다문화가정 지원정책 개선방안 연구

양명희 조선대학교 정책대학원 2011 국내석사

The study is intended to seek the methods to improve the support policies for multicultural families by comprehending the currently adopted laws and rules for the support and the policies of the government and local governments and analyzing the problems, which are especially focused on support & delivery, operational, financial and personnel aspects. As a result, the purposes to seek which support policies for multicultural families have to be improved by the government and local primary authorizes may be summarized as follows. First of all, the current laws and systems suggest the principles that marriage emigrants enter, exit and acquire the nationality and what they could benefit as a national from the society. The Act on Treatment of Foreigners Residing in the Republic of Korea and the Multicltural Families Support Act, however, restrict the subjects to be protected as ones who legally reside; the latter act also excludes foreign workers, North Korean migrants and foreign students as the subject to be protected. It is desirable that the act, as the primary act to demonstrate the attitude of our society, should be revised to contain the definition, scope and supports for the excluded by expanding the subjects to be protected and proclaiming the security of human rights, cultural diversity and the significance of social integration. In addition, the newly revised Act on Regulation of Marriage Brokerage Agency should be able to secure the enforcement personnel against the agencies, which have showed illegal acts, resulting in damages thus far, inter-departmental cooperation and international cooperative system. Next, the social integration program mastering should be mandated and the programs should be improved. Finally and more importantly, to benefit from such improving acts and systems, the law-supportive rescue system should be followed. To promote the efficient policies of multicultural families on the part of the government, a new department should be established by integrating works relating to them, which are presently scattered in order that the policies can be generally and systematically performed and then, once the government sets out the directions, the local authorities should be able to establish and promote the policies reflecting the local features in detail. As long as the cooperative system is established, the wasted budget owing to duplicate services can be reduced, subsequently improving the efficiency of service. For the improvement alternatives of local authorities, firstly in the aspect of operation, it is true that communication related services such as integrated operation for supporting the multi-cultural families, civil affairs office, provision of customized program by the former nationality and more information are not enough and that social life support services such as multilateral employment support, medical service promotion and mother care service, which are intended to support fostering and school life, and social adaptation are insufficient, so the improvements should focus on the above-mentioned problems. However, even though policies are reinforced and services are improved, it will be more important that the society warmly care and consider them. Therefore, it is suggested that we should respect the diversity, improve the recognition to the multicultural families through multicultural education that is necessary to maintain the coexisting and harmonized society, and educate the natives about the families in order to improve the recognition. Meanwhile, regarding the financial aspect, it will be important to support them in proportion to the number of family members and differentiate the support by city or rural life. Finally, regarding the field of personnel, it will be necessary to develop the professional with the expertise on the families and the education systematically.

기후변화대응 정책방안에 관한 연구

송경란 조선대학교 정책대학원 2011 국내석사

Climate change response policy has so much impact on its severity, resoluteness and transmission if it relies on hastily implemented policy system. The world has been irreversibly affected by climate change, which has been causing negative impacts on many regions. Therefore, the analysis of climate change response policy is necessary to solve the global challenges seriously threatening all the creatures and livelihood in the world. This study has a purpose to be aware of this problem and to look into current climate change response policy. The direction of national policy toward climate change is relaxation and adjustment, which could be helpful to reduce the risks of climate change. In this study, the impacts of the governance on climate change response policy were analyzed. Especially, the factors affecting cooperative governance in the central government, between central and local governments, and between public and private sectors were set as ① policy adjustment system, ② policy linkage, ③ relation with the public, and how each factor affects climate change response policy depending on the governance was examined. As a result of analysis, firstly regarding climate change policy adjustment system, although the Presidential Committee on Green Growth, which was established under direct control of the president in the beginning of 2009, externally looks like it is powerful, it has weak policy adjustment system to makes people have interests or be cooperative since it is not playing a critical and ultimate role. Secondly, in terms of the policy linkage, both of central and local governments had weak points. This is because it lacks of a strong transmission system that efficiently solves policy linkage between central and local governments or cooperation between ministries and offices. Thirdly, the reason might be the weak cooperative governance toward climate change response policy. This can be solved by expanding campaigns against climate change after organizing cooperative networks regarding climate change responses between the government and civilians and by expanding civil movements to cope with the climate change. Thus, the cooperative Green Governance gives an strong impact on climate change response policy since it makes civilians participate in it who could influence people and promotes the policy based on establishment of effective policy adjustment system and policy linkage.

