19세기 영국 퀘이커교도의 비즈니스 성공요인과 그 윤리

최현미 ( Hyunmi Choi ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2021 서양사연구 Vol.- No.64

This study aims to examine the roles of Quaker tradesmen and entrepreneurs in the developments of the Industrial Revolution in Britain and the success factors and ethics of Quakers’ Business activities. How the Quaker took the lead the front line of the Industrial Revolution? What brought Quakers into various fields of commerce and industrial world? Quaker was derived from puritanism since the Civil War in England but Quaker believers had been at odds with other protestant sects. Because Quakers thought that Everyone was equal before God and they denied the official authorities including the King and the religious leaders. Therefore Quakers were regarded as the dangerous group that threatened the social order. From the 1660s, The Commonwealth of England and the constitutional monarchy kept prohibited Quakers from advancing the official position of the political circles and the social professions and the admission into any university and college. So Quakers could not have advanced into the various business circles and industrial world. Quakers had been striven to calling faithfully and concentrated on their trading and managing their business efficiently during 18~19th centuries. Finally, they contributed to establish the development of modern capitalism in Britain as the outstanding forerunners or manufacturers or tradesmen that were engaged in manufacturing industries during the 18th~19th century. Above all, Quakers had managed to their company honestly and put in business practice truthfully following codes of conduct of Quakerism for equality, peace, truth and simple life. As a result, Quaker companies like the Cadbury Co. of Birmingham and the Rowntree Co. of York got a good reputation of ‘good companies and good employers’ by the contemporary and some scholars of today. Some Quaker entrepreneurs and reformers tried to remove parts of social problems caused by the Industrial developments. They tried to improve their labourer’s poor life by improving the working conditions and they established collaborative relations by recognizing their labourers as collaborators. Nowadays, the Business activities of Quaker tradesmen and companies are termed in ‘Quakernomics that had features of Ethical capitalism’ by Mike King. The result of this study highlights the religious life of preserving the religious spirituality of Quakers, the presence of competent businessmen pursued new technology and innovation, Quaker’s enterprise culture and system for labourers differentiated from other companies and especially the network power of the religious society of Friend based on Quaker relationship etc. as the real factors of Quakers’ business success. (Kyungpook National University / minerva10@hanmail.net)

1930년대 중반 소련 강제노동수용소의 변화: 백해-발트해 산업단지의 수용소 신문에 드러난 수감자관(觀)의 변화를 중심으로

홍지수 ( Jisoo Hong ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2016 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.55

This thesis examines the changing nature of Soviet Gulag in the mid-1930s, focusing on the White Sea-Baltic Combine, one of the earliest and best-known corrective labor camps in the Stalin era. Historians studying Gulag have pointed out that these camps, which grew rapidly during the 1930s, served as an instrument of oppression and punishment. Corrective labor camp, they claims, were repressive and corrective in nature. This widely accepted perspective, however, portrays the camps as monolithic institutions. On the contrary, camps evolved over time, particularly in the mid-1930s when they put emphasis more on labor and less on re-education. This new emphasis mirrored a greater socioeconomic change of the mid-1930s, when an impulse for industrialization swept the whole country. In the camps, the industrial impulse was evident in daily life, which demanded inmates to become agents of productivity. To illuminate this change, this thesis scrutinizes the Gulag newspapers published in during 1935 and 1936 at the White Sea-Baltic Combine. The Gulag newspapers, circulated only within the camp, illustrated inmates foremost as laborers. Articles written by inmates betrayed a perspective that highlighted the camp primarily as an economic institution striving for higher labor productivity. It also drew on resources from the Stakhanovite movement to refashion the camp as a laboratory of productivity. The Gulag newspapers often lauded the productive inmates as the Stakhanovites and reported in detail about their achievement. In this light, this thesis demonstrates the ways in which corrective labor camps evolved into a unique organization that prioritized productivity, not re-education. (Seoul National University/suhyuk18@naver.com)

“고결한 정의의 원칙과 실질적인 평화의 복원” 사이에서: 제1차 세계대전 후 독일황제에 대한 전범재판의 시도

송충기 ( Chungki Song ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2019 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.60

