惠岡崔漢崎의 氣哲學에 關한 硏究

한국정신문화연구원 한국학대학원 한국정신문화연구원 한국학대학원 1983 국내석사

Hye kang Choi han ki (1803–1877) is one of the greatest Sirhak(實學) philosophers at the end of Chosen(朝鮮) Dynasty. He wrote about 1,000 volumes during his lifetime. He was interested in a lot of areas ; for example, philosophy, education, politics, social systems, agriculture, geography, mathematics, astronomy and medicine, etc. This thesis is aimed at the research of Hye Kang‘s philosophical structure, his philosophical standpoint and the originality in his philosophy. In order to achieve purposes, the writer deals with the following problems. In Chapter Ⅱ, the writer surveys the concept of Sinchi (神氣) and the functions of it, which is one of the most important concepts of his philosophical terms. This Chapter is about the Ontology in Hye Kang’s philosophy. In Chapter Ⅲ, the writer deals with the problems of all things’ generation. The writer also indicates human beings’ characteristic features by comparing with those of the other things such as animals, plants, and non-living things. In Chapter Ⅳ, the writer mainly deals with the problems of epistemology. The terms such as Recognition (通), Conjecture (推測) and Shift (變通) belong to the territory of epistemology. The writer researches the relations between those three terms, Conjectural structure and the process of Recognition. At the same time, the philosophical meaning of Shift is reviewed in details. Hye Kang has been usually known for experimentalist so far, but in this Chapter his experimentalistic features are analized and re-examined carefully. In Chapter Ⅴ, the writer surveys the problems of Moving and Changes (運化) as the realization of recognition. The writer also researches the inter-relations between all kinds of Moving and Changes and the functional differences. The writer also researches the process through which his philosophical theory is connected with social philosophy such as politics and education. And the writer surveys the final goals which he will reach in his philosophy. Finally in Chapter Ⅵ, by reading his philosophical writings, the writer researches Hye Kang’s philosophical structure, his philosophical standpoint and the originality in his philosophy.