한국 노인복지정책의 발전방향에 관한 연구

최영태 조선대학교 정책대학원 2017 국내석사

If one were to decide what the most important thing in his or her life is at the moment, hardly anyone would be able to disagree with: preparing for a better future, a chance to change the way of life. Everyone ages eventually into senescence. Those who have entered their late stage of life used to be the main driver of our economy. But the regulations and policies that were in place in the past could hardly prepare them for the stable future. Consequently, except for the few beneficiaries of public pension, most of the population have not been able to financially prepare for old age. In addition, while the average life expectancy has been gradually increasing, the birth rate has been falling, leading to an aging population. An "aging society" as defined by the classification criteria of the United Nations is that which more than 7 percent of the total population is over 65 years of age. Korea has already been listed as an "aging society" in 2000, with the senior population reaching 7.2 percent of the total population. Korea is expected to become an "aged society" by 2018, with the senile population surpassing 14.3 percent, and a "super-aged society" by 2026, with the senile population reaching 20.8 percent. As the world's fastest aging society, the problems of aging population are expected to worsen in the future. It is thus essential that new approaches to providing social welfare for the elderly are devised and put in place, if the social issues of aging population are to be avoided. Otherwise, the people and the country will face even worse situations leading to serious social problems. This study examines the current status and issues of Korea's senior welfare programs, focusing on the subjects of income security, medical security, and social welfare services, with the purpose of providing policy suggestions for senior welfare policies. In order to accomplish this purpose effectively, theoretical research based on literature review was used as a research method. The important core concepts of the welfare policy of the elderly were the monographs related to the welfare of the elderly, the domestic dissertations of the previous researchers, the policy report, and the statistical data of the national statistical portal. In order to collect the latest information related to the elderly welfare, when we checked the data, we confirmed the scope of research by the previous researchers and selected the scope of this study. The purpose of this study is to present the direction of policies that complement the present welfare policies of the elderly in Korea. The main content of this research paper is as follows. The first chapter presented the introduction to the issue of filing and research purposes and the scope and methodology of the problem. In Chapter 2, the theoretical background of the study described the concepts of the aging society and the elderly welfare and the necessity for reform of the elderly welfare policy, and to learn about the trends in the welfare polices of the developed countries and the analysis framework for the research. In Chapter 3, we have analyzed the issues of the elderly welfare budget, the current state of the elderly welfare policy, the income guarantee policy, the health care policy, and the social services policies that are currently being implemented by the government. In addition, based on the current status and data identified, the Chapter 4 presented the development direction of the elderly welfare policy in a larger framework. The needs to improve the elderly welfare policy, the senior income security, health care and other social services are highlighted. The Chapter 5 summarized and concluded the above-mentioned content. The implications of the study and the direction of future research were presented. After examining the senior welfare policies implemented in Korea, what can be learned from this research is that the problem of aging society is not a personal matter but a social one. Therefore, the issue can only be solved with the help of the central government and local community. The implementation of laws and policies aimed at providing additional support for establishing a social security system is a prerequisite to solving the issue at hand. 현재 우리가 살고 있는 현실에서 가장 중요한 것을 꼽는다면 미래의 삶을 위한 준비 제 2의 인생을 준비하는 것이라고 말하는 것에 아니라고 대답하는 사람들은 없을 것이다. 누구에게나 장년기를 지나 노년기가 오게 마련이다. 지금의 노인들은 우리나라의 눈부신 경제성장을 이끌었던 주역들이나 그 당시의 법과 제도가 미래를 위한 삶에 대한 준비에 아직 눈 뜨지 못해 극히 소수인 공적연금수혜자를 제외하고는 딱히 노후를 위한 안정적인 삶의 경제적 방편을 마련하지 못했던 것이 현실이다. 또한 앞으로 인간의 평균수명은 점차적으로 늘어나고 있으며 이에 비해 출산율은 계속적으로 줄어들어 노인인구는 나날이 증가하고 있는 추세이다. 고령화 사회란 전체 인구 중에서 노인인구가 차지하는 비율이 7%를 상회하면 고령화 사회에 속한다고 UN의 분류기준에서 정한바 있다. 그래서 우리나라 노인인구의 비율은 2000년에 7.2%로 이미 고령화 사회에 포함되었으며 2018년에는 14.3%로 고령사회로, 2026년까지는 20.8%를 상회할 것으로 예측하여 초고령사회가 될 것이다. 특히 우리나라 노인인구의 고령화는 급속하게 진행하고 있어 앞으로의 고령화 사회에서의 노인문제가 더욱 심각해질 것으로 예상된다. 따라서 노인복지정책에 대한 새로운 접근방식으로 보완 발전된 정책을 수립하지 않게되면 현실적으로 더 심각한 사회문제로서 국가 및 국민들에게 반드시 해결해야할 사회적 이슈 및 문제로 야기될 것으로 판단된다. 본 연구는 한국의 노인복지정책의 현황과 문제점을 고찰하여 큰 범주에서의 노인소득보장, 노인의료보장, 노인사회복지서비스 측면을 중심으로 노인복지정책의 발전을 위한 정책적인 대안을 제시하고 정책의 방향성을 갖도록 하는데 있어 이번 연구의 목적이 있다. 이러한 연구목적을 효과적으로 달성하기 위해 문헌조사를 통한 연구자료분석과 노인복지관련 단행본을 통해 이론적 배경에 대한 연구를 기본적으로 실시하였다. 또한 노인복지정책에 대한 중요하고 핵심적인 개념은 노인복지관련 연구서적 및 선행연구자들의 국내 학위논문, 정책보고서, 국가통계포털의 통계자료를 활용하였으며 노인복지와 관련된 최근 정보수집을 위해 관련 인터넷 홈페이지에 접속하여 자료를 확인하여 이번 연구의 범위를 설정하였다. 일단 초고령화시대에 대비하여 우리나라가 안고 있는 노인복지와 관련한 당면한 문제점을 파악하고 선진국 노인복지정책들의 시사점을 확인하여 우리나라 정책과 비교 및 분석함으로써 현재 한국노인복지정책을 보완할 정책들의 방향성을 제시하고자 하였다. 본 연구논문의 주요 내용을 살펴보면 다음과 같다. 제 1장에서는 이번 연구를 하게 된 연구목적 과 연구범위 및 방법에 대해 기술하였다. 제 2장에서는 연구의 이론적 배경이 되는 고령화 사회 및 노인복지의 이해를 돕기 위해 고령화 사회와 노인복지의 필요성에 관한 주요 학자들의 견해를 알아보고 이번 논문에서 언급하는 고령화 사회와 노인복지의 기준이 되는 개념을 정립하였고 또한 현실적으로 닥쳐온 노인복지의 위기를 극복하기 위해 노인복지정책 개혁의 필요성을 기술하였다. 그리고 우리보다 먼저 노인복지정책을 시행하고 있었던 주요 선진국의 노인복지정책 사례를 알아보고 선진국의 사례가 주는 교훈 및 시사점을 도출해 보았다. 마지막으로 연구의 분석틀을 설정하기 위하여 연구에 대한 중심을 유지하도록 주요 연구요소를 선정하여 기술하였다. 제 3장에서는 한국 노인복지정책 현황을 제시하고 그에 따른 문제점을 분석하기 위해 현재까지의 노인복지정책 발전과정과 노인복지예산 사용 현황을 알아보았고 노인복지 정책 중 현재 주요하게 시행하고 있는 소득보장정책, 의료보장정책, 사회복지서비스정책에 대해 확인하였으며 정책 시행간 발생할 수 있는 문제점을 도출하여 기술하였다. 제 4장에서는 앞에서 확인된 현황과 자료를 기초로 큰 틀에서의 노인복지정책의 개선 방향을 제시하였고 노인복지 정책 중 노인복지정책 예산, 소득보장정책, 의료보장정책과 기타 사회서비스정책에 대해 개선해야할 부분들에 대한 정책적 방향을 제시하였다. 제 5장에서는 결론으로 위에서 고찰한 내용들을 요약하여 정리해 보고 본 연구의 시사점과 향후 추가 연구방향에 대해 제시하였다. 현재 우리나라가 추진하고 있는 노인복지정책에 대해 고찰해본 결과 고령화시대에서 노인문제는 단순히 노인들 개개인의 문제점만은 아니다. 세상에 어느 누구라도 노화는 피해갈수 없고 인생의 황혼기인 노년기는 반드시 찾아오게 된다. 그래서 개인의 노력으로는 절대 해결할 수 없고 적극적으로 중앙정부와 지방자치단체가 나서서 문제를 해결해야 한다. 그러기 위해서는 추가적으로 필요한 사회보장제도의 정비가 반드시 필요하며 그에 따라 법과 제도라는 장치가 선행하여 마련되어야 할 것이다.

한국의 外交政策과 國防政策의 연계성에 관한 연구 : 史的考察을 中心으로

김홍연 조선대학교 정책대학원 2002 국내석사

Since human beings have lived in small tribes or cities, they have always contacted with exteriors or groups. They also have given influence to other groups and been influenced by them. A lot of small and large groups have constituted and disappeared through those processes. Human history has been unification and amalgamation process socially, and military conquer and invasion history. Change of nation foreign policy gives important influence on its defense policy. Especially, the foreign policy of the past was developed based on military Power. Therefore, if the foreign policy that made without considering defense policy or defense policy did not fit in with foreign policy, war was occurred and nation's sovereignty was lost. Considering the relation between Korean major foreign and defense policies of the past, both the relation between Kogurue and Sue and Korue and Yoe was a reasonable foreign and defense policy. However, the relation between Chosun and Yoejin was a failed case. A desirable relation between foreign and defense policy should give an answer on "Our nation security can defend by ourselves." The most important matter that the ROK(Republic of Korea) must deals with in the 21st century is to improve Korea's security capabilities and guarantee nation's survivability, prosperity, and unification through providing against the current North Korea's threat and uncertainty future situations. Under new global system. the self-defense capability for nation security is absolutely needed for nation security and preparing the new international circumstances. The ROK'S defense policy has to be changed from the North Korean oriented policy to the friendly coordination concept with countries around the Korean peninsula. The military size also be changed to fit with this concept and the unit must restructured from quantity to technical and information centered unit.

