朝鮮 太宗代의 東北面 女眞政策

박정민 전북대학교 대학원 2007 국내석사

The Northeast region was the home base for King Teajo Lee Sung-gye, and was in keen relationship with the Jurchen tribes since the foundation of Chosun Dynasty. King Teajo put forth the policies that made the Jurchens marry the Chosun people and required them to pay tax and supply labor. Also, he expanded the territory up to Tumen River. This relationship faced a turning point at King Teajong period. Emperor Youngrak of Ming dynasty started to conciliate the Jurchens, and in reaction, Chosun also conciliated the Jurchens in the Northeast region. After all, as the Tong Mongke Temur of Odori attended the Royal Court of Ming, most of Jurchens in the Northeast region accepted the conciliation of Ming. In retaliation of their submission to Ming, Chosun took some economic countermeasures against Jurchen such as closing the trade center at Kyongwon, and the Jurchens who suffered economically from it invaded Kyongwon of Chosun in 1406. Many invasions occurred afterward, and in 1410, Udike and other Jurchens killed Byungmasa Han Hung-bo. At last, King Teajong decided to launch a campaign against the Jurchen. As a result of the first Jurchen campaign, the number of Jurchen’s envoy of during 1410 (10th year of King Teajong) to 1430 (4th year of King Sejong) increased a lot, and the number of their invasions decreased. Also, Tong Monke Temur, the chief of the Odori tribe, had been moved to Bongju in 1411 and returned to his base (1423), Hoeryong, after the death of King Teajong. Based on these facts, the Jurchen campaign launched during King Teajong period restored Chosun’s initiative on Jurchen, once lost due to the diplomatic conflicts with Ming. Also, it could be seen that it prepared the basis for Chinese’s Gimi to Jurchen.

4~6세기 전북지역 분구묘의 양상과 변천

박영민 전북대학교 일반대학원 2018 국내석사

This study set out to set the chronology of Bungumoy in the Jeonbuk region from the fourth to the sixth century through their artifacts and examine the patterns and changing processes of their locations, forms, and construction techniques based on it. In the Jeonbuk region, the Bungumoy from the fourth to the sixth century can be categorized according to four zones including the downstream area of the Geum River, the basin of the Mangyeong River, the basin of the Dongjin River, and the basin of the Jujin Stream. There are some differences in the patterns and changing processes of Bungumoy among the zones. The Bungumoy in the downstream area of the Geum River were square in the planar form and generally located on the top of a hill. They maintained the tradition of the Mahan-style Bungumoy in the early days but gradually changed toward Baekje-style artifacts under its influence. Of the four zones, this zone first witnessed the disappearance of Bungumoy. In the basin of the Mangyeong River, the Bungumoy were square in the planar form and usually built on the top of a hill just like their counterparts in the basin of the Geum River. Although the tradition of Mahan-style Bungumoy was kept in their early days, their artifacts increasingly accepted the Baekje style under its influence. In Phase 3 of the Mangyeong River basin, Bungumoy made explosive growth in terms of Baekje-style artifacts and became large in size. This zone maintained the style of Bungumoy for the longest time in the Jeonbuk region, but the introduction of stone chamber tombs from Baekje in the former half of the sixth century resulted in the disappearance of Bungumoy. In the basin of the Dongjin River, the Bungumoy also preserved their Mahan-style tradition in the early days but gradually moved towards Baekje-style artifacts under its influence. This zone witnessed the emergence of Bungumoy in a planar circle in the former half of the fifth century, which was the earliest in the Jeonbuk region, and saw them last in the area since then. In the basin of the Jujin Stream, the Bungumoy from the fourth to the sixth century maintained their Mahan-style tradition until the fourth century that was the earliest time but had the Baekje-style artifacts spread among them in the early fifth century. This zone especially had a mixture of square- and trapezoid-shaped Bungumoy and made a transition to square-shaped ones in the former half of the fifth century. They were then followed by circular Bungumoy in the planar form that spread in the zone, which saw the construction of super-large Bungumoy not found in the other zones in the Jeonbuk region. When super-large Bungumoy were built in the basin of the Jujin Stream, the amounts of Baekje-style artifacts decreased under the strong influence of the cultural area of the Yeongsan River basin, which is a unique cultural element to the Gochang area and hardly found in the other areas of Jeonbuk. These findings show that the Bungumoy in the Jeonbuk region from the fourth to the sixth century changed in a direction of increasing influences from the Baekje culture by the stages. That is, the Bungumoy of Jeolla from the fourth to the sixth century maintained the tradition of the Mahan culture in the earliest Stage 1(the fourth century). Entering Stage II(in the latter half of the fourth century), they started to bury Baekje-style pottery in the tombs under the influence of the Baekje culture. In Stage III(in the early fifth century), the influences of the Baekje culture made rapid growth around the Jeollabuk region with the size of Bungumoy getting bigger and the number of artifacts buried rising. In addition, the amounts of ironware and elite grave goods buried in the tombs increased, as well. In Stage IV(in the middle fifth century), the shapes and combination patterns of pottery changed with the tradition from Stage III kept. In the stage, Bungumoy were distributed in line on the top of a hill with the complex mounding technique used generally in mound construction. In Stage V(in the latter half of the fifth century), Bungumoy faced a decline. Although Bungumoy continued in the basin of the Mangyeong River, their number and size decreased with the artifact patterns changing. In addition, the introduction of stone chamber tombs from Baekje led to the gradual disappearance of Bungumoy. In the Jeonbuk region, the Bungumoy from the fourth to the sixth century changed by the stages through the above-mentioned process. Artifacts buried in Bungumoy were first affected by the Baekje culture and replaced by Baekje-style artifacts, being followed by the mounded tomb style. These findings indicate that the Mahan society in the Jeonbuk region turned into a Baekje society under the influence of Baekje and that the change took place in a gradual process. Furthermore, the basin of the Jujin Stream was strongly influenced by the culture of the Yeongsan River basin with the impacts of Baekje on the area reduced when Bungumoy disappeared, which suggests that the change of Jeonbuk toward a Baekje society was not simple and went through a rather complex process.