국제영화제의 정체성과 참여주체구조에 대한 연구 : 부산과 전주 비교연구

김은혜 韓國精神文化硏究院 韓國學大學院 2001 국내석사

This study is a case study on the international film festival as the cultural strategies of the local development in Korea. The study has a hypothesis that the successful film festival has two factors. First, it needs the integration of the identity of the film festival and the locality. Second, the festival has to have the coalition and the good partnership of the related agents of film festival. This research is the comparative study of Busan's case and Jeonju's case, it has the methods of the documents study, the observation as participant in film festival, and interview. It is very important that the cities makes the local identity in glocalization process. The entrepreneurial cities reform the urban image with the cultural strategies(image industry, museum, heritage, festivals etc.) in the process of the place marketing. First, it is the point of the relation of the identity of city and film festival, Busan's case is the integration of the identity of city and film festival. The Asia-oriented Pusan international film festival was integrated with the harbor city's identity. As a result, metro Busan city has taken the rebuilt city image, comes to have the city's vision from the film festival's city to the image industry city. But in the Jeonju's case, the Jeonju film festival oriented in the independent and digital film has conflicted with the Jeonju's identity of the tradition and art before. Jeonju film festival raised the contested issues of local identity. Second, the film festival is a kind of cultural strategies for the city development, but the related agents on film festival have their interests respectively. In fact, it is very important to study the various aspects of the mechanism and the partnership of related agents of film festival in festival space, and that relation has an affect on the result of film festival. The Busan's case showed us the stable partnership, the positive attitude of the related agents of festival sphere. In the planning step, the private film agents of Busan had the initiative of the film festival, were supposed to compromise with the local government, the local capital. In the managing step, they had the cooperative relationship of the private and public sphere in film festival, the local government kept the principle of assistance except intervention relatively. And Pusan film festival has the harmony of the locality and the speciality. Consequently, the metro Busan has the city development plan with the local support for the image industry city. By contrast the Jeonju's case has the unstable partnership, the opposite interests of related agents respectively. In the planning step, the coalition of the local government and the private film agents out of Jeonju had the initiative, made the Jeonju film festival. In managing step, the Jeonju has the two troubles ; the conflict between the local cultural agents and the outside agents, the priority between locality and speciality. As a result, the Jeonju film festival had no communication of related agents, revealed the problems of inner festival. The film festival is the short-term festival about a week, but that has to have the long-term vision about the city development. If the film festival has the function to improve the city image, it will need to have the private-public partnership, the integration of the locality and speciality. Because we have the Seoul-centered culture, it is very significant that the cultural festival should distribute the cultural resources in the local society Therefore, we will have to research into the relationship of the film festival and the local culture, the mechanism of festival space. 이 연구는 현재 우리나라에서 지역발전의 문화전략으로 채택된 ‘국제영화제’에 대한 사례연 구이다. 연구의 문제의식은 크게 국제영화제라는 문화전략이 보다 성공적이기 위해서는 크게 다음 2가지의 조건이 총족되어야 한다는 가설로 출발했다. 첫째 국제영화제의 정체성과 개최도시의 정체성과의 관계가 조화를 이루어야 한다. 둘째 지자체를 중심으로 한 다양한 참여주체들의 연합으로 이루어진 국제영화제의 참여주체구조의 파트너쉽과 연합이 매우 중요하다. 이 연구는 부산국제영화제와 전주국제영화제의 사례의 비교연구이고, 연구방법은 문헌연구와 심층면접, 그리고 영화제의 직 간접적인 참여관찰을 토대로 이루어졌다. 이 연구는 다음과 같은 이론적 배경을 가진다. 먼저 거시적으로 세계화과정 속에서 문화적 상징(the cultural symbol)을 통한 지역정체성의 구축은 매우 중요하다. 또한 대두되고 있는 도시발전을 위한 장소마케팅(place marketing)에서 핵심적으로 작용하는 요소가 바로 지역(도 시) 이미지(urban image)이다. 또한 이렇게 문화전략으로 채택된 국제영화제는 다양한 참여주 체들이 연합과 파트너쉽이 무엇보다도 중요하게 된다. 연구결과로서 첫째 도시의 정체성과 국제영화제의 정체성과의 관계이다. 먼저 부산의 사례는 아시아영화제라는 부산국제영화제의 정체성과 아시아의 중심도시를 지향하는 부산시의 정체 성이 통합된 사례이다. ‘아시아영화제’를 지향하는 부산영화제와 ‘아시아’의 항구도시를 지향하며 물리적 경관 위주의 부산시의 문화적 기반은 서로 조화되고 있다. 이러한 통합의 결과, 부산시는 영화제의 도시에서 영상산업의 도시로 발전을 꾀하고 있다. 반면 전주의 사례는 전주국제영화제의 대안 디지털 아시아 인디 영화라는 정체성이 기존의 전주의 전통 예향 중심적인 도시정체성과 갈등하고 있는 사례이다. 전주시의 무형 문화자원 위주의 전통적 정체성은 ‘디지털’과 ‘대안’을 지향하는 새로운 영화제에 많은 기대감을 갖게 만들었다. 이는 결과적으로 도시 정체성과도 갈등하면서 혼란을 주는 결과를 낳은 것이다. 둘째 지역발전의 문화전략으로 채택된 국제영화제의 참여주체들이 영화제를 중심으로 각기다른 이해관심을 갖게 된다는 것에서 기인한다. 따라서 국제영화제를 둘러싼 각 주체들의 역학관계와 파트너쉽도 각기 다른 양상으로 전개되고, 이것이 다시 영화제의 성공적인 개최에도 영향을 미치게 된다. 부산의 사례는 각 주체들이 안정된 연합을 이룬 파트너쉽과 함께 적극적인 태도를 취하고 있다. 먼저 영화제 기획단계에서 민간중심 부산출신 영화전문가들이 관과 자본을 끌어들여 영화제가 기획되었다. 둘째 운영단계에는 민관의 관계가 서로 협조적이고 지원하되 간섭하지 않는다라는 논리가 잘 지켜졌다. 셋째 페스티발 내부에서 지역성과 전문성이 잘 조화되고 있고, 이 결과 영화제의 도시에서 영상산업의 도시로 발전을 꾀하고 있다. 전주의 사례의 경우 각 주체들이 불안정한 연합을 이룬 파트너쉽과 각기 다른 이해관심을 가지고 갈등하고 있다. 첫째 기획단계에서 관과 외지 영화전문가들이 연합해 영화제가 기획되 었다. 둘째 이 결과 운영단계에서 민관의 관계가 서로 개입적인 성격을 띠게 되었다. 셋째 기획단계부터 배제되었던 지역문화인들과 외지 영화전문가들이 지역성과 전문성을 놓고 갈등하게 되었다. 그 결과 페스티발 내부의 의사소통의 부재가 페스티발의 문제점을 전면화시키는 결과를 초래하기도 했다. 도시발전의 문화전략으로 채택된 국제영화제는 단기 페스티발이지만, 개최도시와의 관계 속에서 장기적인 비전을 가질 필요가 있다. 축제가 개최도시의 좋은 이미지를 갖게 하고 재구성된 이미지를 통해 도시에 문화산업을 유치하려면, 무엇보다도 안정된 민관합동과 지역성과 전문성의 조화가 매우 중요한 성공요인이 된다. 또한 일본영화제와 지역문화와의 관계를 부록으로 제시해 한국영화제를 발전방향을 전망해 보았다. 또한 서울편중적인 우리나라의 문화적 상황으로 볼 때, 지역의 페스티발은 지역문화 전반에 차지하는 중요성이 매우 크다. 영화제가 좀더 발전하기 위해서는 영화제와 지역문화의 관계에 대한 보다 깊은 연구와 성찰이 요구된다고 할 수 있다.