영아기 자녀를 둔 취업모의 양육 스트레스에 관한 연구

박봉주 조선대학교 정책대학원 2006 국내석사

These days, Korea has experienced changes in functions and structures of families due to low berth rate, ageing society and social and economic changes. In particular, according to improved social and financial ability of women, the number of working mothers is increasing. Their most serious problem is nursing of children and stress from it is increasing. Such changes are thought to have influences on relations between infants and nursing environment. Therefore, to release difficulty of traditional roles of working mothers who have infants and stress from it in terms of psychological and emotional welfare, nursing stress should be identified, difference between various variables should be considered and policies to support infants nursing should be examined. This study has a great meaning in that there are few studies on nursing stress targeting working mothers who have infants. This study aims at speculating nursing stress of working mothers who have infants and infant nursing supportive policy expected by working mothers and presenting political plans based on the results. To achieve the goals of the study, the following questions are presented: 1. How is nursing stress of working mothers? 1-1. Is there any difference between types of nursing stress? 1-2. In there any difference between nursing stresses according to social and demographical variables? 1-3. Is there any difference between nursing stresses according to variables on children? 2. What is the nursing supporting policy expected by working mothers? This study targeted 202 working mothers who sent their children to national, public, corporational, job, and private nursing facilities in Seoul, Daejeon and Gwangju . The tools to measure nursing stress of working mothers consists of 50 questions as follows: 20 questions developed by Kim Ki-hyeon and Gang Hee-gyeong (1997), 6 questions on social and demographical characteristics of working mothers, 4 questions on variables on their children, 5 questions on nursing variables, and 4 questions on infant nursing support variables. For statistical management of the data collected, this study used the SPSS for Windows ver 11.0 . The results of this study are summarized as follows: First, the degree of nursing stress of working mothers who have infants was midium and it was very significant in every sub-variable. The most serious problems in respect to nursing of infants were quality of nursing service, education and financial burden of nursing. Second, nursing stress according to social and demographical variables of working mothers showed significant difference according to monthly family income, types of jobs, and types of families. Working others whose monthly income is irregular or above 5,000,000 won showed high degree of guilt about nursing their children by other people, and in respect to types of job, working mothers who are engaged in production and simple labor had high stress. Public servants showed high burden as parents and destress. In respect to types of families, nuclear families showed big burden as parents. Third, nursing stress in respect to variables on children showed significant difference according to sex of children: working mothers who have girls showed high burden and destress than those who have boys. Fourth, most of the working mothers sent their infants to play rooms(Noribang) and they wanted job nursing system. 80% of working mothers spent below 500,000 for monthly nursing expense, 69% had burden due to nursing expense, which indicates that working mothers have burden, and above 80% of the working mothers spent nursing expense themselves without any support. Although they have financial support for nursing expense, it was very low, and above 80% of the working mothers hoped that the government shares nursing expense with them. The supportive policies hoped by working mothers who have infants are presented as follows: They wanted financial support for nursing expense, nursing facilities and support from job in good order; Next, they wanted support for nursing facilities and nursing expenses and support from their jobs. Based on the results above, this study presents the following suggestions: First, actual counselling to decrease nursing stress of working mothers who have infants and parents education should be provided. As plans to decrease nursing stress, the following programs should be prepared: support of nursing expense, expansion of nursing facilities at job and national and public facilities support, qualitative and quantitative improvement of nursing facilities, flexible management of the facilities in time, temporary rest program for nursing by men as well as women, flexible management of temporary rest period and guaranty of stable income during the rest, various infant support programs, support for nursing by working mothers having nuclear families. Second, as this study found that most of the working mothers who have infants in this study sent their children to play rooms while they were working, institutional plans and national benefits for play rooms and home nursing programs of less than three year-old children should be given and part of the facilities should be designated as time-extended facilities. Third, this study did not identify nursing stress of the working mothers who did not send their children to nursing facilities, but made them nursed at home and the supportive programs hoped by them. Therefore, we have to consider future studies on them Fourth, this study targeted only working mothers who have infants, but as working fathers may have difficulty in nursing with their working wives, we have to consider future study on fathers who have infants. Fifth, this study targeted working mothers whose husbands are also working, but we have to consider further studies on nursing stress of working mothers according to various types of families in current society. Sixth, this study used questionnaire for the study, but future studies should consider qualitative methods such as interview to carefully identify nursing stress and infant nursing programs hoped by their parents. 최근에 우리나라는 저 출산, 인구 고령화, 사회-경제적 변화에 의해 가족의 기능과 구조의 변화를 겪어왔다. 특히 여성들의 사회적 및 경제적 능력의 향상에 따라, 취업모의 수는 증가되고 있는데, 이들이 가장 힘들어하는 문제가 자녀양육이고 이로 인해 발생되는 양육스트레스도 증가되고 있다. 이러한 변화는 취업모 뿐만이 아니라 어머니와의 상호작용이 중요한 영아 사이의 관계 및 영아 양육환경에도 영향을 미칠 것으로 사료된다. 그러므로 영아기 자녀를 둔 취업모의 전통적 역할 수행의 어려움과 양육스트레스가 이해되어져야 하는 등 취업모의 심리적 · 정서적 복지를 향상시키기 위해 양육스트레스를 파악하고 다양한 변인의 차이를 고려함과 함께 이를 지원할 수 있는 영아보육 지원정책을 연구하는 것은 의미 있는 일이다. 또한 취업모의 양육스트레스에 관한 연구는 주로 유아기 자녀를 둔 취업모를 대상으로 하여 영아기 자녀를 둔 취업모에 관한 연구가 매우 부족한 실정에서 더욱 의미가 있다. 본 연구는 만 3세 미만의 자녀를 둔 취업모를 대상으로 양육스트레스와 취업모가 기대하는 영아보육 지원정책을 조사하고 그에 따른 정책적 방안을 제안하는데 목적이 있다. 이러한 연구목적을 달성하기 위한 연구문제는 아래와 같다. 1. 취업모의 양육스트레스는 어떠한가? 1-1. 양육스트레스 유형 간에 차이가 있는가? 1-2. 사회 인구학적 변인에 따라 양육스트레스는 차이가 있는가? 1-3. 자녀관련 변인에 따라 양육스트레스는 차이가 있는가? 2. 취업모가 기대하는 보육지원정책은 무엇인가? 본 연구의 대상은 서울과 대전, 광주 지역에 위치한 국 · 공립 및 법인, 직장, 민간 보육시설에 자녀를 보내는 취업모 202명을 대상으로 하였다. 취업모의 양육스트레스를 측정하기 위한 도구는 김기현 · 강희경(1997)이 개발한 질문지의 20문항과 그 외 취업모의 사회 인구학적 특성에 관련된 문항이 6문항, 자녀관련 변인에 관한 문항이 4문항, 양육 관련 요인 5문항, 영아 보육지원 요인 4문항으로 총 50문항으로 구성되었다. 수집된 자료의 통계처리를 위해서 SPSS for Windows ver 11.0 프로그램을 사용하였다. 본 연구의 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 영아기 자녀를 둔 취업모의 양육스트레스의 정도는 전체적으로 중간정도의 수준이었으며, 하위영역별로 모든 영역에서 상당히 유의하였고, 실제 자녀 양육에서 힘들어하는 문제는 양질의 보육서비스, 자녀 교육, 양육비 부담이었다. 둘째, 취업모의 사회 인구학적 변인에 따른 양육스트레스는 월 가계소득, 직업유형, 가족형태에 따라 유의한 차이를 보였다. 월 가계소득에서는 월 평균소득이 불 고정적이거나 500만원 이상의 취업모가 타인양육 죄책감이 높았고, 직업유형에서는 생산직 및 단순노무직이 일상적 스트레스가 높았으며 공무원은 부모역할 부담감 및 디스트레스가 높았다. 가족형태에서는 핵가족이 부모역할 부담감이 높았다. 셋째, 자녀관련 변인에 따른 양육스트레스는 자녀의 성별에서 유의한 차이를 보였는데, 여아를 둔 취업모가 남아를 둔 취업모에 비해 부모역할에 대한 부담감 및 디스트레스가 높았다. 넷째, 영아기 자녀를 둔 취업모가 직장에 있을 때의 대리양육 형태는 놀이방이 가장 많았으며, 기대하는 대리양육 형태는 직장보육 시설이었다. 또한 월 양육비용은 50만원 이하가 80%이상 이었고, 양육비용에 대한 부담감은 ‘부담이 되는 편이다’가 69%로 취업모들은 양육부담을 느꼈으며, 80%이상의 취업모 대부분이 자녀 양육비를 어떠한 지원 없이 가정의 수입으로 지출하고 있었고, 양육비를 지원받는다 하더라도 낮은 수준에서 지원이 이루어지고 있었으며, 취업모의 80% 이상이 양육비용 분담을 국가적인 차원에서 정부가 함께 부담하기를 기대하였다. 영아기 자녀를 둔 취업모가 기대하는 영아보육 지원정책은 1순위에서는 양육비 지원, 보육시설 지원, 직장지원 순이었고, 2순위와 3순위 에서는 보육시설 지원, 양육비 지원, 직장지원 순이었다. 이러한 연구결과를 기초로 몇 가지 제언을 하고자 한다. 첫째, 영아기 자녀를 둔 취업모의 양육스트레스를 줄일 수 있는 실제적 상담이나 부모교육이 필요하며, 이들의 양육스트레스를 줄일 수 있는 방안으로 양육비용 분담을 위한 국가적인 차원에서의 양육비 지원, 직장보육시설과 국 · 공립 보육시설의 확충과 함께 전반적인 보육시설의 양적 · 질적인 향상 및 시간의 융통성 있는 운영, 여성만이 아니라 남성의 육아 휴직제도의 활성화 및 육아휴직 기간 및 형태의 탄력성과 휴직기간 중의 안정적 소득 보장 등 다양한 영아보육 지원정책이 필요하고, 가족형태상 맞벌이 이면서 핵가족인 취업모의 자녀 양육을 고려해야 할 필요가 있다. 둘째, 본 연구에서의 영아기 자녀를 둔 취업모가 직장에 있을 때의 대리양육 형태는 놀이방이 가장 많았으므로 만 3세 미만의 영아를 보육하는데 있어서 놀이방 및 가정보육을 제도화하는 방안과 놀이방 중 일부 자원 보육시설에게 국가적 혜택을 주어 시간 연장형 보육시설로 지정하여 운영하도록 할 필요가 있다. 셋째, 본 연구에서는 보육시설 유형에 따른 취업모와 보육시설을 보내지 않고 가정에서 대리 양육하는 취업모의 양육스트레스 및 그들이 기대하는 영아보육 지원정책을 파악하지 못하였다. 그러므로 추후 연구에서는 이들에 대한 연구가 필요하다. 넷째, 본 연구에서는 영아기 자녀를 둔 취업모만을 연구대상으로 하였으나 맞벌이를 하면서 영아기 자녀를 양육하는 것이 아버지에게도 어려움이 있을 수 있으므로 추후의 연구에서는 영아기 자녀를 둔 아버지에 대한 연구를 해야 할 필요가 있다. 다섯째, 본 연구에서는 맞벌이 가정의 취업모를 대상으로 연구하였으나 추후의 연구에서는 현대사회의 다양한 가족형태에 따른 취업모의 양육스트레스를 연구할 필요가 있다. 여섯째, 본 연구에서는 질문지를 통한 연구방법을 사용하였으나 추후의 연구에서는 영아기 자녀를 둔 취업모의 양육스트레스와 그들이 기대하는 영아보육 지원정책을 보다 깊이 있게 파악하기 위해 면담과 같은 질적 방법으로 연구할 필요가 있다.