조선시대 부안김씨가의 재산형성과 분재 양상 연구

김영준 전북대학교 일반대학원 2019 국내박사

The writer took a diachronic view of the process of wealth amassment and the method of division of property based on Uban Buan Kim’s family’s records of property inheritance and property-related documents that were produced between the 16th and 18th centuries. In the 16th century, Uban Buan Kim’s family was followed by Kim Seokpil-Kim Gae-Kim Gyeongsun. Kim Seokpil is a figure who increased the price by passing the state examination in the early 16th century. He, at the same time, laid the foundation of the family fortune. His son, Kim Gae, built a tile-roofed house in Imsil, and also reclaimed about 100 islands by building up brick walls rivers nearby the wasteland. Kim Gyeongsun expanded its scale by purchasing and reclaiming the land nearby by building up brick walls in Yongdam, the upper region of the Guem River. Also, about 30 gyeol(結) of mud flats in Julpo, Buan were received and operated as a farmland and sea farm by building an embankment. In the 16th century, Uban Buan Kim’s family formed its property through reclamation. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in the 17th century, Kim Hongwon sent Uigok(義穀) to the King’s temporary quarters, and during the second invasion, he carried out active civilian army activities and entered into politics by successfully defeating the Japanese army in places including Sunchang and Suncheon. Kim Hongwon did not neglect his efforts to protect and increase his family’s property. After the Japanese Invasion, he actively attempted to restore the lost Imsil and Yongdam-hyeon farms, and purchased the large tracts of land in Uban-dong in 1634. At this time, he laid the foundation in Uban-dong for generations. The division of property was Namnyeopyeonggyunbunjep(男女平均分執) Kim Myeongyeol and Kim Beon established the principle of division of property. According to the clan rules, the memorial service was performed by sons, and daughters who did not participate in the memorial service were given only 1/3 of the property for sons. In addition, the land in Uban-dong was inherited only to sons to promote the formation of lineage village. In other words, the wealth and memorial services were concentrated on sons. Meanwhile, the means of increasing property has been changed from reclamation to purchase. After Kim Beon, the lineage of Uban Buan Kim’s family continued with the foster son Kim Sujong(Banggil)-Kim Deukmun-Kim Jeongha. Although the legitimacy of the family was maintained through this process, it caused the problem that the family’s property or personal connections were not fully conveyed to future generations. Kim Deukmun’s Uban-dong property that was divided by ancestors has been reassembled as he inherited the property from both his foster and biological fathers. Kim Jeongha is a descendent of Sajikgongpa. When he was ostracized by his relatives, his hometown moved to Ongjeong-ri. Later, his descendants experienced issues related to return of purchase as they moved back to Uban-dong. At that time, the wealth inheritance was concentrated on the eldest son, and after Kim Jeongha, the method that the property was controlled by the eldest son had been confirmed. Such the wealth amassment and division of property by Uban Buan Kim’s family could ascertain the fact that they made constant efforts to maintain their status and economic power of rural noble family. It is expected that such an analysis provides more access to the actual society of the day.

