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교원양성기관평가 정책은 성공하였는가?: 5.31교육개혁의 교원양성기관평가 정책 평가 연구
김병찬 한국교육행정학회 2026 교육행정학연구 Vol.44 No.1
본 연구에서는 5.31교육개혁으로 도입된 교원양성기관평가 정책이 30년이 되어 가는 시점에서 그 배경과 성격, 운영 과정, 성과 등의 분석을 통해 그 의미와 미래 방향을 탐색하고자 하였다. 연구 방법은 기본적으로 문헌 분석을 실시하였으며, 보완적으로 심층면담을 활용하였다. 구체적으로 교원양성기관평가 정책을 1) 정책 목표의 타당성, 2) 정책 설계의 적절성, 3) 정책 수단의 적합성, 4) 정책 성과의 달성 정도 등 네 가지 준거를 바탕으로 분석하였다. 분석결과, 교원양성기관의 질 향상과 양성 규모 조정이라는 정책 목표가 시대적 요구를 반영한타당한 목표이기는 하였지만, 대학들이 평가 기준을 절대적인 생존 조건으로 받아들임으로써교육부 지침에 과도하게 종속되는 문제가 발생했고, 또한 정원 감축이라는 강력한 제재 수단은 제도의 실효성을 높였지만, 대학의 창의적 교수활동과 자율성을 저해하는 결과로 나타남이 분석되었다. 결론적으로 교원양성기관평가 정책은 일정 부분 비교적 성공적으로 정착했음에도 불구하고, 점수 중심 평가와 과잉 경쟁이 교사교육의 본질적 질 향상과는 거리가 있는 것으로 나타났다. 향후, 5.31교육개혁의 성과를 토대로 하되, 진정한 교사교육의 질 향상을 중심에 둔 ‘포스트 5.31’의 새로운 방향 모색이 필요함을 제안하였다. This study, as the 5.31 Education Reform policy approaches its 30thanniversary, aims to explore its significance and future direction by analyzing itsbackground, nature, operational processes, and achievements. Literature analysiswas the primary method of research, complemented by in-depth interviews. Specifically, the teacher education institution evaluation policy was analyzedbased on four criteria: 1) the validity of policy goals, 2) the appropriateness ofpolicy design, 3) the appropriateness of policy measures, and the degree ofachievement of policy outcomes. The analysis found that while the policy goalsof improving the quality of teacher education institutions and adjusting the scaleof training were valid and reflective of the needs of the times, universities'acceptance of evaluation criteria as an absolute requirement for survival led toexcessive dependence on the Ministry of Education guidelines. Furthermore, thestrong sanction of reducing student enrollment, while enhancing the effectivenessof the system, hindered creative teaching activities and the autonomy ofuniversities. In conclusion, while the teacher training institution evaluation policy has beenrelatively successful to some extent, it appears that score-based evaluation andexcessive competition have distanced themselves from fundamentally improvingthe quality of teacher education. Building on the achievements of the May 31stEducation Reform, we propose a new "post-May 31" approach centered on trulyimproving the quality of teacher education.
심층신경망 모형을 이용한 서울시 도시공원 및 녹지공간의 열섬저감효과 분석
김병찬,강재우,박찬,김현진 한국조경학회 2020 한국조경학회지 Vol.48 No.4
The Urban Heat Island (UHI) Effect has intensified due to urbanization and heat management at the urban level is treated as an important issue. Green space improvement projects and environmental policies are being implemented as a way to alleviate Urban Heat Islands. Several studies have been conducted to analyze the correlation between urban green areas and heat with linear regression models. However, linear regression models have limitations explaining the correlation between heat and the multitude of variables as heat is a result of a combination of non-linear factors. This study evaluated the Heat Island alleviating effects in Seoul during the summer by using a deep neural network model methodology, which has strengths in areas where it is difficult to analyze data with existing statistical analysis methods due to variable factors and a large amount of data. Wide-area data was acquired using Landsat 8. Seoul was divided into a grid (30m x 30m) and the heat island reduction variables were enter in each grid space to create a data structure that is needed