시진핑시대 중국의 한반도 군사정책 한국의 대응방안에 관한연구

박주현 조선대학교 정책대학원 2016 국내석사

China is very special country for South Korea. Until recently, historically is a historical fact that the two countries while its many ups and downs together and work together to identify the two governments for the global trend in the national interest.Frequently repeat the alliance and confrontation. No matter how the scale of economic and military power and influence has increased China's diplomatic and military in terms of dealing with South Korea is not easy. China has powers in the world while maintaining a high degree of economic development requires peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula in order to grow. I'm going to be peace in the area on the peninsula, China is internal to achieve economic growth. However, positive change in inter-Korean relations as China issues surrounding the peninsula's Asian jaegyunhyeong can shrink in policy. China is the world's growing influence in the field of political, economic, security in most countries of analysis is active in China. In particular, the alleged threat China, which had a lot of knowledge people focus more on more and more credibility. Core logic of the China threat theory China is based on sustained economic growth and military power by going to pursuing hegemony in Asia. On these issues is Asia's security interests in multilateral security interests in a negative impact of the United States that the evaluation of the international community. However, South Korea is very interested in Chinese an opportunity in the economic dimensions rather than security. Chinese opportunity, but attention at China's economic problems according to the new injury within the South Korean society, as well as being raised. Of course, these issues are raised and some of the institutions, and the economic development rather than military threats of People's Republic of China Republic of Korea about the impact focused on. Therefore, the author is People's Republic of China's military threat to South Korea's response plan based on the analysis and study of this deems necessary. Currently, the Government of the People's Republic of China XI Jinping 4 inauguration as time passes, but the issue is due to the difference between the rich and poor, economic growth in faction fighting, fell short, the Communist Party's issues with the United States as Japan and coping skills of unstable relationships, will work as a problem on the Korean peninsula. Double South Korea, there is no significant change from the old relations with North Korea. And the relationship with China has been hit by a placement issue impasse Saad. At this point People's Republic of China's military policy on the Korean peninsula will see to learn about. In addition, since the military on the Korean peninsula policy of the People's Republic of China in the past are any changes, the main issues to solve problems in the future and will recognize the corresponding measures in Korea. People's Republic of China military analysis of the key issues of the content elements for the policy is the Republic of Korea and South Korea since the establishment of diplomatic relations of the People's Republic of China quickly developed its relations with China, North Korea and relations with China caused by the current downturn. The United States, Japan, and Asia as far as the comprehensive analysis of the phenomena and issues. These issues in the Government's defence policy, XI Jinping on security strategy, and military strategy as a great power on the Korean peninsula, to maintain its influence in any way for that. Analysis based on the positive elements and the negative elements, considering South Korea's response. Countermeasures to strengthen South Korea's Alliance with the U.S., South Korea and a People's Republic of China's strategic partnership with the region's Northeast, the enhancement of its neighbors Japan, South Korea and the United States and improving relations with the co-ordinated system of the building, including the strengthening of Defense alternatives often are drawn conclusions are presented.

노인복지정책의 발전방안 연구

하연화 조선대학교 정책대학원 2006 국내석사

Recently, thanks to the medical development and the improvement of a living standeard, the average life apan became extened, so the preportion that the aged's population took up in the total population has gradually increased. The population aging is one of pressing issues that every nation in the world is confronted with in the 21st centry. As people's average life-span widens due to the improvement of the health medical services as well as the overall livingcondition, and fewer babies are born or dead, the absolute number of old population increase. On the contrary, as the nuclear family system is being more established in line with the industrialization had urbanization of our society, people's sense of support of their older parents is being faded away. Therefore, such problems involving the old population as poverty, diseases and sense of alienation are required to be solved not by individual families but some comprehensive social welfare programs. In particular, old people's of poverty and health are most essential ones which should first be improved. At any time in the past, these problems were always featured as national priorities. These problems has been also increased, and so that, the problem of aged is now recognized as the most interesting one among the fields of social welfare. Today, the social welfare policy for aged in Korea is more that a complementary measure for the total policies of the old people's population. In the respect, we should approach and recognize the problem in the view point of not only the layer of present aged people but also the one of next generation. The policy for the aged, therefore, should be established. synthetically in order not to be a temporary counter-measure for sustaining the hungry men's life, but to make their needs satisfied in their total life, with supporting them in the various fields of the spiritual, and cultural sides, as well as economical one. Presupposing the above problems, this thesis consists with six chapter including preface and conclusion. To summarize it ; As a theoretical approach, first of all, I survey the concept of the welfare of the aged and the background of the problemetic through data and theories. Basing one the theory, I study the reality of welfare of the aged, and investigate in Korea. With this, I tried to find the problems of the welfare of the aged that I could not overlook here. Through the process, I tried to establish the fundamental improving direction of the old people's welfare policy in Korea. I should say it is here that there is a core of this study. Studies on the welfare of the aged must be lasted and inquired without stopping, for this is the most serious problem in modern society. It could be said that this study is the humble attempt to encounter with it.