19세기 정표정책과 전북지역의 정표

정혜 전북대학교 일반대학원 2019 국내석사

The purpose of this study is to examine the execution and significance of the policy of awarding 'Jeong-pyo'(旌表), which was implemented in Jeollabuk-do during the 19th century amid a period of intensifying social unrest. The policy of conferring 'Jeong-pyo' had persisted throughout the Joseon daynasty at the national level to encourage the practice of Confucian morality. The 19th century was an era that was particularly characterized by turmoil, with unrest brewing both within and outside the kingdom. The State needed to pacify public sentiment during such times, when the populace desired to be awarded 'Jeong-pyo' as a token of clan prestige. Thus, it is notable that policy objectives and public interest combined to bring about an increase in the number of 'Jeong-pyo' awards. This study compiled information on the commemorative monuments(旌閭碑) currently existing in Jeollabuk-do as well as the records of 'Jeong-pyo' issued in the region as per the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄) and considered their social significance. The first distinctive characteristic of the 'Jeong-pyo' policy of Jeollabuk-do was that, across all time periods, many awards commemorated filial virtue. This may be attributed to the Province's response to the State's perception of filial virtue as being of paramount importance. Second, there was an increasing tendency for 'Jeong-pyo' to be awarded jointly to multiple generations of family members(fathers and sons / married couples / siblings, etc.) within a single clan. This reflected the placatory nature of the 'Jeong-pyo' policy amid the general atmosphere of national unrest. Within the Province, the city of Namwon had the greatest number of 'Jeong-pyo' conferees, with awards given for various virtuous acts, including not only loyalty, filial piety, and chastity but also loyalty-filial piety and filial piety-chastity. In traditional society, maintaining / advancing one's clan was an important undertaking. Moreover, it was considered prestigious to have family members who were recognized for exalting Confucian ideology, which led to the issuance of a growing number of 'Jeong-pyo' awards, to enhance clan prestige in the course of implementation of the national 'Jeong-pyo' policy. Furthermore, the number of 'Jeong-pyo' awards in the Jeollabuk-do grew at a faster pace than in other regions during this period, and the various local texts on morality released in response to the nationally published books on morality reflect the region's enthusiastic acceptance of the national policy.