韓國說話의 中國人物 硏究

손지봉 한국정신문화연구원 한국학대학원 1998 국내박사

如何去理解韓國民間故事中呈現的中國因素, 是本論文的出發點. 本文以韓國精神文化硏究院刊行的󰡔韓國口碑文學大系󰡕 與任晳宰的󰡔韓國口傳說話全集󰡕 爲中心, 在韓國民間故事中以中國人物爲素材, 其中本文考察了佔絶對比重的中國人物故事. 本文以民間故事爲素材的理由是爲了排除旣有的影響論硏究所具有的任意性, 因爲影響論硏究是任意選出類型相似的資料硏究之故. 中國人物故事按人物的特徵可分爲三種:中國使臣類ˋ中國文獻類ˋ借用人名故事類. 中國使臣類不用人物的姓名, 而是以‘中國使臣’ˋ‘中國天子’等職銜來代稱, 直接表現出對中國的認識. 李如松故事與胡宗旦故事卽屬此類. 中國文獻類故事的典故可從中國文獻找到, 如來自󰡔十八史略󰡕 的典故故事較多, 而此類故事在口碑文學大系等大部分只有一兩篇. 借用人名故事類則有十篇以上, 這種中國人物故事的特徵是沒有典故. 本論文是以借用人名故事爲對象選出七人作硏究. 探討韓國民間傳說 ‘故事中借用中國人物姓名的現象, 是爲闡明韓國民間故事整體的面貌, 而且借用中國人名故事類篇數較多, 並分佈於全國各地, 對韓國民間故事享有層有很大的影響. 屬於此類型的人物爲姜太公ˋ扁鵲ˋ東方朔ˋ石崇ˋ郭璞ˋ邵康節ˋ朱元璋共七人. 本論文共爲十章, 每一个人物獨立成章分別討論. 爲了闡明是否借用中國人物之名, 在各章第一節先考察了韓國民間故事中的中國人物, 第二節則考察了中國史書與故事, 確認是否有與中國人物故事一樣的故事, 第三節則作韓中比較以探討觀念認識上的差異. 姜太公是<背棄受苦丈夫的婦人>類型故事中的丈夫, 在古小說󰡔姜太公實記󰡕 中姜太公是占星家,而󰡔姜太公實記󰡕 則是中國小說󰡔封神演義󰡕 簡略飜譯本,<背棄受苦丈夫的婦人>與中國民間故事的朱買臣故事類似. 朱買臣故事與姜太公故事都是描述爲出人頭地而十年寒窗的大器晩成型人物, 此類型適用於任何人物. 因韓國的科擧也具有此種傾向, 因而難以說明是否受到了中國的影響. 但在韓國民間故事中姜太公淪爲其妻的相對角色, 其妻馬氏成爲城隍, 形成了城隍由來故事. 此類型的題目雖爲<背棄受苦丈夫的婦人>, 但從結尾來看到底是誰吃了更多苦, 結果可說是‘遺棄受苦夫人的姜太公’. 因此, 可說城隍是同情極爲不走運夫人而産生的故事. 扁鵲以<至誠至孝治好父母疾病的孝子>類型故事中的相對角色登場. 在史書中是極獲讚譽的名醫, 在中國民間故事中說扁鵲死後, 其墓碑亦能透視人的五臟六腑, 强調了其神醫的面貌. 但在韓國民間故事中却强調了孝子的至孝超過了名醫的醫術, 而相對地降低了扁鵲的地位. 在韓國故事中將扁鵲定爲孝子的兄長, 而加大了戱劇性的效果. 扁鵲雖是長兄又是名醫却治不了母親的病, 弟弟雖沒有什麽能力但毫無目的地背着母親出去,很偶然地遇到了千年頭骨雙龍水而治好了母親的病, 韓國民間故事中將此兩者相比, 把醫術與孝誠的糾葛轉移爲兄弟之間的糾葛. 東方朔在<爲延長壽命而被逮的東方朔>ˋ<招待陰朝地府使者而延長壽命>類型故事中登場, 而兩者複合型的故事更多. 在韓國民間故事中東方朔是心懷詭計和傲慢的人物他延長了壽命但仍然莫名其妙地中了閻羅使者所設的洗炭詭計而被逮去, 喪失了寶貴的性命, 相反地在中國史書或民間故事中則被描述爲奇人和神仙. 石崇在<求福旅行>類型故事中登場, 此是具代表性的廣泛流傳故事, 此類型故事確實是借用了石崇的名字. 在中國史書和故事中强調石崇誇耀財富的一面, 相反地 在韓國民間故事致富過程却佔相當的比重. 在此比起中國含有貶意的誇耀財富故事, 韓國故事則强調獲得財富的過程, 此呈現出韓國庶民認爲命運是可克服的觀念. 郭璞在<比異人公公强的媳婦>類型故事中登場, 在此郭璞拿命與媳婦較量道術, 扮演惡公公角色. 在中國史書與故事中則被描述爲可豫測未來地形變化的地官或是義人. 邵康節在<克服危機挽救家人>類型故事中以挽救後孫的祖先登場. 他是具有先見之明而救了十六代後孫的有名人物. 在中國史書和故事中也是一個知曉天地運行道理的人物, 在所有的資料中是唯一受到肯定評價的人物. 朱元璋在<獲得明堂而誕生的建國始祖>ˋ<小國建國始祖, 大國建國始祖>ˋ<意外人物成爲建國始祖>類型故事中皆有登場. 在中國, 特別是登基之後, 被描繪爲迫害功臣的人物, 而在韓國故事中則被說成有抱負和有能力的建國始祖. 中國史書和故事ˋ韓國故事相互作比較時, 史書中有善惡與處境一致和不一致的情況, 但在故事中只有善惡與處境一致的情況. 這是因爲史書忠於眞實, 而故事則强烈地反映著故事享有層的願望之故. 中國故事和韓國故事除了邵康節之外, 對於其他人物的認識互相不同, 除了朱元璋之外, 其他人物在中國故事受到較爲肯定的評價, 相反地, 在韓國故事中則是受到否定評價的人物. 邵康節比起其名聲, 未能享受富貴榮華的生活, 因而給予韓中庶民階層一種親近感, 特別是道德的地位發揮了極大的作用. 有一小部份在論到其死亡的韓國故事中說邵康節不如程明道, 此與其說是庶民階層打破傳統觀念, 不如說是他們受到儒學者視程明道爲正統學派的影響之故. 中國故事中姜太公ˋ扁鵲ˋ東方朔ˋ郭璞等是有神術的神仙, 而韓國故事中則被評爲否定型的人物. 此反映了打破傳統觀念的庶民意識, 此結果可說庶民不僅打破了對上層階級的觀念, 甚至也打破了對中國人的觀念. 石崇與朱元璋在中國故事中被描述爲濫用富與貴的人物, 而在韓國故事中, 是在微賤的處境獲得特別的富和貴, 而被描述爲肯定型的人物. 這是因爲在韓國故事中富與貴對庶民來說, 比起是誇耀, 不如說獲得富與貴是更爲切身的問題. 本文的中國人物故事考察了人物的象徵性和固定性ˋ名稱和常套語, 與其他文學的關係以及證據等. 韓國故事的中國人物按象徵性轉變爲數種類型的故事, 歷史上實際人物情況則固定爲特定的故事. 此可推定爲庶民階層打破傳統觀念和對富貴觀念的結果. 在歷史上與韓國庶民階層沒有特別關係的中國人物在韓國故事中不斷地被口傳, 主要是由於名稱的一般性ˋ常套語成爲俗語的過程ˋ發揮直接影響的中國人物翻案小說ˋ生小孩時在家中或在任何地方吟唱的<samsin puli>(三神來歷)巫歌ˋ一般所唱的歌辭, 以及本文未論及的時調,<pan soli>(說唱)等發揮了極大的作用, 由於民間故事而産生的證據, 如天子峰(朱元璋故事)ˋ炭川(東方朔故事)等卽各地遺蹟山川風物等, 對中國人物故事在韓國生根亦發揮了莫大的作用.