국가보훈정책 인지도와 군 조직 효과성에 관한 연구 : 보상과 예우정책을 중심으로

김종술 조선대학교 정책대학원 2006 국내석사

The purpose of this research is, through empirical investigation and analysis of the relationship between professional soldiers' recognition of the national compensation policy and the effectiveness of organization, to suggest a result which provided an opportunity for the relevant policy makers to alter their perceptions. On the other hand, the other purpose is to advise the direction which the future national compensation policy shall proceed in order to improve the effectiveness of military organization. The method of this research was using collected surveys and the normal distribution, and the subjected participants were the Army Training Division instructors and apprentices. They were classified into two groups, a group which conducted education about the national compensation policy, and the other group which did not. 150 surveys were distributed, and 122 among them were utilized for analysis. The analysis of survey data were conducted after surveys were divided into a group with higher level of recognition of national compensation policy and the other group with lower level of recognition of the policy. SPSS Program was used to conduct trustworthiness analysis, cause analysis, frequency analysis, technology statistics analysis, correlation analysis, T-verification analysis, and sub-division analysis. Through conducting the above analysis, the conclusions of this research are the following: First, professional soldiers' recognition of national compensation's compensation and cordial policies, including compensation aid, employment support, and medical aid, is related to the effectiveness of organization. It appeared that as the level of recognition of compensation aid, employment support, and medical aid is high, the indicator of the effectiveness of organization (the satisfaction in one's duty and the devotion to organization) reduces, while the desire to change one's occupation increases. Second, it showed that a large number of professional soldiers were unaware of the national compensation's compensation and cordial policies, while they responded that the compensation policy is unsatisfactory, compared to the level of compensation in terms of civilian consideration, and there is a need to provide education to soldiers about compensation. Third, as one knows more about national compensation's compensation and cordial policies, in terms of demographic statistics, major-ranks compared to captain-ranks (among special ranks) and combat arms (in terms of given duty) were far less than the effectiveness of organization of volunteered soldiers and professional soldiers. We could know that as one's rank is high, and if one's branch of army is the combat arms, one responds more sensitively towards the national compensation policy. The result of our research provides the following theoretical and practical suggestions. In terms of theoretical aspect, it is significant to prove logically, the correlation between the professional soldiers' recognition of national compensation policy and the effectiveness of the military organization. Particularly, based on the previous logic which suggested that the current soldiers' morale would diminish if national compensation policy is unsatisfactory, it proved empirically that because professional soldiers see that the actual consequence of compensations and aid policies are far less satisfactory than their expectations, these soldiers' effectiveness of organization in the individual level would decline as well. In terms of practical aspect, this research could be utilized as a reference in establishing the direction national compensation policy shall proceed, by altering relevant policy makers and officers in charge. First, we shall continually promote actual improvements of compensation and cordial policy, to the level which satisfies compensation subjects, and professional soldiers who later could be compensation subjects in the future. Second, we need to eliminate professional soldiers' negative perceptions towards compensation, and introduce compensation education and advertisement in order to elevate recognition of it. In addition, through collecting opinions through educational curriculums, we should consider establishing the direction of improvements in the compensation policy. Ultimately, it shall adjust to the national compensation policy that is able to improve military's the effectiveness of organization. With those aspects listed above, this research is consisted of the following limitations: First, this research's indicators of the effectiveness of organization (the satisfaction in one's duty ,the devotion to organization, and the devotion to change one's occupation) were unable to explain the military effectiveness of organization completely. Second, since the subjects of surveys were only captains and major-class officers, it is questionable if other ranks could be generalized into this pattern as well. Third, the advocator of the research is a professional soldier, so there would be considerable possibility that subjective judgement was intervened in recognizing the issue. Therefore, future research shall consider these limitations, which could be utilized in developing more objective indicators for measuring the effectiveness of organization among soldiers in service and low-ranking officers, by researchers with civilian status. 본 연구의 목적은 직업군인들의 국가보훈정책에 대한 인지도와 조직효과성의 관계에 대해 실증적으로 조사 분석하여 결과를 도출함으로써 관련 정책결정자들의 인식을 바꿀 수 있는 계기를 마련하는 한편, 군 조직효과성을 향상시키기 위한 향후 국가보훈정책이 나아갈 방향에 대해 조언하는 데 있다. 본 연구의 방법은 표본조사방법 중 설문지법을 이용하였으며 설문대상은 육군상무대 교관 및 교육생인 직업군인들을 대상으로 국가보훈정책에 대하여 교육을 미실시한 집단과 교육을 실시한 집단으로 구분 하였다 설문지는 총150부를 배포하여 최종적으로 122부를 분석에 적용하였다. 설문자료의 분석은 국가보훈정책 인지도가 높은 집단과 낮은 집단으로 구분하여 실시하였으며, SPSS Program을 이용하여 신뢰도 분석, 요인분석, 빈도분석, 기술통계분석, 상관분석, T-검증 및 분산분석을 실시하였다. 이상과 같은 분석을 통하여 도출된 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 국가보훈의 보상과 예우정책인 보상금지원· 취업지원· 의료지원에 대한 직엄군인들의 인지도는 조직효과성과의 관련이 있으며 보상금지원· 취업지원· 의료지원에 대한 인지도가 높을수록 조직효과성 지표인 직무만족과 조직몰입은 떨어지고, 이와 반대로 이직의도는 높아지는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 많은 직업군인들이 국가보훈의 보상과 예우정책에 대해 모르고 있는 것으로 나타났고, 보훈보상정책이 민간사고의 보상수준에 비해 만족스럽지 못하다고 생각하고 있으며 직업군인들에게 보훈교육을 할 필요가 있다고 응답하였다. 셋째, 국가보훈의 보상과 예우정책에 대해 많이 알면 알수록 인구통계학적 특성인 계급별로는 소령급이 대위급보다 직무별로는 전투병과가 지원병과보다 직업군인의 조직효과성은 더 많이 떨어지는 것으로 나타났다. 계급이 높을수록, 전투병과일수록 국가보훈정책에 더욱 민감한 반응을 보이는 것을 알 수 있었다. 이러한 연구결과는 다음과 같은 이론적, 실용적 시사점을 제공해 준다. 이론적인 면에서의 시사점으로는 직업군인들의 국가보훈정책 인지도와 군조직 효과성과의 상관관계에 대해 실증적으로 증명하였다는데 큰 의의가 있다. 특히 국가보훈정책의 불만족스러울 경우 현역 군인들의 사기가 떨어지게 될 것이라는 기존의 논리를 바탕으로 실제 보훈대상자들의 기대에 못 미치는 보훈차원의 제반 지원정책을 보는 직업군인들의 개인적 차원의 조직효과성도 떨어지게 된다는 것을 실증적으로 증명하여 보였다 실용적인 면에서의 시사점은 국가보훈 관련 정책결정자 및 실무자들의 인식전환을 시킴으로써 국가보훈정책이 나아가야 할 방향설정에 대한 참고자료로 활용될 수 있을 것이다. 첫째. 국가보훈대상자들에 대한 보상과 예우정책의 실질적인 개선을 지속적으로 추진하여 보훈대상자들은 물론이며, 나아가 미래의 보훈대상자들이라 할 수 있는 직업군인들도 어느정도 만족을 하는 수준이 되어야 한다. 둘째, 직업군인들의 보훈에 대한 부정적인 인식을 불식시키고, 인지도를 높이기 위해 직업군인들에 대해 보훈교육과 홍보가 필요하다. 또한 교육과정을 통해 의견을 수렴하여 보훈정책의 개선방향 설정에 고려함으로써 궁극적으로 군 조직효과성을 향상시킬 수 있는 국가보훈정책으로 변화되어야 한다. 이상과 같은 시사점과 더불어 본 연구는 다음의 한계점을 지니고 잇다. 첫째, 본연구의 조직효과성 지표인 직무만족· 조직몰입· 이직의도 등이 군 조직효과성을 완벽히 설명하지는 못했다는 것이다. 둘째, 표집대상을 대위 및 소령급 장교로만 하였기 때문에 다른 계급에 대해서도 일반화가 될 수 있는지의 문제가 제기된다. 셋째, 연구의 논자가 직업군으로서 문제를 인식하는데 있어 주관적인 판단이 개입되었을 가능성이 어느 정도 있을 것이다. 따라서 추후 연구에서는 이러한 한계를 참고하여 조직효과성 측정을 위한 좀 더 객관적인 지표의 개발, 현역 사병 내지는 초급 장교급에 대한 연구 및 일반시민 신분의 연구자들의 많은 연구가 계속되어지기를 바란다.