태인 고현향약의 성립과 운영 주체

나수지 전북대학교 일반대학원 2021 국내석사

본고는 태인지역 고현내에서 성립한 고현향약과 운영 주체에 대해 검토하였다. 정극인은 중앙에서 관직을 수행하다가 관직에 물러난 뒤 고현내에 정착하여 고현내에 거주하던 사족들과 함께 향음주례를 실시하였다. 정극인은 고현내에서 자신이 추구하는 유교 이념 실현을 위해 향음주례를 실시해 사족간의 유교적 질서를 정립한 뒤 교화를 이루고자 하였다. 향음주례가 유교적 질서 확립에 주도적 역할을 해오던 중 16세기 들어서면서 사림이 주도권을 가지게 되고, 사림들은 자신들을 중심으로 하는 사회체제 질서가 재편되길 원하였다. 전반적으로 유교적 지식의 소양도 함양되던 시기에 주자증손여씨향약의 보급되었다. 시대적 변화에 따라 고현향약은 먼저 이름이 입록된 좌목이 등장하였고, 구성원들이 지켜야 할 약조가 생겼다. 그리고 향약이 조선 사회에 유입되는 시기에 맞춰 덕업상권과 환난상휼, 징벌의 내용이 명시되었다. 그 뒤 예속상교와 과실상규의 내용이 추가되었다. 그리고 시기적으로 논의해야 할 입의를 통해 나타내었다. 그리고 참여자가 양반에서 서얼을 포함하고 하층민까지 포함되면서 향촌 사회 구성원 모두가 향약의 대상자가 되었다. 정극인이 고현내에서 향음주례를 실시할 때 참여했던 구성원은 기존에 고현내에 살고 있었던 사족들과 정극인처럼 중앙에서 고현으로 거처를 옮긴 사족들이 참여하였다. 사족들이 향음주례에 참여했던 이유는 향음주례는 사족들에게 정치적 활동으로 작용하였기 때문이다. 운영 주체로 대표되는 가문 가운데 도강김씨와 여산송씨는 중첩된 혼인과 과거급제자 배출을 통해 17세기에 주도권을 았다. 혼인을 통해 연대감을 형성하였고, 과거급제자 배출을 통해 경제력과 사회 지위를 나타낼 수 있었다. 이들은 향촌 문제를 동회에 모여 회의를 통해 결정하였고, 공동물건과 공동재산을 소유하면서 재정을 충당하였다.

『완영일록』으로 본 전라감사 서유구의 도정 수행

배경옥 전북대학교 대학원 2024 국내박사

Wanyeong-Ilrok is a daily record what Seo Yu-Gu wrote during his office as the Governor of Jeolla-do(Jeolla Gamsa) from April 1833 to December 1834. It has 8 volumes including 1,108 official documents. I look at the practical aspect of the Governor through it. Seo Yu-Gu was born of Dalseong Seo Clan, the noble family of Soron. He passed the civil service literary examination, served as the Finance Minister(Hojo Panseo), and got an appointment of Jeolla Gamsa at 70 years old. He compiled ‘Nupan-Go’ in his youth, and in his whole life ‘Imwongyeongjeji’ including contents about all areas of social life in Joseon dynasty. He took over his governor’s duty from the pre-Governor in Yeosan government office, Jeolla-do after the ceremony, Gyogwi-sik. In this ceremony, the Governor had to take over Byeongbu and Kwanin from pre-Governor directly. Local governors treated with courtesy Gyoseo, the King’s order, first and the Governor next. It is Yeonmyeong. So the Governor had to bring it anytime, anywhere. It authorized the Governor to control the province instead of King, but held in check the Governor’s rights, for it is a symbol of royal authority. The governor rated local governors as three degrees good, fair, and poor. In law books, the evaluation day was on June 15th and December 15th, but in actually that days were open day of degrees. If Personal Management Ministry(Ijo) reviewed and revised the examination result, it is possible for the result to be revised. There was the Governor’s local tour once or twice a year. A leader of the local town where the Governor did not tour went to and have audience with him directly. During a local tour, he solved many lawsuits of that town and interrogated criminals. This tour was stopped when the King started his local tour. The Governor’s very important task was the agricultural policy, a groundwork of a local govern connected with local people’s life. Seo Yu-Gu encouraged every local town to do farm work actively. He practiced agricultural policy developing farm tools, supplying emergency crops, and promoting alternative crops. In a bad year for the rice corp, the Governor tried to give local people a tax exemption for them. For they make the base of national finance. The Governor adjusted the amount of this year’s tax through an annual report to the King. If the tax carrier sank in transit, he was supposed to report to the King and save drowned crops to match the original quantity. The Governor supervised every national civil service examinations. In 1834, many people about 7,362 came to Jeonju to take the first national examination, Jinsasi-Chosi. The Governor established a school to teach students of Confucianism. In Jeolla-do, the school’s name is Huihyeon-dang. Seo Yu-Gu complied Gyewonpilgyeong-Jip and Jongjeobo during the Governor of Jeolla-do. The Governor made obeisance to the King in Hanyang on the first and fifteenth days of every month. The Governor of Jeolla-do supervised religious service in Jogyeong-Myo and Gyeonggi-Jeon and patrolled Geonji Mountain with Jeonju governor, Jeonju Pangwan. When the King Sunjo passed away, the governor set up a funeral parlor at Seonhwa-Dang. The Governor had to report to the King about hearing of prisoners in Jail during three months since he arrived at his post. Seo Yu-Gu strictly forbad the private punishment, and did not accept the son’s accusation against his father because it was not a filial duty. He usually moerated the sentence, but aggravated punishment when the sinner broke up the morality. The Governor was the commander in chief in his province. He had a unit(Abyeong) under his direct control in Jeolla Gamyeong, and units in Jeonju Wibong and Namgo Mountain fortress, and Buan Gyeokpo-Jin. Also, he handled everything in his province to command the central military, the troops in an important geographical location, and local governors.

