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This paper explains the internal and external influences of the nuclear development policy which is the national security strategy of the Kim Jung Eun regime in North Korea, by comparing it with the soviet nuclear buildup policy in the Khrushchev era. The national security strategy of the Kim Jung Eun regime is characterized by the policy of nuclear force building in the dual policy of nuclear and economic development which was proclaimed in March 2013 by the Central Committee of the Worker's Party of Korea. If classification of the nuclear strategies of socialist states as the nuclear deterrence strategy of China and the nuclear buildup strategy of the Soviet Union is possible, the contents of the North Korea's nuclear force building policy can be modeled on the revolutionary arguments of nuclear buildup policy in the Khrushchev era. The soviet nuclear buildup policy of the Khrushchev era has permitted domestic attempts to increase investment in the consumer goods sector such as light industry and agriculture and to reduce dependence on conventional military forces. However, The Soviet nuclear blackmail based on their nuclear buildup process externally caused western distrust on the Soviet detente policy, expansion of US nuclear and conventional military capabilities, and additional investment in interceptor missile systems. Today, the influences of North Korea's nuclear buildup policy is similar to that seen in the Soviet Union in the past, and it involves internal emphasis on the light industry and agriculture. It interferes with the improvement of inter-Korean relations and causes strengthened defense measures of the ROK-US alliance. There is also some differences between the effects of Kim Jung Eun's nuclear force building policy and the impact of Khrushchev's nuclear buildup policy. Compared with the Soviet Union in the early 1960s, the reduction of military expenditure in North Korea is not clearly visible, and difficulties in managing allies are evident.
This paper deals with education system for Chinese people in North Korea (Hwagyo). Chinese diaspora in the DPRK is unique, since they not only comprise the only ethic minority in the country, but also are the only group of North Korean permanent residents with foreign citizenship. The education system for the Hwagyo has been composed of the special “schools for the Chinese”. The author compares these schools with ordinary North Korean schools, schools in China and schools for ethnic minorities in the Soviet Union. The turning point for the “schools for the Chinese” was the year 1963. It was then when the North Korean authorities announced that North Korean school curriculum would be enforced in the “schools for the Chinese” and all lessons would be taught in Korean. The author shows how the Hwagyo reacted to such a reform. Currently there are 13 “schools for the Chinese” in North Korea. Given that their curriculum is almost identical to that of North Korean schools and that the level of the education its students receive is substandard, the author concludes that they exist solely as a symbol of “Friendship between North Korea and China”, which is officially declared by both countries.
'스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.
Despite the lack of formal diplomatic relations between the United States and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea), there have been a number of cases of unofficial exchanges between the people of two countries. US-DPRK people-to-people exchanges began to take place more actively from the 1980s between academic, religious and friendship institutions. In this milieu, the Korean diaspora in the United States played a central role as a diaspora group with links to both societies and laid the groundwork for exchanges in academic, religious and humanitarian spheres. This article traces the people-to-people exchanges between North Korea and Korean Americans that began to take place from 1980s to the early 1990s and evaluates the short and long-term impact of these engagements. This paper argues that these exchanges in the 1980s with the Korean diaspora in the US helped shape North Korea to reconstruct its diaspora policy and diversified efforts to engage with the US in the 1980s and 1990s.
'스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.