국제사회의 대북 인권정책이 북한체제안보에 미치는 영향 : 한·미·일 북한인권법을 중심으로

김모세 조선대학교 정책대학원 2017 국내석사

This study speculated on the North Korean human rights that have been considered as one of recent important topics in international society. Human rights are basic rights to be guaranteed as humans and mean that no one is different according to nationalities, sex and ages. International society has to regulate such rights in international human rights regulations and member countries have to obey to the regulations. North Korea has maintained its totalitarian ruling system and since Kim Jeong-Eun regime started in 2011, it has been engaged in development of nuclear weapons and reinforced control of the people to establish a new political system, which caused human rights to deteriorate. Thus, members of international society adopted the U.N. resolution on North Korean human rights and enacted North Korean Human Rights Acts, and South Korea government also enacted the North Korean Human Rights Acts in 2016. In the situation that North Korea government strongly reacted to international society's efforts to facilitate human rights of North Koreans, considering the efforts as a strategy to collapse North Korea system, we have a question that “what has made the North Korean government react in North Korean Human Rights policy?” Although 10 years have passed since the UN adopted the North Korean Human Rights Resolution first in 2003 to facilitate human rights in North Korean people, its human rights have deteriorated further. Therefore, it was believed that we need studies on change factors in the North Korean government in respect to North Korean Human Rights Policy. Existing studies on North Korean human rights gave a focus on the North Korean human rights policy in the U.S. and Japan that have North Korean Human Rights Acts before South Korea, but they were confined to related organizations or human rights policies. Therefore, this study is to investigate what effects North Korean human rights policies in international society have on the North Korean system. It is expected that more effective North Korean human rights policy will be established based on influential factors on the North Korean system suggested by this study and bases for further studies on North Korean human right policies in international society will be prepared. This study used a literature review. As data access was limited because North Korea was conservative, this study referred to diverse data on North Korean human rights published by the Ministry of Unification, reports by international human rights organizations, and Internet data. This study has meaning in that it identified effects that North Korean Human Rights Acts in Korea, the U.S. and Japan had on the North Korean government politically, economically and socially in consideration of the North Korean system. If we develop the North Korean human right policy in consideration of the effects, it is expected that the North Korean government will be positively changed and North Koreans' human rights will be promoted.