朝鮮前期 儒敎書의 輸入과 普及

최계화 한국정신문화연구원 한국학대학원 1997 국내석사

文化是人類勞動的結晶,不同的自然條件和社會環境,使各地域各民族的文化大相徑庭,封閉的民族或文化會在歷史的潮流中逐漸退色,不斷的相互交流與張收,會賦與各自的文化以新的成長要素,從而創造更加完善更加豐富的社會文化。 世界文明的搖籃之一,東亞文化圈的中心地——中國,對人類社會文化的發展做出了巨大的貢獻,造紙術,指南針、火藥,印刷術等四大發明以及絲網,陶瓷的製造………………… 尤其是在文化方面,她不僅吸收了佛教思想和西域文化以豐富自身的文化,并且將其最基本的思想體系—————教文化普及到周邊各國,產生了深遠的影響。 韓國便是受中國文化影響最深的國家之一,這殷與地域相近有關,也與韓民族勤勞好學的民族傳統有關,當時沒有任何國家的文化能與中國媲美,在中國文化的不斷刺激之中,韓國文化逐漸發展并升華,聞名于世的鑄字印刷術以及有獨到之處的朝鮮性理學便是个很好的例子, 因此韓中文化關係在韓國史中占據着重要的位置,尤其是書冊文化關係,書冊是傳播思想,交流經驗,吸取知識的重要手段,早在很久之前,韓國的歷代統治者就認識到了書冊的重要性而致力于引進先進中國的各種書冊, 很難確定韓國書冊引進開始的時期,不過有可能自西漢時期始,中國的儒書便輸出到了韓國,“三國時期”(高句麗,新羅,百濟)時,韓國已經擁有了相當數量的中國書到了高麗時代,書冊的引進更加活潑,尤其在高麗末期,從元朝引進了一大批宋儒的理學經籍而取得了重要成果,指向儒教社會和文治主義,崇尚性理學的李氏朝鮮繼承前代的傳統,將書冊的引進發展成幾乎專門的貿書運動, 縱觀朝鮮前期的書冊引進史,可以看出,王朝剛剛建立的15世紀是以引進『資治通鑑』,『宋史』,『性理大全』,『賀書山讀書記』等史書和請信的理學書為主,而到了16世配,則以「延平答問』,『朱子大全』,『朱子語類」等朱子書為主,這與當時李朝的政治局面和學術镇向有所關聯,李朝前期引進中國畫冊,有好幾種方法:一是,以朝貢受明朝的回赐;二是,抄啓“求書目錄”向明朝請求書用;三是,列出“聘書目錄”派使臣購買。 引進書冊的最終目的是普及書冊,朝鮮前期,統治者利用發達的鑄字印刷術對引進的中國書進行大量的印刷。「資治通鑑』。『性理大全』,「鹹書山讀書記』,『朱子語類』, 《朱子大全』等重要的書籍則進行了多次的印刷,印刷之後又逐一頒賜給弘文館,春秋館,成均館等各機關,中央和地方的官僚以及賜額書院, 為普及各種書冊,李朝還建立“書肆”買賣各種書籍,科舉所考的也是中國的“四書五輕”,李朝王通過“輕悠”,研讀對治國有益的中國“經史”。以退溪(李滉)和栗谷(李珥) 為代表的學者,則從學問的角度研究性理書,對此進行諺解(觀譯)和註釋,并撰寫了 “朱子書節要」,「宋元明理學通錄」,「擊蒙要訣」,「聖學輯要」等代表性著作,發展了朝鮮的性理學研究。 筆者來韓留學之前,對韓國史并不了解,韓國老大的古籍收藏,學者對漢文(中國古漢語)的精通還有對教育的重視,使筆者大吃一驚,這種文化傳統并非一朝一夕便能形成的、通過鼓述李朝前期儒書的引進和普及,窥视韓民族重文化重教育的民族傳統, 應該是筆者寫本論文的賀正動機、