The aim of this article is to review the attempt of the Allies to bring German Emperor Wilhelm II to international court as a war criminal shortly after World War I. The Article 227 of the Versailles Treaty laid down his responsibilities for ‘a supreme offence against international morality and the sanctity of treaties.’ None of the arrangements of the article, however, were to be effectuated, because the Emperor had already fled to the neutral Netherlands to seek political asylum. Thus the Nuremberg trial that took place after World War II became a milestone in the development of international law.Until recently the trial of the German Kaiser has been considered negative with words such as ‘a fiasco’ or ‘a failure’ mainly in terms of the development in international law. According to studies the lack of the efforts of the Allied Powers and differences of opinion among them caused ‘the failure’ of implementing the provision of the Treaty. Britain and France have made efforts to put the Kaiser on trial, while Woodrow Wilson and the american delegation, in fact, preferred a political solution over the legal punishment.This paper points out that the Allies laid more emphasis on ‘a restoration of real peace’ than ‘the high principles of justice’ over time. The Allies, especially Britain and France, which were initially drawn to the cheers of victory, called for the punishment of war criminals for ‘justice,’ but recognised gradually that their attempt might do harm ‘peace’ after the War. They gave up the trial, not because they would not deliver him to justice or there were some big legal problems, but because they were concerned much about the political situation of that time.(Kongju National University / chungkisong@gmail.com)

“새로운 자본주의 역사”의 가능성과 문제점

배영수 ( Youngsoo Bae ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2018 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.58

This essay attempts to evaluate the “new history of capitalism” by reviewing its representative works and in particular those focused on American slavery. Critics have asserted that the new trend has such a broad scope and such diverse foci that it may leave its audience at once absorbed and puzzled. Moreover, it seems to have no centripetal agenda or widely-shared paradigm. The reason lies partly in the perspective adopted by historians engaging in the emerging field; they investigate capitalism from margin to center, not vice versa. Furthermore, they do not accept the familiar concepts of capitalism, Smithian, Marxist, or Weberian, while failing to help us understand what capitalism is, a question scarcely discussed in their works. These historians have stressed the capitalist nature of American slavery, arguing that planters were capitalists who often turned them into commodities or collaterals as well as pushing them into producing more marketable crops. The scholars have also tried to place slaves at one of the extremes of the spectrum from free to unfree labor, thus blurring the demarcation between slavery and capitalism in antebellum America. This view has become a hot issue among leading historians of American slavery, who have pointed out that it leads to a difficulty in explaining the growing difference between the North and the South in the antebellum United States. No less important, the new trend is focused on planters rather than on planter-slave relations, that is the essence of slavery. (Seoul National University / ybae@snu.ac.kr)

전간기 소련 군사전략의 특성: 유럽 주요국의 ‘소규모 전문직업군대’ 논의를 중심으로

이정하 ( Jeong-ha Lee ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2020 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.62

This article analyses the characteristics of the Soviet military strategy in the interwar period, focusing on the discussion of ‘small and professional army’. The discussion in UK, Germany, and France show the fundamentally different approaches from the Soviet Union in terms of the perception of the next war and the lessons of the last war, the Great War. Also, this article tries to figure out sociopolitical and military-technical factors influencing on each response to the post-war conditions. Particular attention is paid to criticism of the concept of small and professional army by the Soviet military thinkers in the interwar period. Along with the review of the concept, this article attempts to make an analysis of three features of the interwar Soviet military strategy, that is, ideological aspect; total war as a next war; combined arms warfare. (Chonnam National University / budennyi@gmail.com)

제정 러시아 시기 프리모리예1) 지역에서 이주 조건의 변화와 민족별 인구 동향

양승조 ( Seung Jo Yang ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2018 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.58

This article deals with the migration processes and demographic structure in the Primorsky region(Primorye) of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. In this paper, we examine this problem in two aspects. One of these is the internal situation in Russia. Changes in socio-economic conditions and the development of transportation in Russia during this period influenced the progress and success of the immigration policies of the tsarist authorities. The other is the situation of international relations in Russia. In this period, Russia’s territorial expansion in the East Asian region had created tensions between Russia-Qing, Russia-Britain and even Russia-Japan, and the changing international political conditions had affected the establishment of immigration policies by the Russian authorities. In this paper, we show that the immigration policy of the Russian authorities was carried out under these various conditions, and, as a result, the population structure of the Russian Far East in the early 20th century was dominated by a large number of Russians and a small number of East Asian immigrants. (Soongsil University / igory21@gmail.com)

빈곤한 여성들의 코뮌(1871): 루이즈 미셀과 앙드레 레오의 대변

노서경 ( Seokyung Roe ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2018 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.59