조선후기 유황광의 개발과 유황점의 운영

정경준 전북대학교 2017 국내석사

This study examined the situation of the sulfur supply and its demand in the early Joseon dynasty and the background of how to develop sulfur mines inside Korea after the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. It also analyzed the operation and changes of "sulfur stores," sulfur mining stations, from various angles in the late Joseon period. The purpose of this study is to understand the sulfur mining industry in the late Joseon dynasty in more detail. Sulfur, the key raw material of gunpowder, largely relied on imports before the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. There were enough sulfur reserves in the early Joseon dynasty; and this situation remained unchanged until the middle of the 16th century when Japan steadily began using gunpowder.   When gunpowder was spread throughout Japan in earnest and the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 occurred, the Joseon dynasty lost its biggest source of sulfur. After the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, the Joseon dynasty tried to smuggle sulfur with Japan to compensate for the lack of sulfur. The smuggling was mostly made in a manner such that the government purchased the sulfur that private merchants obtained, but they also led directly at government level. However, when Japan's feudal government severely cracked down on the sulfur smuggling, the Joseon dynasty had to seek another solution to obtain sulfur.   As a result, the Joseon dynasty chose to develop domestic sulfur mines so as to meet the rapidly increasing demand for gunpowder after the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. The development of sulfur mines in Korea, beginning in the mid-17th century, resulted complexly from the combination of domestic and foreign factors such as the halt of sulfur imports from Japan and efforts to reduce the price of gunpowder by military public offices. Also, the fact that the sulfur extraction method was greatly improved at this time also affected this. The success of the sulfur mine development greatly reduced the military and economic costs of the Joseon dynasty.   The sulfur mine was operated in a form of the Seoljeomsoose(設店收稅) system after being mined mainly by civilian engineers. These sulfur mining stations were called "sulfur stores." The members of a sulfur store consisted of a supervisor and supervised people.   The sulfur store was operated mainly through resources provided by military public offices, which varied according to the size of the sulfur store. Due to limitations of the Seoljeomsoose system, sulfur gamgwan had difficulties in recruiting sulfur armies and increasing sulfur production. As a result, the sulfur store could not develop into a private mining industry but was subordinated to military public offices.   However, the sulfur store rapidly changed in the 18th century. Military public offices lost their willingness to continue the sulfur mining industry due to economic reasons. The sulfur store, in a form of the Seoljeomsoose, finally disintegrated. Nevertheless, the sulfur mining industry in the private sector continued afterwards because the sulfur was still constantly required to meet the demand for gunpowder supply.