한국 현대시에 나타난 시적 자아의 내면 연구 : 이상, 백석, 윤동주 시를 중심으로

한경희 韓國精神文化硏究院 韓國學大學院 2001 국내박사

The characteristics of korean modern poetry from the 1930's to the 1940's, when the significant volumes of modern poetry began to be created in Korea, are found in the inner consciousness of the poetic self. The existing studies consider it to be the result of the controlled situation of the colony. As this attitude considers the mean of 'inner consciousness' as the escape from the colonial situation, the literary mean of consciousness is hidden. If this is so, the positive mean of consciousness is elusive. In this study, the inner consciousness of the poetic self is considered as the original characteristic of lyric, not the escape of the colonial situation. To study the inner consciousness of the poetic-self, both colonial situation and the original characteristic of the lyric have to be considered. The consciousness of the poetic self means the lyric-self as it is the world of the expression of the subjective and the direct-self. All of the lyrics always focus on the poet's trouble and express the original personality of the poet appropriately. There is the essence of the subjective world of the poetic-self in the lyric. Therefore, the scope of the inner consciousness in the lyric is very wide and includes the whole of the poetic self. This study divides the inner consciousness of the poetic-self into three aspects, or so an independent-self, a pessimist, and a reflective-self. Through this division, the inner consciousness of the poetic self is shown specifically. An independent-self, Li Sang's poetry contains the rich subjective lyricism in spite of the geometrical diagram and the confusion of syntax. A pessimistic poetry of Bek Seok and a reflective self, Yun Dong ju's poetry show us the original characteristics of the lyric as well. Part Ⅱ studies the inner world which appears in Li Sang's poetry. As the inner consciousness of Li Sang's poetry is not the space in which he and the other meet but the space in which he stands alone, an independent-self resides in that place. This singular attitude is the characteristic which shows Li Sang's poetry very well. In his monologue poetry, the other is not present. The poetic self is not interested in the other in the limited situation and contradictory world. Therefore Li Sang's poetry shows the original characteristic of the inner consciousness. The limited situation of the poetic self is death. This makes him stay within the confines of the independent-self. That is to say, as he can't overcome the limited situation he stays in the inner-world. In this process the poetic self experiences the limited and contradictory nature of the cosmos. Part Ⅲ asserts that the inner world of Bek Seok's poetry is pessimistic as it is not the space where he meets the wrapped-self but the space where he meets the essential-self. The poetic-self has a basic sympathy for the fact that there is no immortal object in the world. This finally leads him to sympathize for himself and he recognizes himself in a pessimistic manner. This attitude makes him recall his past and makes him a wanderer and finally to picture himself as a self which has no faith. Therefore, this pessimism is the basic attitude in which the poetic self understands himself. The poetic-self expresses himself as pessimistic while "keeping some distance from the present". The concrete methods are "reminiscence of the young age" and " wandering" and this process leads to an absence of faith. The poetic self which is not able to reside in the real beautifies the past and keeps an objective distance from the real-self. However pessimism, the basic attitude of self-recognition does not disappear. Therefore, this pessimistic poetic self is the significant theme which explains why Bek Seok's poetry leads to the "reminiscence of the young age", " wandering" and finally to an absence of faith. In part Ⅳ, the inner consciousness of Yun Dong ju's poetry shows the honest attitude of life. His poetry shows his strong will in which he reflects himself, goes toward the good, and tries to return to the essential-self. The poetic-self which has the honest eye on himself, objectifies himself and determines the reflection. This is not an attitude which understands the self generously because even in that situation his poetry sustains piety and honesty. Step by step, the honest eye of the poetic self goes toward the good. His intention toward the good propels him to the essential good and it gives him a firm belief in his faith. Heidegger's philosophy, which compares the cogitative act to 'walking on the lane,' expresses Yun Dong Ju' reflective attitude very well. The reflective-self, or so the self which made himself the object of cogitation is based on the ethical will. What he cogitates about himself can be expanded into the ethical will. Therefore, the poetic-self can be set up as the reflective-self which expresses the will toward the supreme good. Part Ⅴ studies the ontological basis of the poetic self and summarizes the three poets' lyrics and their relationship. Li Sang's independent attitude, Bek Seok's pessimistic attitude and Yun Dong ju's reflective attitude are summarized as the inner consciousness of the poetic-self, which is explained as the original characteristic of the lyric. This shows the genre quality of the lyric specifically too. As mentioned above, the inner consciousness of the poetic self is the aspect exposed when the poet resides only in self-recognition. The aspects of the inner consciousness of the poetic self of each poet varies very tremendously. Three divisions of the aspects of inner consciousness of the poetic-self are divided on the basis of the characteristics of self-recognition of the poetic-self. The poetic-self shows the poet's desperation, postponement, and onlooking attitude in the process of meeting himself. These aspects of self played an important role during the colonial situation.