미국의 대한반도 안보정책 변화와 한국의 대응방안에 관한 연구 : 오바마 행정부를 중심으로

김준식 조선대학교 정책대학원 2016 국내석사

한국전쟁이후 한미상호방위조약이 체결된 이후 오늘날까지 한반도에는 주한미군이 주둔하고 있으며 남과 북의 상황속에 미국의 한반도 안보의 영향력은 크게 자리잡고 있는게 분명하다. 특히 오바마 행정부 출범이후에 미국은 동북아에대한 정치 및 경제에 강한 영향력을 행사하려는 의도와 함께 최대목표인 국가이익과 세계전략에 맞추어 세계적 안보정책을 자국의 측면에서 시행하며 궁극적인 세계전략화의 외교정책을 펼치고 있다고 해도 과언이 아닐 것이다. 동북아지역은 역사적으로 한국, 미국, 일본, 중국, 러시아의 이해관계가 매우 복잡하게 얽혀있는 곳이고 미국의 안보환경과 국익증대를 위하여 동북아지역에서의 지도력 발휘를 계속 이어나가고 있는 동시에 어느하나 주도적인 세력우위를 원치않아 안정된 동북아 지역을 주장하고 있고 아울러 한국의 안보상황 역시 주변 강대국과 북한과의 상황에서 안정되게 유지되고 있다는 것이다. 하지만 미국의 대테러전 방지를 위한 시간적 몰입과 동시에 중국은 미국과 경쟁할수 있을 정도의 발전과 강대국으로서의 자리맺음을 성공하며 북한의 핵무기 제재조치에 대한 부정적 견해와 미국의 PSI체제의 불참으로 미 ․ 중 관계는 갈등의 구조를 보이기도 하였다. 이에 미국은 중국을 견제하기위한 전략적 외교수립을 시행하며 동북아 해양력의 상당부분을 강화하고 있는 일본과의 동맹강화를 통하여 중국의 부상을 저지하려는 모습 또한 보이고 있다. 이는 한반도 안보구도에도 영향을 미칠 것으로 보인다. 중국의 부상으로 전략적 중립외교를 가져온 한국에 일침을 가하는 경우라고도 설명할 수가 있으며, 중국과 북한에 대한 인식에 있어 한미간에 차이가 존재하면 할수록 한미동맹의 기능에는 한계가 지어질 수밖에 없을 것으로 판단된다. 한편, 북한의 핵개발은 1982년 미국의 감시체제 아래 확인되었으며 1988년 핵무기 개발을 하고있다는 확신을 갖고 전세계 비핵화를 추진하며 북한의 고립은 가중되었으며 북한과 관련해서 우선 한반도를 비핵화 하겠다는 미국의 공언은 북한이 계속 관련 무기를 개발하고 확산하고 있는 중대한 위협에 따를 것이라고 지적했다. 중국과 연계되어 현재 미국은 이를 도전과제로 놓고 함께 해결하기위한 방안을 모색할 것이라고 판단되며 장차 장기적으로 보았을시에도 국제적 비확산 규범을 준수하도록 다양한 수단을 추구하겠다고 경고를 지속적으로 실시할 것으로 예상된다. 앞으로 미국의 대테러 국제연대와 대량살상무기 비확산 전략이 지속되는 한 북한과 미국의 충돌은 불가피하다. 미국으로서는 북한이 대량살상무기와 핵개발, 재래식 무기 등 안보위협 현안에 대해 파격적인 양보가 없는 한 북한과의 협상은 있을 수 없다는 입장을 유지할 것이고 이는 핵확산 불용으로 이어질 것이다. 때문에 북한이 핵 등 현안문제에 대해 투명하게 나오지 않는 한 한반도 긴장은 지속될 것이다. 남과 북의 이러한 상황속에서 미국의 한반도 정책은 아시아에서 기득권을 상실하지 않으면서 지속적으로 영향력을 행사하기 위한 노력을 경주한다는 점에서 기본적으로 현상유지 정책을 보여지고 있다. 그러나 그 현상유지란 어디까지나 미국이 균형자로서 기능하는 미국주도하의 현상유지를 의미한다는 점에서 유의해야 한다. 미국은 한반도와 관련된 다자간 안보․ 경제협력체 형성에서 균형자 역할을 수행하면서도 이러한 기구는 반드시 미국 주도하에 이루어져야 한다는 입장을 견지하고 있다. 특히 군사문제에 대한 전략과 전작권 상황에 대해서도 그 모습이 나타나고 있으며 최근 그 모순이 적나라하게 드러나고 있는 한반도 문제의 가장 근본적인 성격으로 설명할 수 있고 주한미군의 전략적 유연성 확대를 통하여서도 이를 설명할 수 있을 것이다. 미국이 주한미군의 전략적 유연성 확대를 통해서 얻고자 하는 가장 크고 장기적인 이익은 한미동맹관계의 구조적 변화이다. 한반도 안전만을 위한 동맹이 아니라 한미동맹도 미국의 네트워크화된 세계동맹 체제속에서 하나의 동맹으로서 장기적으로 기능할 수 있도록 하고자 하는 것이다. 이렇게보면 미국의 주한미군 전략적 유연성 증대문제는 단순히 역할변경에 머물지 않고 한미동맹 관계전반을 재점검하는 계기로 삼고자 하는 것이다. 이와 관련하여 주한미군의 역할확대로 세계동맹의 네트워크내의 연합군으로의 영향으로 확대하여 국지적 소규모 긴급사태 등의 상황에 연대구축을 활용, 세계적 테러진압의 목적 또한 없지는 않을 것으로 보이며 대북억지군에서 지역기동군으로의 군사주권의 대칭적 변화를 점차 변화시킬 것이다. 따라서 대응전략은 세가지의 상호 연동의 추진된 목적으로 다가가는 것이 바람직 하다고 생각한다. 첫째, 한미동맹의 장기비전과 그 목적을 같이하는 안보전략이며, 둘째, 자주적 국방태세의 강화목적에 노력을 해야하며, 셋째, 북한에 의한 주한미군 전략의 반영인 바 주변국의 군사적 대응을 명확히 분석한 후 대응책을 고려해봐야 하며 이는 곧, 한반도 평화체제 구축전략에 연동되어야 할 것이다. 앞서 설명했듯이 중국의 부상에 따라 미국은 일본과의 동맹을 강화하였으며, 더 나아가 사전 위협제거의 전초기지의 역할을 유지하고 있으며, 대중정책의 개입-균형-봉쇄(포위) 등의 정책조합으로 추진해온 바 최근 미 ․ 중간 핵심논의가 되고 있는 것이 고고도미사일방어체계인 사드를 한반도에 배치하여 한국의 상황을 기반으로 전략적 국익의 가치가 미중 양국의 패권적 국익에 심대한 영향을 가질 수 있도록 펼치고 있다. 이는 최첨단 정밀레이더에 의한 핵심 안보이익 훼손을 감수할 수 없는 중국의 반대로 나타나고 있으며, 전략적 모호성의 입장을 견지할 수밖에 없는 한미상호방위조약과 안보협력유지에 입각한 동맹국인 한국안보는 미국의 한반도 안보정책의 변화를 인지하며 위협적인 북한핵과 미사일 방어능력 강화의 이유로만 미국이 주도하는 한반도 사드배치를 바라보아서는 안될 것이다. 특히, 한국은 미 ․ 중이 민감하게 인식하는 사안에 최대한 개입하지 않고 전략적 모호성을 유지해야 한다. 미 ․ 중관계가 대립 국면으로 치닫게 될수록 한국은 미국과의 동맹관계를 흔들림 없이 유지하면서도 중국과의 외교 안보적 신뢰관계를 강화하기 위해 더 많은 노력을 기울여야 하는 전략적 중립성을 확보하여야 한다. 중국이 한국에게 대미 동맹관계를 축소하고 중국과 협력을 강화하도록 압박 강도를 높일 것으로 보이는 바 이에 한국은 한 ․ 미동맹을 유지하면서 중국과도 외교 안보적 신뢰를 심화시켜 나가야 한다. 그러나 미 ․ 중 갈등이 심화되는 국면에서 한국이 과도하게 미국에 치우치는 정책을 추진한다면 중국의 협력을 기대할 수 있기는 커녕 중국의 강력한 반대에 직면할 것이다. 미국과의 동맹을 통해 중국의 압력을 막아내고 중국과 외교 안보적 신뢰관계를 구축함으로써 중국의 반대를 최소화해야 한다. 예컨대 한국은 과거와 같이 북한위협이라는 매개체를 중심으로 결성된 한 ․ 미 동맹의 골간을 유지하면서 미국의 군사적 지원을 확대하기 위한 노력을 경주하는 것이 실질적인 정책대안이 될 것이고, 한 ․ 미 동맹이 이완되기보다는 더욱 강화되는 측면이 강조되어야 하며, 중국 문제보다는 북한 문제를 중심으로 운영되는 동맹의 성격을 유지하여야 할 것이다. 또한 급변하는 대외 국방정책 속에서의 거부적 억제가 가능하도록 독자적 국방력을 강화하기 위하여 중-장거리 요격 미사일을 개발하는 일을 게을리 해서는 안될 것이며 한국형 MD구축 단계에서 국가적 차원의 외교적인 노력을 하여 주변국과의 협조를 통해 한국형 MD 체계를 확장하려는 노력이 필요하다. 주변 강대국과의 마찰이 발생할 수 있지만, 크게 바라보았을 시 자국의 국방력 강화와 군사적인 외교사안의 추진을 가속화 할 수 있을 것이다. 가장 중요한 것은 남북개선을 통해 긴장완화를 목표로 상호 신뢰를 가져와야 한다는 것이며 상기 설명한 사항들의 정책적 사항의 출발점은 남북관계의 대치상황으로 바라볼 수 있다. 최근 박근혜 정부의 한반도 신뢰프로세스를 위해 국제협력을 통해 대북정책을 추진하는 사항이 이에 해당되며, 전문가들은 이를 긍정적으로 평가하고 있다. 남과 북의 한반도내의 정책에 대한 논의는 주변 4강 등 우방국들의 지지를 바탕으로 평화통일에 유리한 안보환경을 조성해야하며 미국의 안보정책 변화를 직시하고 잘 이해하는 한편 이를위해 한미안보협력체제를 기반으로 안정된 안보유지를 중심으로 다자간 협력기구, 협력체제 등을 활용하여 강대국간의 갈등구조의 심화에 대비해야 할 것이며, 한국의 위상과 미래 성장가능한 발판을 확보해 나가야 할 것이다. To date, since the conclusion of the ROK-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty after the Korean War, in the Korean Peninsula, the U.S. Forces have been stationed in the ROK, and in the situations between the South and North Korea, apparently, there is a great influence of the United States on the security of the Korean Peninsula. Especially, it is not too much to say that the U.S. carries out diplomatic policies for its ultimate global strategies, implementing global security policies from its own position, according to its main goals of national interest and global strategy, with its intent to exert a strong influence on the politics and economy in Northeast Asia since the inauguration of the Obama administration. The Northeast Asian region is a place where historically, there have been complex interests of South Korea, the United States, Japan, China and Russia, and for the U.S. security environment and increase of the national interest, where the U.S. has continued to demonstrate its leadership in the Northeast Asian region, and at the same time, not wanting any one dominant power’s supremacy, it insists on the stable Northeast Asian region. Along with this, the ROK’s security situations, too, have been maintained stably in the situation between neighboring world powers and North Korea. However, while the United States is immersed in the war on terror, China has been developed, so that it can compete with the U.S. and succeeded in establishing itself as a world power, so with its negative view on sanctions on North Korea’s nuclear weapons and not participating in the PSI system led by the U.S. showed a structure of conflicts between the U.S. and China. Thus, the U.S. would block the emergence of China through the enhancement of the alliance with Japan, which is strengthening most part of the oceanographicforce of Northeast Asia, implementing a strategic diplomacy to hold China in check. It is anticipated that this will affect the security structure of the Korean Peninsula as well. It can be explained as an admonition to South Korea that has maintained a strategically neutral diplomacy with the rise of China, and the more the difference between the U.S. and South Korea in awareness about China and North Korea, the more the function of South Korea-U.S. alliance would become limited. In the meantime, North Korea’s development of nuclear weapons was confirmed in the U.S. monitoring system in 1982, and as it promoted the denuclearization of the entire world in 1988, with confidence that North Korea was developing nuclear weapons, the isolation of North Korea was aggravated, and concerning North Korea, the open declaration of the U.S. that it would denuclearize the Korean Peninsula, pointed out that it would react to the significant threat that North Korea continues to develop and spread related weapons. It is judged that now, the United States, linked with China, consider this a challenge and will seek a plan to work with each other, and in the long-term, it is expected that they will continuously warn it, saying that they will pursue various means to make it observe the international non-proliferation norms. In the future, as long as the United States’ International Solidarity for counterterrorism and strategy for the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction continues, the conflict between North Korea and U.S. will be unavoidable. The U.S. will