조선 후기 도서제의 운영과 조일관계

유채연 전북대학교 일반대학원 2021 국내박사

The purpose of this study is to investigate the operation of the Doseo system after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and to understand the trend and characteristics of the Joseon-Japan relations in the late Joseon Dynasty through a series of negotiations centered on the Amyong-Doseo. After the Japanese Invasion of Korea, Joseon admitted the authority of diplomatic relationship and communication against Joseon to the governor of Tsushima by issuing Doseo to Thushima based on the Giyu Agreement of 1609. In addition, the operation of the Doseo system in the late Joseon Dynasty was kept based on the regulations prepared in the early Joseon Dynasty. However, it was significantly different because Doseo was limited to Tsushima and Joseon enforced Tsushima to obey the regulation made by Joseon. For example, Joseon enforced the rule that the name of the person who got the Doseo was written on the Doseo so that only the person could use it. According to this rule, Joseon required the return of Amyong-Doseo when Unsam(彦三) was inaugurated as Tsushima governor in 1615. As Amyong-Doseo was issued to the son of the Tsushima governor, Joseon and Tsushima showed distinctive opinions on the Amyong-Doseo because Tsushima government wanted to the Amyong-Doseo based on the previous practice, but Joseon did not allow it. Therefore, Joseon and Tsushima were fiercely opposed on the subsequent negotiations for issuing Amyong-Doseo. After the Qing Invasion of Joseon in 1636, Joseon needed stability in the Joseon-Japan relationship while reconstructing the territory from the Invasion under the pressure and checks of the Qing Dynasty. Therefore, Joseon regarded it as security threat of Joseon that the position of Tsushima governor was weakened in Japan after rewrite of the Yanagawa Affair. Tsushima threatened Joseon to obtain the Doseo for Unman who is the son of Tsushima governor and pressed Joseon using sensitive security issues to Joseon. Hence, Joseon treated the Tsushima’s demand as the Joseon’s economy was not significantly affected. The purpose of this treatment was to reduce the changes in the Joseon-Japan relationship by secure the Tsushima governor’s position in Japan. Moreover, Joseon was able to hold the diplomatic hegemony on Tsushima which had secured based on the tolerance and generosity based on hospitality to the people from afar. Joseon changed to be more active attitude to Japan with a wide range of potions because Qing Dynasty reduced the control and pressure on Joseon with complete secure of Ming territory in the late 17th century. In 1683, Joseon rejected Tsushima’s request for issuing Ukyong-Doseo until return of previously issued Unman-Doseo. After that, Tsushima pressed Joseon by sending Jaepanchawae continuously and raised various issues to acquire Ukyong-Doseo. However, Joseon clearly denied issuing Doseo, and responded firmly. Finally, the negotiation was ended as there was no justification for Tsushima on demanding Ukyong-Doseo when Ukyong inaguated as Tsushima governor in 1962. It was meaningful because Joseon showed its diplomatic stance firmly against Japan and corrected the previous irrational practices of Tsushima. The change of Joseon-Japan relationship was also found in the positive action of Joseon based on operation of Doseo system. After resuming diplomatic relationship between Joseon and Japan, Joseon restricted it only to the Waegwan for the diplomatic and trade procedure and strictly managed it. Joseon regarded the prostitution case in Waegwan as a serious incident and imposed severe punishments such as the death penalty. However, Japan did not recognize it as a serious incident, and did not take Joseon’s comment about it. Joseon made a serious comment on the prostitution case in 1707, but Tsushima did not cooperate as before. Therefore, Joseon notified Tsushima that the issuance of the Unchondae-Doseo was depending on Tsushima’s cooperation on the prostitution case. In the end, Joseon achieved the signature on the treaty on punishment by the same law(同律) against a Japanese person who brought a Joseon woman to Waegwan for prostitution from Tongsinsa(the Korean envoy) in 1711. It is a great achievement because Joseon made prostitution as a serious felony to Tsushima despite the cultural differences between Joseon and Tsushima. Most of all, it is meaningful that the Unchondae-Doseo used to make a leverage effect to reach an agreement with Tsushima on punishment for the prostitution. After the Unchondae-Doseo, as the return of the Amyong-Doseo progressed in a procedural manner, the issuance of the Doseo became precedented. Since the mid-18th century, the number of issuing Amyong-Doseo cases has decreased due to the trade decline between Joseon-Japan, a sudden death of the governor of Tsushima, high mortality rate and changes in Joseon's policy toward Japan. While Japan prescibed the traditional Joseon-Japan relations as old abuses after the establishment of Meiji government in the mid-19th century, Joseon tried to maintain raditional friendly relations through operation of Doseo system. However, Japan used its physical power to create the Ganghwa Island incident. As a result, the system of Gyorin collapsed and Doseo system ended.