『殊異傳』硏究

박옥주 韓國精神文化硏究院 韓國學大學院 1997 국내석사

No agreement is given on whether Su-i-jeon(殊異傳) is an single text or constituted of other versions. It is because the title and the dramatis personae, the events, the period, the framework of Su-i-jeon are different in various versions, and also the documents containing the Il-mun(逸文) each were composed in different periods. Also the views about the author vary according to investigators, i.e., the theory of Pakinryang(朴寅亮) or Choichiweon(崔致遠)or Kimcheokmyeong (金陟明),etc. In addition the views of Su-i-jeon's mode of narrative have been divided in two opinions which advocate a faible or a roman since 1920' when the history of Korean literature was described first. So various problems about the narrativity of Su-i-jeon raise a fundamental question, that is, the essence of literary genre with relation to gujeonmunhak(口碑文學 oral literature), jeon-gi(傳奇),jeon-gi(傳記), soseol(小說 roman), jeon(傳). This thesis firstly raises the problematic that it will remain much debates until the general structure and the problem relating the author and other versions of Su-i-jeon are concretly elucidated, although number of previous studies accumulated much successful results in its quality. So we must solve these questions, firstly how to understand Su-i-jeon's Il-mun thanks to comparing documents, secondly who is the author and how to take other versions, and thirdly what is the literary character of Su-i-jeon's Il-mun. Second chapter of the thesis analysed the modality of acception of Il-mun according to the authors's writing attitudes in various ducuments. After that anaysis, we concluded that ancient version of Su-i-jeon is Silla-su-i-jeon(新羅珠異傳) of Choichiweon from Ilyeon's mentions. And we confirmed the existence of Pakinryang's Su-i-jeon(殊異傳) and Kimcheokmyeong's new Su-i-jeon(改作殊異傳) each in Haedonggosuingjeon(海東高僧傳) and Samkukyusa(三國遺事). And we discussed the features of Il-mun in Taepyeongtongjae(太平通載), Daedongunbugunok(大東韻府群玉), Haedongjaprok(海東雜錄)etc. In third chapter, we examined that Silla-Su-i-jeon of Choichiweon functioned as historiography. It wasn't official historiography by government, but a private work. by one person. In this reason, it has various literary characteristics of seolhoa(說話), or jigoi(志怪), or jeongi(傳奇), And Pakinryang's Su-i-jeon and Kimseopmyeong's new Su-i-jeon contributed to the development of korean jeon-gi(傳記)literature by supplement of biographic(傳記的)traits. In forth chapter, we argued that the content or the descriptive techniques of Su-i-jeon had to alter historically, because it had literary diversity and openness. as a result of coexistence of the historiographic function and the expressive function. Silla-Su-i-jeon of Choichiweon has much melo-motives, so it became the embryo of korean roman. And Pakinryang's Su-i-jeon and Kimseopmyeong's new Su-i-jeon has biographic elements as supplementary features, so they developed korean jeongi literature. Fifth chapter abstracted all the arguements and concluded Su-i-jeon's significations on the history of korean literature.