This paper tries to analyze the process and its contents of the strongly formed religious characteristics in the North Korean political system. Therefore, I considered the emergence of Kim Il-sung, the process of acquiring state power, the substitution of Marxism-Leninism in Juche Ideology, and the process of completing the national system of Kim Il-sung s monolithic system. The “national division” of the Korean Peninsula is the background of the politicization of religion. Residents of the two Koreas, exposed to a long-term cease-fire, appear to be casual in their daily lives, but unconsciously can be seen as working on a war-related security defense mechanism. Studies have shown that North Koreans anxiety about separation from the North Korean regime. Therefore, they respond quickly to crises and cope with them. The politics of the two Koreas can be seen as an active use of this collective security defense mechanism to strengthen political power. An unconsciously operated security defense mechanism can be seen as forming a collective security defense system that responds quickly and actively to security and safety when the nation is in crisis. Such a collective security defense mechanism tends to be strengthened the more powerful it is, and through its policy of antagonizing the world s most powerful U.S., North Korea has completed its nuclear capabilities that have gathered all its national capabilities. Also, loyalty to the leader will be sanctified and easily antagonized by the refusal to recognize the North Korean regime. It can be said that the religious characteristics of North Korean politics are based on the human-centered concept of Juche Ideology. To dismantle the concept of human-centeredness formed in the religiousized political system of North Korea, the horizon of perception into subjects with universal human beings and their wills must be expanded. To be able to accept the human-centered philosophy and socialism of North Koreans in a unified country, it is necessary to dismantle the concept of “human” made in North Korea s religiousized politics and re-recognition of universal “human” and subject. This is because the unification of the concept of the “human center” of the two Koreas should precede. Besides, there is no free democratic country that can accommodate the Juche ideology without an individual ‘subject'.
By focusing on Democratic People's Republic of Korea(DPRK) nuclear program which is reached to the completion, and its similarity to India and Pakistan's, this study examines changes of nuclear policy in two countries(India Pakistan), relationship between USA and those countries and an agent for decision makings. By comparing DPRK with India and Pakistan, this study aims to verify if DPRK would be considered as a nuclear nation from the United States. Under Kim Jong un regime, DPRK has been trying to be accepted as a nuclear nation accelerating and institutionalizing its nuclear capability. However, by observing its behavior, it would not be easy for DPRK to gain a position of nuclear nation. A strategic value for world strategy for U.S is an essential prerequisite of getting a position of nuclear nation looking at the instances of India and Pakistan. However DPRK presumes that the main aim and purpose of its nuclear armament is a deterrent threat from U.S. But for U.S, DPRK does not fulfilling a requirements for getting a position of nuclear nations, and It would also cause a ‘Nuclear Domino effect' in Northeast Asia which is a zone with instability. Therefore by looking at the case of DPRK comparing cases of India and Pakistan, the chance for DPRK to gain a position of nuclear weapons state status from the United States is considered to be quite low.
This research aims to examine two different approaches to the North Korean human rights issue, the approach of the United States and Japan, contrasted with the Sino- North Korea approach. It examines both the differences and commonalities that these two distinct approaches have. North Korea's human right issue is not only a human right issue but also closely associated with features of the regime and its foreign policy. Therefore, there exists irreconcilable differences of opinion among the Northeast Asian countries. The United States aims to improve the human rights situation overall and wants regime change while Japan shows instrumental approaches to solving the abduction issue. In case of China, they agree with North Korea's official view on human rights because they worry that North Korea's human right situation can be expanded to encompass Chinaese human right issues. Therefore, China insists that human right issue should not be used as a political weapon to limit state sovereignty. All these countries approach the North Korean human right issue on basis of their national interests. As a consequence, the North Korean human right issue is unlikely to be resolved soon, and indeed might get still worse.
This article seeks to analyze the changes of the national image of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK-North Korea). From the disintegration of the Soviet Union and collapse of the Eastern Europe, North Korea was isolated from the rest of the world. With the economic crisis in 1990s, international organizations and NGOs continue to push the North Korean government to improve the situation on human rights and ration food for the weakest classes such as children, women, and the aged. From the perspective of international society, Kim Jong Il and his son, Kim Jong Un, was recognized as dictators of underdeveloped country. Because of such reasons, the North Korean regime has been trying to change its national image in the international society. In order to systematically examine the changes of North Korea's national image, this article analyzes Korea Today. Korea Today is the official monthly journal, printed in English, Russian and Chinese, published by the North Korean government for international readers. This article attempts to highlight three points emphasized for the national image of North Korea. First, Pyongyang declared the intent to build a powerful socialist nation by 2012. Nowadays, the people's happiness is the biggest subject in North Korea. The North Korean regime idealizes the people's pleasure. Second, the North Korean regime insists that their economic situation is better than ever. They presented large scale construction projects as an achievement. Third, during the Kim Jong Un era, North Korea has been trying to build a political legitimacy based on the legacy of predecessors, Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il.