조선후기 충청지역 소론계 서원 연구

홍제연 전북대학교 대학원 2024 국내박사

17세기 중엽부터 재지사족은 기득권을 유지 강화하기 위하여 적극적으로 서원 활동을 전개하였고, 당파의 입장에서는 지방 거점을 구축하기 위한 목적과 서로 부합하며 17세기 이후에 서원 남설 현상이 일어났다. 충청지역 사족은 인조반정 이후 정계의 주류로 부상한 서인계의 주축을 이루어, 노론과 소론 분열이 시작된 숙종대부터 영조 초기까지 당쟁의 직접적인 영향을 받게 되었다. 서원의 발전과 쇠퇴는 각 군현의 사회적 문화적 환경에 따라 다른 모습으로 나타났으므로 조선후기 지역문화를 밝히는데 있어서 서원은 중요한 연구 대상이다. 충청지역의 서원 연구는 1980년대에 호서사림의 발전추세를 분석하는 근거로 활용되었다. 개별 서원에 대해서는 주로 김장생 김집 송시열 등 호서사림의 주요 인물과 관련된 서원부터 선행되어 서원을 둘러싼 사회사에 주목하는 경향이다. 연구 성과는 2000년 이후 그다지 큰 성장을 보이지 못하였다. 소론계 서원은 그중 首院이라 할 니산 노강서원만이 연구대상이었다. 충청지역에는 총 100개소의 원사가 소재했던 것으로 판단하였다. 본 연구의 대상인 소론계 서원은 도봉서원(신창), 송파서원(영춘), 노강서원(니산), 봉호서원(석성), 송천서원(청주), 구산서원(연산), 혜학서원(홍주), 회암서원(덕산), 지산서원(청주-진천), 용계서원(홍주-청양) 등 10개소이며, 이중 노강서원 외에는 서원 생산 기록물이 전하지 않아 주변 기록을 분석하여 다음과 같은 결과를 추론하였다. 첫째, 노소 분열에 대해 조선후기 정치사에서는 서인과 남인의 대립이 격화되며 1680년(숙종 6) 경신환국으로 서인이 집권했을때부터 조짐을 보이다 1684년경 송시열과 윤증간의 懷尼是非로 완전히 갈라졌다고 보고 있다. 그러나 충청지역 서원 건립 양상을 통해 보면 그보다 40여년 전 병자호란 직후인 1639년부터 윤황의 서원 건립을 둘러싸고 송시열과 니산 파평윤씨가 사이의 균열이 시작되고 있었다. 서원을 통해 서인계 내부에서 벌어진 변화의 실체를 보다 구체적으로 확인할 수 있다. 둘째, 숙종대 이후 정계의 주도권은 주로 노론에게 있으면서 소론은 적대적 관계로 공존하였으므로, 지역의 소론계 사족은 정치적으로 취약한 기반에 있을 수 밖에 없었다. 소론계의 대표적 인물인 윤증, 박세채, 박세당, 남구만, 최석정 등이 모두 충청지역과 연고를 갖고 서원 활동에 적극적으로 관여하였다. 특히 윤증은 평생 향리에서 강학활동을 통해 많은 문인을 양성해 소론 학풍을 뿌리내리게 하였다. 이들의 자취가 남은 곳에 소론계 서원이 세워지는 과정은 외부의 지원이 아닌 재지사족 스스로 이뤄낸 결과로, 지역문화 형성에도 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 셋째, 충청지역 서원 연구자들은 서원의 분포와 당색을 기반으로 홍주목권, 공주목권, 청주목권, 충주목권으로 문화권을 나누고 공주와 청주 문화권은 노론세가 강하고, 홍주와 충주 문화권은 비노론(소론, 남인)세가 강하다고 보았다. 그런데 이런 구분을 하기에는 비노론계 원사가 많지 않고 한쪽에 치우친 것도 아니다. 특히 소론의 수원인 노강서원이 공주목권에 포함되고 노강서원 인근에도 2개의 소론계 서원이 있으며 청주에는 소론의 영수 최석정을 제향한 지산서원이 있다. 본 연구는 충청지역 유교문화권 구분에 관한 지금까지의 인식을 수정하고자 하였다. 넷째, 소론 정권이었던 경종 재위기 1721년~1724년 사이에 소론계 서원이 대대적으로 사액을 받으며 발돋움하였지만, 이후 철액되는 수모를 겪고 더 이상 창건되지 못하였다. 영조대부터 서원금령이 철저하게 시행되었기 때문이었다. 영조 이후에는 노강서원마저 지역화 문중화 경향을 띄며 서원은 더 이상 정치적 구심점이 되지 못하였다. 본 연구는 서원을 매개로 조선후기 충청지역의 사회사를 분석해보려는 것이다. 주요 문중의 활동과 사승관계, 재지사족간 교류와 대립, 지역의 고유 문화를 복합적으로 보여주는 것이 서원이며, 이를 통해 조선후기부터 지금까지 이어진 충청지역의 전통적 문화상의 근원을 파악하고자 하였다.