閔思平 詩文學 硏究

어강석 韓國精神文化硏究院 韓國學大學院 1997 국내석사

本研究綜合地檢討了高麗后期文學家及卷閔思平(1295-1359)的文學世界,為了達到這個目的先考察了及善的生平和交遊關係,以此為基礎分析了及華文學的基盤和詩的世界。 及喜活動的時期具有各方面相當複雜的樣相,從高麗處于元的支配之下開始深化了元的內政干涉,經過長期的戰爭經濟衰退,并且使高麗社會混亂,尤其是由于占有高麗人普遍思想的佛教的動搖,不得不接受形而上學的思憶體系程朱學. 在複雜的時代狀況中活動的及菴帶有典型的貴族性向,他一方面因學習現實主義的程朱學的結果,表現出對現實的新的認識,及華出生和成長在當時赫赫有名的名門家族,因他喜歡學文通過了科畢,以后十年一直努力學文的增進這十年可以說及華文學的基礎確立,也可以我在這一時期新儒學的習得也形成了. 他性格温和愛交友,所以不論是儒學者還是僧侶們還有各和階層的入維持了交情,其中和李齊賢,崔盡,鄭子厚,李穀等的交遊是特別的。 現留存的及華的詩大部分是在末年創作的,所以不可能以此了解及華文學的全體,但大體上區分為表現上層貴族意識的詩和做為現實主義認識結果的表現觀風意志的詩。 表現貴族意識的詩大部分是在華麗和跌宕的過程中創作的和朗誦闊適和歸去來的詩,在宴樂的席上創作的時描寫了宴會的華麗和飲酒歌舞的歡樂,還有邊飲酒邊擺脫等,還有表現對開適和歸去來的憧憬的詩分三個樣相:第一,解脫官職生活的激務,回到田園和朋友們一起以詩酒過開適生活的憧憬;第二,因他意而退出官職后,享受閑居的歡樂的同時又解脫不了對富路迷戀的煩悶狀態: 第三,解脫了迷戀之后,美正醒悟的鬧適的妙味的表现. 與此不同,帶有對觀風强烈意志的時,因外侵的痛苦和過重負役,稅金而失去生活意慾的百姓生活表現出深深的關心,并且對痛苦中默默從事生業的百姓表示深深的愛情, 如此,對百姓的生活和世態變化的關心結果,創作出了<小樂府>,<小樂府> 是以轉語把高麗俗謠改成七言四句形式,在分幾個章的俗謠和民窯中抄寫的特定的一章,在把韓語歌詞描寫成漢詩的過程中,詩語的選擇和造語面上雖然介入了作者的主觀,但大體上根本沒有損傷原歌,而做為一個嶄新的詩創作了。在帶有强烈觀風意志而創作的<小樂府>和實事地描寫百姓生活相的詩中,可以體會到憐憫的情, 這樣及爺的詩文學大別于帶有貴族性向的詩和觀風意志的詩,而及華詩文學的價值在于解脫了高麗后期文學所具有的貴族文學的性格,把眼光轉向了表現百姓的生活相.

개종자의 가족관계에 나타난 문화적응 양상 : 현대 한국 개신교인을 중심으로

문은주 韓國精神文化硏究院 韓國學大學院 2002 국내석사

A wide variety of religions co-exists in South Korea where no particular religion dominates the others. Although there is no significant religious dispute, there exists a possibility of small and big tensions among different religions each adhering to its own set of world views and values. Any religion newly introduced to a society will undoubtedly come in conflict with the existing religious culture before it is appropriated by the general populace. When Protestantism was introduced to Korea, it was Confucianism to which the Korean culture was rooted. As Confucianism was educated and practiced in the daily lives of the Korean people during the five hundred years of the Chosŏn Dynasty, its influence was no longer limited to the religious sphere but was extended to the everyday culture of the Koreans. Accordingly, in spite of diversity in religion, Confucian thoughts and rituals are practiced supra-religiously by the majority of the people without criticism. In such a context, Protestantism seeks to exclude Korean traditional culture while being influenced by Confucian culture. This study attempts to analyze the tensions in Korean family relations arising from the differences of religious understandings among Korean Protestant and non-Protestant family members and the modes of their adaptations through in-depth interviews of Korean Protestants. First, this paper discusses the understanding of the role and position of “family” in Korean society and its relation to the background of religious conversion. The main feature of Korean familism is that a family as a social unit has more binding force and importance than any other social organization. Accordingly, religious conversion may create animosity in the family. However, Protestants seek to validate their religious conversion by explaining to their family members that the conversion is for the good of the whole family. Second, this paper examines the position of the religious converts in the family and the reactions of the other family members to the conversion. One characteristic of Korean family relation is that an identity of a family member is not autonomous but interdependent upon the identities of other family members. Especially, the identity of a family is centered around the male head of the household. In other words, traditional Korean family relation is in hierarchy according to Confucian patriarchy. In this context, reactions of other family members to the religious conversion differ according to whether the convert is male or female and parent or child. Third, this paper discusses the features of the most common tensions in family relations experienced by Protestant family members and the modes of adaptation utilized by them. Two tensions examined in this paper are the relationship between the husband who is discontented about the wife's church centered religious activities and the wife who is discontented about the husband's un-cooperation and authoritative behaviors and the discord in the generations due to one's refusal to observe chesa (Confucian rituals paying respect to the ancestors). Strategies taken by the converts to decrease the tensions are mainly initiated by the female converts as women are responsible for maintaining the emotional bonding of the family in Korean society. They may display more subservient attitudes toward un-cooperative husbands or practice hyo (filial piety) to the husband's parents to ease the tensions. In conclusion, the study shows that the characteristics of Confucian family relation are embedded in the background of religious conversion and religious life of the Korean Protestants. Despite the criticism of the Korean Protestants for being exclusive to traditional culture, it is clear that many elements of Confucianism are internally absorbed in the lives of the Korean Protestants. However, some demonstrate a deviation from the Confucian family relation. This is due to the transition of family hierarchy from the traditional to the economical and social in the contemporary industrial society.