for the construction of a deep neural network using ArcGIS 10.7 and Python3.7 with Keras. This deep neural network was used to analyze the correlation between land surface temperature and the variables. We confirmed that the deep neural network model has high explanatory accuracy. It was found that the cooling effect by NDVI was the greatest, and cooling effects due to the park size and green space proximity were also shown. Previous studies showed that the cooling effects related to park size was 2℃-3℃, and the proximity effect was found to lower the temperature 0.3℃-2.3℃. There is a possibility of overestimation of the results of previous studies. The results of this study can provide objective information for the justification and more effective formation of new urban green areas to alleviate the Urban Heat Island phenomenon in the future. 도시화로 인한 도시열섬현상(Urban Heat Island)이 심화되면서 도시차원의 열 관리가 중요한 이슈로 다뤄지고, 도시열섬현완화 방안으로 녹지사업과 환경정책이 시행되고 있고, 도시공원 및 녹지와 열의 관계를 분석하는 다수의 연구가 수행되었다. 하지만 열이라는 특성은 다수의 요인이 복합적으로 얽혀있어 선형적 상관관계를 통한 해석에 한계가 있다. 본 연구는 변수요인들이 다양하고 데이터의 양이 방대하여 기존의 통계분석방식으로는 분석하기 어려운 분야에서 강점을 갖는 심층신경망 모형 방법론을 사용하여 여름철 서울지역의 공원 및 녹지의 열섬저감효과를 평가하는 것을 목표로 연구를 진행하였다. 이를 위해서 Landsat 8 인공위성영상을 활용하여 동시간의 광역적인 데이터를 취득하였고, ArcGis 10.7을 이용하여 서울시를 30m×30m 그리드로 격자화하여, 각 격자에 열섬저감을 측정할 수 있는 환경변수를 구축하였다. Python 3.7과 Keras를 이용하여 심층신경망 모형을 생성하여 지표면 온도와 변수 간의 관계를 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 인공신경망 모형은 높은 설명력을 가지는 것을 확인하였다. 또한 일반적인 연구 결과와 마찬가지로 인접 녹지와의 거리가 가까울수록, 공원면적이 커질수록, 공원의 식생활력도가 높을수록 지표면 온도가 낮아짐을 확인하였다. 식생활력도에 의한 냉각효과가 많이 있는 것을 확인하였고, 일부 선행연구에서 녹지에 인접할수록 0.3℃ ~ 2.3℃ 저감될 수 있는 특성이 나타나고, 공원의 크기가 크면 2℃~3℃ 저감효과가 나타난다는 결과를 보이고 있는데, 본 연구결과와 비교해 보면 도출된 효과가 과대평가되었을 가능성을 확인하였다. 본 연구의 결과는 향후 도시열섬현상 완화를 위해 새로운 도시녹지를 조성시 효과적인 녹지 구성을 위한 정보로 활용될 수 있다.
行政國家의 權力構造的 側面에서 본 福祉政策의 決定者 : From the Perspective of the Power Structure in Administrative State
金秉燦 慶北大學校 1987 論文集 Vol.44 No.-
1. Welfare society is the ideal of administrative state. The decision procedure of welfare policy is, therefore, an important part of the power structure in the administrative state. 2. A historical review of the changes in the welfare policies since the 17th century in the United Kingdom and the United States of America reveals that the society with more opportunities and less conflicts tends to feature individualism and the society with the opposite characteristic does collectivism 3. In 1970s the crisis of welfare state was seen in several western countries, where one particular class, whether conservative or liberal, monopolized the decision-making of welfare policies. 4. On the contrary, facing the world-wide economic depression in 1970s, a few countries such as Austria and Sweden could maintain welfare expenditures on the relatively sound economic basis. It was possible because the structure of decision-making on the welfare policies was consistent with corporatism. 5. We found, in the conclusion, that the decisions on the welfare policies in the industrial countries with more conflicts and less opportunities should be made through corporative partnership.
“미국 연방정부의 확대로 살펴본 중앙집권과 지방분권 사이의 정치학” 논문에 대한 토론
김병찬 한국교육정치학회 2012 한국교육정치학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.33 No.-
지금까지 학술대회에서 봐왔던 논문과는 다른 흥미 있는 글이었습니다. 박교수님은 미국에서 교육정책을 둘러싼 중앙정부와 지방정부 사이의 정치적인 역동을 밝혀 우리 한국 교육정책에 주는 시사점을 도출하고자 한 것 같습니다. 이러한 의도는 충분히 달성이 된 것 같습니다. 박교수님은 미국에서 연방정부와 지방정부 사이의 오랜 분권구조를 깨고 연방정부가 지방정부에 간섭, 개입하기 시작한 1950년대 이후의 양측 사이의 정치적 역학관계를 밝히고 있습니다.