maintain its stance that unless North Korea suggests an exceptional concession regarding the issue of security threats, such as the development of weapons of mass destruction, nuclear weapons and conventional weapons, it will not negotiate with North Korea, which will lead to the disapproval of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Accordingly, unless North Korea becomes transparent to the pending issues like nuclear weapons, tension on the Korean Peninsula will continue. In this situation of South and North Korea, U.S. policy on the Korean Peninsula seems to be basically a policy of the status quo in that it would not loss its vested interest and endeavor to exert continuous influence in Asia. However, it is necessary to keep in mind that the status quo is one led by the U.S., in which it functions as a balancer. The United States holds its position that, while it should serve as a balancer in forming multilateral security/economic cooperation in the Korean Peninsula, such an organization must be set up by the U.S. In particular, it is displayed in its strategy on military issues and the situation concerning wartime operational control. This can be explained by the most fundamental characteristic of the issue of the Korean Peninsula, where the plain contradiction has appeared, recently, or by the expansion of strategic flexibility of the U.S. Forces in ROK. The biggest long-term profit the U.S. tries to obtain through the expansion of strategic flexibility of the U.S. Forces in ROK is a structural change in the ROK-U.S. alliance. Instead of an alliance, only for the safety in the Korean Peninsula, it tries to enable the ROK-U.S. alliance to function in the long-term as an alliance in its networked global alliance system. In this sense, the problem of increased strategic flexibility of the U.S. Forces in ROK aims at re-inspecting the overall ROK-U.S. alliance, not simply changing its role. Concerning this, it seems that it would also defer terrorism around the world, using the solidarity building in the situations like small scale emergency with the expansion of the role of the U.S. Forces in ROK, by the influence of the Allied Forces in the network of the global alliance, and would gradually change the symmetry of the military sovereignty by modifying the forces from deterrence forces against North Korea to expeditionary forces. Therefore, it would be desirable that the counter-strategy should approach forwarded purpose of three interconnections as follows. First, it should be a security strategy sharing the purpose with the long-term vision of ROK-U.S. alliance; second, ROK should make efforts for the purpose of strengthening the stance toward independent defense; third, since it is application to the U.S. Forces in ROK strategy by the threat of North Korea, South Korea should consider countermeasures after analyzing the military actions of the neighboring countries clearly, which should be linked to the strategy for building a peaceful system in the Korean Peninsula. As mentioned above, with the rise of China, the U.S. strengthened its alliance with Japan, maintained a role of an outpost for advance removal of threat, promoted a combination of policies, such as intervention-balance-blockade (siege) of the public policy, and, as a result, recently, the U.S. and China discuss the stationing of Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in the Korean Peninsula, so that the strategic value of the national interest based on ROK situation can have a profound influence on hegemonic interest of both countries. This results in the opposition of China that cannot bear damage in the key security interest by the state-of-the-art precision radars, and the security of South Korea, an ally based on ROK-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty and the maintenance of security cooperation, which cannot but hold the position of strategic ambiguity, should recognize changes in the U.S. policy on security of the Korean Peninsula and should not regard the deployment of THAAD in the Korean Peninsula led by the U.S., only as a strategy for strengthening the ability of defense against threatening nuclear weapons and missiles of North Korea. Especially, South Korea should maintain strategic ambiguity, not intervening in a matter the United States and China consider sensitively, as much as possible. As the U.S.-China relationship gets extreme as a phase of conflict, South Korea should secure strategic neutrality, by which it should make further efforts to strengthen the trust relationship of diplomatic security with China, while maintaining its alliance with the U.S.. As it is expected that China will press harder on South Korea to cut down the ROK-U.S. alliance and strengthen cooperation with China, South Korea will have to maintain the alliance and at the same time, deepen the diplomatic security trust with China. However, in the situation in which the U.S.-China conflict is deepening, if South Korea promotes a policy excessively inclined to the U.S., it cannot expect cooperation of China, but rather, it will encounter strong opposition of China. It should stop China’s pressure through its alliance with the U.S. and minimize China’s opposition by building up a trust relationship of diplomatic security with China. For example, for South Korea, it is a feasible alternative policy to maintain the framework of the ROK-U.S. alliance established by the medium of threat of North Korea and make efforts to expand the U.S. military support. The strengthening of the alliance, rather than relaxation, should be emphasized, and it should maintain a characteristic of operation focused on the issues of North Korea rather than China. In addition, in the rapidly changing external national defense policies, to strengthen the independent power of national defense that will allow deterrence by denial, South Korea should not neglect the development of a mid-long distance interceptor missile, and in the stage for building South Korean MD, it should make efforts to expand the South Korean MD system through cooperation with neighboring countries by state level diplomatic efforts. A collision may take place with neighboring world powers, but in the long run, it will be able to strengthen the national defense and accelerate the promotion of the military diplomatic matters. The most important thing is that mutual trust should be brought about, aiming at relaxing tension through the improvement between South-North Korea relationship, and the starting point of policy on the matters as described above is seen as the confrontational situation between South and North Korea. Recently, the Park Geun-hye administration’s promotion of a policy toward North Korea through international cooperation for the trust-building on the Korean Peninsula is part of this effort, and the experts evaluate this positively. As for a discussion on the policy in the Korean Peninsula between South and North Korea, based on the support of allied nations, including the four surrounding powers, it would be necessary to create a security environment favorable for peaceful reunification, look straight at and understand changes in the U.S. security policies, get ready for the deepening of the structure of conflict among the world powers using multilateral organizations of cooperation and partnerships, focusing on the maintenance of stable security based on the ROK-U.S. Security Cooperation System for this, and secure South Korea’s status and a foothold for sustainable growth in the future.