韓國의 多角多層石塔

강병희 韓國精神文化硏究院 韓國學大學院 1996 국내박사

Most of multi-angled, multi-storied pagodas of Korea were constructed during the Kõryő dynasty and in the early Choson period. As for the earlier examples, there are remains of three wooden pagodas of Koguryo and many octagonal funerary pagoda of the Unified Silla period. Since multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda, is richly decorated and shows different stylistic elements from the typical style pagoda, it can be compared with dated pedestal of Buddhist sculpture and funerary pagoda of the same period. The distinctive stylistic features and related documentary evidence about multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda would provide important material for the study of pagodas in Korea. To understand the origin and symbolism of the multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda, we need to trace its development in India, China and Korea. Before the multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda was produced, multi-angled pillar was introduced. From the region and location in which multi-angled pillar was constructed, it is clear that the pillar was transmitted from the west and erected in memory of noble death as a symbol of eternal place. The multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda was originated in the west of India and transmitted to China and Korea, it has the same symbolic meaning with multi-angled pillar. Specific location of Koguryo multi-angled wooden pagoda was followed by Kõryő pagoda and it reflects the popularity of Maitreya cult. The cult of Maitreya became popular in the Gandara region when the Mahayana Buddhism began to develop, and spread to China through the silk road. Multi-sided pagoda could have been initiated by the newly germinated Maitreya cult which required pagoda different from Buddha's stupa. In China, multi-angled pagoda was first produced in the Northern Wei(北魏) period and it was constructed as one-story funerary pagoda during the T'ang dynasty(唐). Full-scale multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda was made in the southern China during the late T'ang and Five Dynasties period and influenced Korean pagoda of the Köryő dynasty. Korean multi-angled pagoda shows multi-storied element from the beginning in the kingdom of Koguryo where prevailing Maitreya cult demanded wooden multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda. During the Kõryo dynasty multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda was actively constructed, many of them are still extant. The best example is octagonal nine-storied stone pagoda of Wolchong-sa temple, Wölchong-sa pagoda can be dated to the early 10th century from the comparison to the safely dated pagoda. Other Köryō multi-angled, multi-storied pagodas in Pyongyang area were built later than Wölchõng sa pagoda, the earliest one is the Youngmyong-sa pagoda which can be dated to the late 10th century. The Hongbup-sa pagoda shows late style with its pinnacle, eaves, three-storied pedestal, and Buddha image niche in the front. In spite of the time gap in the construction of these pagodas, Yongmyong-sa and Hongbup sa pagodas share the same stylistic features with the Wolchong-sa pagoda. In the Choson dynasty when Buddhism was oppressed, Buddhist art was in decline. However multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda was continuously constructed with the revival of Buddhism brought by priest Muhak in the early Choson period. Multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda style of the Choson was derived from the octagonal 13-storied Pohyön-sá pagoda built in the end of the Kõryö dynasty, and influenced the square pagoda style of the Choson dynasty. The detailed study on the stylistic development of the multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda with its distinctive structure and decoration enables us to understand Korean Buddhist sculpture in a broader perspective.

朝鮮 後期 文化 柳氏의 全羅道 求禮 移住와 對內外的 葛藤

안광호 한국정신문화연구원 한국학대학원 2003 국내석사

The Joseon Dynasty was a blood society based on families. A main factor that determined a person's social status was his capability. In addition, the social status of his family, also, was a primary factor. As it were, it was largely his competence and the social status of his family that determined a person's social status. This study is to examine Yu's family of Omidong that have lived in Omidong in Gurye, Jeollado from the late 18th century to the present in order to properly understand meaning of a person's family in the period of the Joseon Dynasty. The summary is as follows; First, Yu's family moved from Heseobu in Daegu, Gyeongsangdo to Omidong in Gurye, Jeollado between 1770 and 1780. At that time, 20 or more people moved there. Yu-iju settled in Gurye in 1774, and his son, Deoho, moved there in 1780 when he inherited the property of I-sihwa, his father-in-law, who was rich in Gurye. It is guessed that the rest people of Yu's family started to live in Gurye after Deoho had moved to it. Second, the reson why Yu's family moved to Omidong, Gurye from Daegu seems to be largely following four factors. In order to find out a propitious site for a grave on the basis of the Theory of Division Based on Topography and overcome the fact that their ancestor's family line is of little value, they determined the move. Also, Sonje Bak-gwangil, who Yu's family had been acquainted with, helped their move, and the government authority of Yu-iju, who governed Nakan as a government official, affected the move. Third, Omidong Yu's family, after they settled in Gurye, had a conflict with landed proprietors of Gurye and Yangban nobles of Jellado. To begin with, concerning mountains they fell foul of Jeju Go's family and Bongseong Jang's family, who had settled in Gurye in the early period before them. Also, they had a feud with Jeongjemyeong living in Jisil in Changpyeong, Jeollado concerning pine trees. Omidong Yu's family overcame conflicts with these established powers through the inner efforts, such as pass of the state examination, encouragement of well-known ancestors, etc. Also, they got help of the relatives of native gentry in Seoul. Fourth, in the process of settlement, Omidong Yu's family had a conflict inside the family. A main cause of the inner conflict was adoption. The property dispute in the family occurred by adoption, with the birth-home supporting legitimate sons and the adoptive family supporting sons born out of wedlock. Like this, in the process that Omidong Yu's family had settled in Gurye, they had conflicts inside and outside the family and overcame them. The case of Omidong Yu's family is a good example which represents the process that a new family had formed in the late Joseon Dynasty.