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      • 韓半島 統一論議의 政治史的 接近

        李昶雨,金基澤,林暻熙 영남대학교 통일문제연구소 1986 統一問題硏究 Vol.12 No.-

        This thesis is written with the intention of reviewing all the discussions on the unification of the Korean peninsula raised by both North and South Koreas in a chronological order on the basis of the political development for the past 35 years from 1945, the year of Korea's independence from the Japanese rule to 1979. The discussion on the korean peninsula unification right after the Korea's division appeared in such forms as elimination of the 38th parallel, collaborating movement between the right and left, and North-South negotiation, all of which were led under the leadership of political parties, social organizations, and national leaders. As North and South Korean governments were formed respectively in August and September, 1948, however, those movements failed to gain any results and consequently the division into two parts of North and South Koreas between two systems has become fixed gradually. After the division was fixed, the discussion on the Korean peninsula unification in South Korea was developed on the basis of such ideas as "northward advancement unification" during the period of the first Republic, "first construction and afterwards unification" in response to the radical "self-unification" or "neutral unification" by a group of revolutionary forces during the period of the second Republic, and then "unification by overcoming the communism" under the slogan of "first construction and then unification" during the early period of the third Republic. In North Korea, the idea has been developed as "unification by force" in the early period, "peaceful unification" in the 1950s and "unification under Federal System" since 1960s. Right after the division was fixed, unification by northward advancement by the South or unification by force by the North were presented because political leaders in the North and South all wanted to end the divison immediately; they believed the only way to the national survival is unification of the divided peninsula, and had a belief that they would dare to employ even forces to achieve this purpose. North and South Koreas have alleged that only their side is representing the legitimate government. South Korea considers the nothern part of the peninsula as a lost land illegally taken over by an anti-state group, and perceives the unification as recovering the lost territory. North Korea on their part, on the other hand, defines Seoul as the capital of unified Chosun, and has considered the unification identical to the liberation of South Korea. Thus North and South Koreas have tried to grasp the issue of unification in the context of conflicting ideological systems, and the discussions on unification have found no other ways than ideological arguments or argument over the systems. It cannot be overlooked, however, that both the changes within the systems of the North, and South and the change of international situation have played a vital role as a fairly big variable. Beginning the occasion of the 1960 April 19th revolution, therefore, the discussion on unification by North and South Koreas has undergone gradual change, and the North and South seem to have approached to the idea of peaceful unification on the surface. And during this period, South Korea has put emphasis on "first economic construction" and has acquired a superior position over the North in all areas of political, economic and social affairs. Entering 1970s the unification discussion has gone into the direction of groping for negotiations of their own problems on the basis of mutual recognition of the two systems. And this approach in reality required of us the will for unification as follows; that is, what is required first of all is the will to approach to unification by forming with initiative the subjective conditons for unification rather than passively waiting for the objective conditions to get mature. Along with this, the political leaders from both sides should get rid of their own animosity against each other, and they need to perceive the importance of the fact that both communism and democracy are changing even though the coexistence of the two systems is denied. They also need to have the will to effect in advance the overall participation and tolerance for the sake of unification. By doing so, both sides of the North and South will come to resolve their own particular conditions one by one, and by subjectively adjusting themselves to the variables of the international environment, they will be able to make it more realistic-the unification of the divided land which has been the supreme national goal for the past 40 years of the divsion of the country.

      • 中共의 社會福祉政策

        崔在元 영남대학교 통일문제연구소 1984 統一問題硏究 Vol.11 No.-

        P. R. C. as a communist country claims to stand for the social welfare. But her policy has, in fact, no significant meaning except for the equal division of the people's poverty in the field of social welfare. That is because their social welfare can be possible to succeed on the very basis of the power of production in their society, and because the economic situations have not been matured enough to effect the social welfare policy in the system of socialism of P. R. C. where capitalism is merely in its infancy, that is, she greatly lacks in the power of production to produce the abundant amount of materials. Accordingly, it seems that the improvement of the social welfare policy is very difficult to expect because of the lacks of the amount of materials, that is, inadequacy of the economic conditions. Since all of the production means are owned publicly among the people in P. R. C. only the government has the ability to invest for the enterprises. However useful the field may be for the people's life, and however bright prospect a business may have, it will be in vain if the government gives no interest to for each individual cannot have the production means and the ability to invest the capitals. Therefore, according to where the government gives its preference, a specific field can develop by leaps and bounds, which is the very characteristic and merits of the communist. It is the characteristic of the social welfare policy in P. R. C. that poverty is shared equally among the people and P. R. C. can have been survived on the basis of such characteristic. For it can be, in fact, possible that the social Security can be expected under such social conditions as the equal division of poverty, even though the social problems are serious by means of the great gap between the haves and have-nots. Accordingly, since the social welfare policy in P. R. C. is seeking the gradual upward change on the basis of the equal division of poverty, it has a unique aspect which cannot be compared with the one which can be found in such a open society as a Korea.

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