한말~일제강점초기 보성 제주양씨가의 토지집적과 경영 : 매매문서를 중심으로

김영준 전북대학교 일반대학원 2013 국내석사

Land accumulation and management of Jeju Yang's family in Boseong from the late of Korean Empire to the early part of Japanese Ruling Era - focusing on transaction documents - Jeju Yang's family(濟州梁氏家) was living in Songgok-ri(松谷里), Deukryang-myeon(得粮面), Boseong-gun(寶城郡). For about 80 years from the late of Korean Empire to the early part of Japanese Ruling Era, they were grown to great landowners through the various activities. For the Jeju Yang's family, land owning scale and management were studied with diaries and embarrassing records. This research intended to eamine land accumulation and managing situation of Jeju Yang's family focusing on the transaction documents stored in the museum of Wonkwang University. Transaction documents of Jeju Yang's family were preserved by original status without deconstruction‧arrangement. At that time, related documents were stored by binding after buying farmlands, etc. as the transaction custom. Also, banding paper of memo type was recorded for each binding. The original order is maintained, so it's possible to distinguish documents bought directly by Jeju Yang's family, Shinmungi(新文記). Shinmungi is produced from 1834 to 1918. Land categories bought are paddy field, Farm(田畓), Mountains(山地), Yeombu(鹽釜), Gadae(家垈), etc. Documents buying paddy field farm a greater part as 73% of the whole. It is considered that the changes of economic environment caused by open port were actively treated. Haechangpo(海倉浦) and Beolgyopo(筏橋浦) which are adjacent to Songgok-myeon where they were living were advantageous to transport goods to opened ports, Mokpo or Busan, so they could obtain lots of benefits by eporting rice. Mountains, yeombu, gadae, etc. were bought by focusing on Songgok-myeon. Mountains and yeombu are adjacent each other and its reason is considered the Jeju Yang's family was interested in even salt manufacture. In transaction documents, there were materials showing managing status of Jeju Yang's family. It's divided into pocket part of Shinmungi, banding paper and sub-document of Shinmungi. The contents are for tenant farming and lending at high interest management paddy field and farm. Tenant farming management is for rent of paddy field and farm and tenant farmer. The rent was received by rented ground and for paddy field, 20Du(斗) was given per 1 Durak(斗落). Tenant farmer was maintained as it was although land owner was changed after the dealing was accomplished. The lending at high interest management could be found in the pawning․borrowing documents written as the evidence when borrowing money‧grain. Interests show forms of an annual interest of fifty percent(長利), monthly interest(月利), yearly interest(年利) and there was no big difference from other areas or other family cases. This thesis is significant because it overcame limitations of eisting studies on transacion documents and tried to approach as a new material in studies from the late of Korean Empire to the early part of Japanese Ruling Era.