The question which motivated to compose the article is that most of the communardes was certainly working women in the state of ‘la Misere,’ in other words deprived of time and money indispensable for the idea of social transformation. Then how and why they were engaged actively in the whole process of the defeated but historical Commune of Paris (1871), in particular as the status of women? To find out some feasible answers to that question, we called on Louise Michel and Andre Leo at the same time on the assumption that both had enough reason to be represented not by any election system but through reciprocal and tacit consent among the delegated people. Without any official title in the Commune Government nor in the minority leadership for the women except a little activity of International or Montmartre Vigilance Committee, Louise Michel had been incarnated as the armed women citizen and Andre Leo as ‘soldier of idea’ by her journalism. These representative words and deeds are in a sense contradictory but both aimed for the realization of social revolution without doubt. But the social revolution for the women does not mean taking power from the bourgeois class. Rather it stands first of all in the extension of the fighting for the country known to them during the precedent Paris Occupation by the German army. The Commune women wanted to exert the full citizenship by the military participation like meal preparation and ambulance amidst the fighting National Guard against Versailles regular army. They naturally claimed for legalized reform measures like equal pay for equal work, and also for liberated from the complicated system of marriage to enjoy the independent way of life as producer and gender. More vast problem was the oppressive authority the Church largely imposed to them The women’s constant claim for better education was owing to such institutions. The Commune Government had not enough time and capability for the women question but tried to apply new principles in that field. What is remarkable for the two female communardes, was their keeping of ethic shared with their audience: they are conscious that for the durable revolutionized society could be founded upon democratic building of men and women’s relationship. If we could denominate it Commune feminism it was characterized by the intimate face to face contacts, not by distant regarding between elite and mass. Finally the feminism of Louise Michel and Andre Leo showed, even for the moment, the possibility of discovering hidden but neglected will of change in the working women of Commune For them the idea of change was cherished not only for the society itself but for each of themselves. Supported by the probable evidences we could tell the feminism of Commune was a courageous, firm adventure of laboring women who refused vanquished under the pressure of material destitution. (Humanities Research Institute of Chungnam National University / ecouter@hanmail.net)

초기 기독교 지도자들의 예수 ‘만들기’

정기문 ( Jung Gi Moon ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2019 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.60

Since Walter Bauer’s study on the primitive Christianity scholars concede the most important feature of primitive Christianity is the diversity. Several Churches vied with another for initiative of the early Christianity in the vacuum of the forces made after the destruction of Jerusalem Church.By examining the corruption of the scripture of the proto-orthodox Church to rebut the rival sects, this paper gains the following three points.First, the Christians, including the authors of Matthew and Luke, changed the description of Mark on the Jesus. While Jesus manifested his anger several times in Mark, the authors of Matthew and Luke omitted the words which Jesus spoke in his anger. The reason why they corrupted the text of Mark is their desire to make Jesus seem humane. They could not accept the fact that Jesus who taught to love even the enemies could get angry.Second, the leaders of proto-orthodox Church corrupted the text which supported the view of adoptionism. Adoptionists maintained that Jesus was only a human being and chosen as the Son of God. The leaders of proto-orthodox Church changed the words in which Jesus was appeared as a human being. For example, they changed ‘his father’ into ‘Joseph’ in Luke 2:33. Also they changed the words which described Jesus as haman being into the words which described as God.Third, the leaders of proto-orthodox Church corrupted the text which supported the view of docetism. Docetists argued that Jesus was not born an actual human being but only seemed to have the body. For example, the leaders of proto-orthodox Church changed the words of Mark 1:10, ‘eis auton’ into ‘epi auton’, further into ‘pros auton’. Furthermore the leaders of proto-orthodox Church changed or omitted the words which made Jesus seem as phantom and added the words which made Jesus as an actual man. For example they added Luke 22:44 into the original text. (Kunsan National University / gmjung@kunsan.ac.kr)

‘군비 억제’에서 ‘군비 증강’으로: 1차 세계대전 이전 영국 자유당 정부의 해군력 증강 정책

전윤재 ( Yoonjae Jeon ),정광호 ( Gwangho Jung ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2020 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.63

This article analyses the cause of the dramatic change in Britain’s naval buildup policy, which was aimed at budget cuts and reduction of shipbuilding plans by the mid-1900s. Contrary to popular belief, the decisive cause that enabled change in Britain’s naval policy in 1909 was not “external security threats.” The core of the change was the pressure factor that affected the government’s policy direction. At the beginning of the Liberal Party government, the most urgent task was the resolution of the arms problem and the expansion of welfare. It could be sustained stably due to the favorable security environment and the co-operation of the Navy. However, as the threat of the German navy has become visible since the end of 1908 and the domestic unrest in Britain over maritime security has spread, there has also been a change in pressure on the government. As differences over arms policy led to a split in the Cabinet, the government had to push for a limited buildup policy to avoid the collapse of the regime. Such a limited policy change has shifted to a full-scale arms buildup policy as external pressure on arms buildup has been intensified. The government’s recognition of the German navy’s security threat intensified public criticism of its naval policy and further deepened the government’s instability. Thus, the government changed its attitude on the issue of arms and shifted to agreeing to a major increase in naval spending. (Republic of Korea Naval Academy / grim1900@naver.com)

Theodor Mommsen, Römische Geschichte, 김남우·성중모 역, 『몸젠의 로마사』: 제5권 농지개혁부터 드루수스의 개혁 시도까지(푸른역사, 2020), 350pp.

허승일 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2021 서양사연구 Vol.- No.64