On the number of equivalence classes of bi-partitions arising from the color change
김병찬 대한수학회 2024 대한수학회논문집 Vol.39 No.2
We introduce a new class of bi-partition function $c_k(n)$, which counts the number of bi-color partitions of $n$ in which the second color only appears at the parts that are multiples of $k$. We consider two partitions to be the same if they can be obtained by switching the color of parts that are congruent to zero modulo $k$. We show that the generating function for $c_k(n)$ involves the partial theta function and obtain the following congruences: \begin{align*} c_2 (27n+26) &\equiv 0 \pmod{3} \\ \intertext{and} c_3 (4n + 2 ) &\equiv 0 \pmod{2}. \end{align*}
金秉燦 慶北大學校 1981 論文集 Vol.32 No.-
1. Preface Some scholars criticize modern administrative state as a neo-Fascism ruled by antidemocratic class of bureaucrats, and some scholars appraise it as a scientific rational state for the social welfare without concerning to any type of political power structure. Above two views should be equaly criticized respectively, because the former can not contribute to political development for the welfare state, and the later may incompetently be reconciled with a new type of tyrany. Definition of the administrative state should be a tool to see, through it, the reality of politics in the modern complex society and to keep democracy. 2. What factors cause the administrative state? 1) Complexity of modern industrialized society. 2) Institutional defects of the classical democratic power structure in the complex society. (1) logical contradicion of separation of powers to the principle of popular sovereignty. (2) weakness of legalism in relation to the planocracy. (3) inadaptiblity of the principle of cheap government (Nacht wa¨chterstaat) for the control of socioeconomic problems. 3) Insufficiency of organizational professionality of the legislature. These factors necessitate the modification of classical democratic power structure. 3. Review of definitions. Most important definitions of the administrative state are reviewed. However, they are extraneous of the subject except following two kinds of definitions of it. 1) the definition as the state that is ruled by facts themselves or scientific rationality and technology. 2) the definition as the state that is ruled by the new authoritatrian anti-democratic class of bureaucrats on the pretext of technology. But these two definitions also have to be criticized. Namely, the former places overemphasis on the rationality of policy making processes of administrative bureaucracy and ignores the dominant values of ideologies of the political parties. The later, adhering to old credo, deny the policy making function of the executive which is inevitable in the modern complex society. It is necessary to mitigate and coordinate these two definitions, and in one hand we must accept the policy making function of the, executive, and on the other hand we must try to set up the appropriate apparatus to check and cope with the aggrandizement of the excutive. 4. New types of the checking apparatus of the executive. Classical types of checking apparatus is the system of separation of powers which means mainly the dichotomy between the power of decision (the legislative) and that of execution (the executive). However this system is not workable in the modern administrative state in which the executive should make the policy inevitably. Stimulated this situation, there have arised the new theories for the checking apparatus of the executive. 1) Pluralism in separation of powers; e.g. check and balance between the representative body of culture, economy and citizens, or between the multiple political parties, church of catholic, church of protestant and the labor union. These theories are too complicated and not easy to organize those plural interests respectively as an institution. 2) dichotomy between the integrated body of the politics-administration and the judiciary. As for this theory, we can hardly believe that the judiciary is able to check effectively the stronger power of tht integrated body of the politics-administration. 3) theory of division of functions. This theory see politics and administration as a continuing process and not a separate one. The executive is responsible for the major plan and its execution, and the legislature retains the right of auditing, investigating and vetoing them. Following this theory, though not enough, we may be able to check the power of the executive and get rid of logical contradiction between popular sovereighty and separation of powers. 5. Conclusin With all the above analysis, we can reach the final definition of the administrative state in which the executive is responsible for the policy decision and its execution for the social welfare under over-all and ultimate control of the legislature. In it, administrative bureaucracy mainly represents the value of scientific rationality, and the legislature represents the value of dominant political ideologies under the control of the citizens through the parties. And finally these two values are coordinated by the cooperative division of functions between the executive and the legislature.
金秉燦 경북대학교 법정대학 1972 法大論叢 Vol.10 No.-
1. Object and Method of This Study Government of Gun rely for most of their revenue upon grants in aid from the central government. This financial dependence upon grants, aggravated by the sectionalism of the departments of the central government, infringes upon independent local administration. I have tried to find a way to improve this status by scrutinizing the statistical data and interviewing local government employees. 2. Trend of the Level of Local Financial Self-Reliance From 1964 to 1970 the percentage of locally-raised revenue in Guns has decreased from 67% to 17%, while in large cities the rate has kept almost the same level. This was caused by the imbalance in economic growth between rural areas and large cities; thus the slow growth of revenue from local taxation in the Gun could not keep pace with the rapid expansion of its expenditure. This trend will continue in the future unless the economic situation of the rural areas is fundamentally changed. 3. Some Devices to Increase Local Tax Revenue Prevailing discussions for the devices to increase the revenue from local taxation can be classified into two groups: 1) transforming some of national taxations into local taxation. 2) raising the rates of local taxations or levying new local taxations. However, analysis of the data shows that neither of these devices will be successful because of the lack of sources of national or local taxation. 4. Reformation of Local Share Taxation For the above-mentioned reasons, Gun government finance is inevitably obliged to depend upon aid from the central government. However, grants from the central government with attached strings of supervision harm the independence of local administration Therefore local share taxation in support of general purposes is preferable to grants. But the present system of local share taxation is inadequate for estimating the level of expenditure necessary for local administration. 5. Conclusion As a conclusion I propose that a committee for local development planning, and a review commission be established at each level of the government to prepare a plan for local development and to estima te the necessary expenditure. This system will help promote the independence of local fincnce.