritual for Constellation(靈星祭), rituals for Sun-and-moon God(日月祭) as well as the rituals for national founder Pakhyŏkkŏse and Divine Shrine-hall, Sajikdan and Five shrines should have been included in the system of Tripartite Rituals of Tang, they were not included in it. On the contrary, only rituals for Noted Mountains and Large Streams were arranged in the system of tripartite rituals. It is firstly because the records on Sajeon were scattered and missed when Samguksagi was compiled but, rather than, it seems that it was because the establishment and abolition of rituals were written chronologically as like the Chapter of Silla “Rituals” section of SamgukSagi and according to chronological descriptions, its dates and places that services took place were specified in it. It seems that those chronological descriptions resulted from organizing Sajeon several times and reorganizing only the rituals for Noted Mountains and Large Streams adapted for the system of Tang Tripartite Rituals, with maintaining indigenous ritual system for gods of the heaven and the earth, despite of adopting proprieties of Tang. 본고는 ≪삼국사기≫ 제사지에 전하는 신라 祀典이, 동아시아 전통의 三祀 체계에 名山・大川만을 편제하고, 주요한 조상제사나 농경제사를 제외한 까닭을 살피고자 하였다. 아울러 신라 각종 제사의 정비과정을 세 시기, 곧 시조묘와 신궁, 종묘・사직단의 설치를 기준으로 시기를 구분하고 중국 역대 제사와 비교하여 그 성격을 살폈다. 그 결과 신라의 사전에는, 천자의 제례에 상응하는 八蜡祭와 觀稼, 藉田을 각각 八棤祭, 後農祭와 先農祭란 명칭으로 사용하고, 북제・수・당대의 神州에 상응하는 三山을 설정하였음을 알 수 있었다. 한편으로 시조 혁거세묘나 신궁 제사, 사직단, 오묘를 비롯하여 風伯, 雨師, 靈星祭, 日月祭 등은 분명히 당의 三祀 체계에 포함되어야 할 것인데도 전혀 三祀 체계 내에 들어가 있지 않고, 오직 名山大川만을 三祀에 배치하였음을 주목하였다. 이는 ≪삼국사기≫ 편찬시의 신라 사전이 많이 산실된 까닭이겠지만, 신라 祀典이 ≪삼국사기≫ 제사지 신라조와 마찬가지로 편년별로 제사의 置廢를 서술하고 그에 따른 祭日이나 祭場을 명시하였기 때문으로 보았다. 또한 신라의 祀典이 몇 차례에 걸쳐 정비되었고, 당례를 수용하면서도 고유의 天祇 제사 체제를 유지하고 名山大川에 대한 제사만을 唐의 三祀 체계에 맞추어 재정비하였기 때문이라고 여겨졌다.

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        현대 한국의 승려 예불 : 구조와 의미

        김종명 불교학연구회 2006 불교학연구 Vol.14 No.-

        Traditional scholarship has argued that "Daily Buddhist rituals function to solidify the identity of the monastic community" and "these rituals are none other than the representation of key Buddhist doctrines." Are these views always correct? The purpose of this paper is to critique such conventional ideas of daily Buddhist rituals by monks in contemporary Korea and attempt a new interpretation of the meaning of those rituals. To this end, this paper examines the structure and content of daily Buddhist rituals performed at T'ongdosa, the Buddha-jewel Monastery in Korea, focusing on an in-depth analysis of the spatial and temporal structure of the rituals and their functional, ideological, and practical meaning. This research led me to conclude that the structure and meaning of daily Buddhist rituals in Korea were different from common views. First, there is no solid evidence to support the contention that daily Buddhist rituals in Korea function to solidify the identity of monastic members. Moreover, it is difficult to observe that these rituals are outward expressions of key Buddhist doctrines. As a result, it appears that daily Buddhist rituals are actually a minor part of monastic life in Korea. Rather, those rituals in use are products of uncritical acceptance of the tradition. Therefore, a new pattern of daily Buddhist rituals that express the Buddha's teaching as a life education system is an urgent necessity.

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