'스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.
The two Koreas have taken a step toward peaceful resolution of the North Korean military problem in 2018 adopting the "Military Agreement for the Implementation of Panmunjom Declaration". Arms control, a concept that embraces military confidence building and arms reduction, is an essential process for ending the long war on the Korean Peninsula and establishing a permanent peace regime. However, in spite of the changes in weapon systems and military strategy, many previous studies related to military control over North and South Korea have been focused on conventional forces. Under these circumstances, this study raises the need for the disarmament of strategic missiles in line with the changes in the security environment among the existing approaches to disarmament through mutual trust building. This study mainly focuses on the following three points. First, this study evaluates the strategic missile capability, which is the subject of arms control by comparing and analyzing the level of strategic missiles of the two Koreas. Second, this study examines the necessity of strategic missile arms control based on the theoretical discussion of arms control. Third, this study reviews the cases of strategic missile arms control and look into the possibilities and plans of future strategic missile arms control.
From 1977 to 1983, for a period of six years, North Korean government agents had abducted Japanese citizens from Japanese territories. On September 17, 2002, Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi visited North Korea to meet Kim Jong-il. In a talk with Koizumi, Kim admitted to the abductions of 13 Japanese citizens by North Korean agents and issued an oral apology. Although the relationship between Japan and DPRK seemed to normalize after the initial talk in 2002, it fell short of expectations. The goal of this study is to analyze factors influencing North Korea's foreign policy decision-making with regards to the issues related to the abduction of Japanese citizens, using Roseneau's pre-theory. The study mainly discusses situations which occurred after the Japan-DPRK talk in 2002 and its aftermath. Several potential factors that influenced North Korea's foreign policy decision-making were identified through the analysis. First, Kim's personal preferences about practical diplomacy led himself to admit to kidnappings with expectations for the normalization of Japan- DPRK relations. Furthermore, the DPRK's strong desire to avoid international isolation, as a systemic variable, also played a significant role in admitting to the abductions. Finally, severe economic difficulties in North Korea have forced him to admit to the abductions.
According to the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) under World Trade Organization(WTO), geographical indications(GIs) is one of the intellectual property rights. As an important intellectual property, GIs not only have economic value, but also play a significant role in terms of the culture of a region, a nation, and even a country. Therefore, the European Union(EU) takes the intellectual property strategy as an important international conversation, especially the protection of GIs. The 2017 China-EU Bilateral Agreement on GIs has completed the thirteenth round of negotiations.1)This negotiation has also provided many new perspectives for China's geographical indication system. 2)Both China and the EU have a long history and culture. Moreover, there are many high-quality and high-reputation on geographical indication products. At the same time, 3)China and the EU face many challenges in the protection of geographical indication products. 4)For example: Why is there a difference in the concept of geographical indication protection in China? Why are Chinese consumers less aware of GIs? And how can Chinese geographical indication products easily enter into the EU market? This paper compares the geographical indication protection legislation and practice between China and the EU, and analyzes the disputes of the EU and China on the protection of GIs in 2017 with respect to the case of “FETA cheese”, and study the case of “FETA” cheese in the 2002 of EU dispute of GIs. This paper points out the differences between disputed cases of geographical indication protection between China and the EU, and the geographical indication products of China on how they easily enter the EU market and enjoy the same preferential policies as the European Union's geographical indication products offer inspiration and strategic advices. North Korean- South Korea summit on April 27, 2018 and the upcoming US-North Korea summit on June 12, 2018 can be seen that North Korea currently needs economic and market development. The solutions of dispute cases through the analysis of GIs in China and Western countries will provide considerable help and inspiration for the development of North Korea's future economic market. Currently, on the occasion of the North-South Summit and the North Korea-US Summit, a study of the case of China is considered extremely valuable for North Korea at a time when South Korea and North Korea are attempting to become one state. We hope that this research will trigger further studies on North Korea's changes.