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          자산 안확에게 있어서의 민족․무도(武道)․역사

          박노자(Vladimir Tikhonov ,Pak Noja) 洌上古典硏究會 2008 열상고전연구 Vol.27 No.-

          자산 안확(自山 安廓, 1886-1946)이 조선인들이 하나의 “민족”으로 규정되어 서구인, 일본인 제국주의자들에 의해서 “열등 민족”으로 하위 배치됐던 비극적인 시대를 살았던 학자이었다. 그러한 상황 속에서 그가 서구인, 일본인들의 멸시적인 시선을 전복하여 조선 민족이 여태 민족들과 동등하거나 오히려 더 우월하다는 것을 입증하려는 강렬한 욕망을 지녔던 것은 어쩌면 당연한 일이었을 것이다. 그러나 제국주의자들의 멸시적인 시선을 전복하기 위한 전제 조건은, 제국주의자들의 사고방식의 기본틀을 그대로 내면화하는 일이었다. 안확이 그 당시의 지배적인 담론이라 할 사회진화론을 개화기 및 일제강점기 초기에 철저히 익혔으며, 조선인들의 “우월성”을 사회진화론적인 논거를 이용하여 입증하기에 이르렀다. 즉, 그가 조선인들이 단군 시대 이래로 신앙에 입각한 “단합력” 등 “도덕적 힘”과 함께 뛰어난 “무사(武士) 정신”을 지녔다고 강조했으며 이 “무사 정신”이 가장 완벽하게 발휘된 것으로 여겨졌던 고구려사를 조선사 전제 전개 과정 중에서 가장 부각시켰다. 조선에 대한 중국 문화의 영향에 관한 가치 평가의 문제 등 여러 차원에서 안확이 그의 저명한 선배 신채호(1880-1936)와 견해를 달리 했지만, 고대 한민족을 “정복자”로 자랑스럽게 보고 한민족이 타(他)종족들을 정복, 동화했다는 것을 그 “위대한 역량”의 결정적 ‘증거’로 여기는 데에 있어서 매우 비슷한 견해를 지녔다. 결국 안확, 신채호 등이 성립시킨 “고구려, 발해 위주의 사관”은 해방 이후의 남북한 역사학과 대중적인 자국사관(自國史觀)에 적지 않은 영향을 끼치게 된 것이다. An Hwak(courtesy name: Chasan, 1886-1946) lived in a tragic epoch when Koreans were for the first time conceptualized as a modern “nation” and simultaneously defined as a “inferior nation” by the majority of Western contemporaries and Japanese imperialist ideologues. In such circumstances, An Hwak, naturally enough, wished to subvert the contemptuous gaze from the outside and establish his nation as either equal or even superior to its peers elsewhere. But a precondition for such an intellectual subversion was acceptance of the dominant Social Darwinist discourse of the imperialist epoch. An Hwak became a convinced Social Darwinist in his formative age in the 1900s-1910s, and then from the very beginning of his literary and scholarly activity began trying to “prove” the “superiority” of the Korean people by using typically Social Darwinist argumentation. He emphasized that “from the times of Korean’s progenitor Tan’gun”, the Korean nation possessed unparalleled “moral strength” based upon shared tribal religious beliefs, but also unmatched “warlike spirit” best shown by the warriors of Koguryǒ(ca. 1st century B.C.–668 A.D.). Although his value judgment of the Chinese influence upon Korean culture differed greatly from much more xenophobic ideas of his famed elder contemporary Sin Ch’aeho(1880-1936), he shared Sin’s belief in Koreans as “great conquering nation” of the antiquity able to “assimilate” the conquered heterogeneous tribes. The “Koguryǒ/Parhae-centred” view of Korean history established by Sin and An in 1900s-1930s, exerted crucial influence of the official historical narratives of both South and North Korea after 1945, as well as the popular perceptions of Korea’s past in both parts of Korea.

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          장편설화의 형성배경과 전승양상 : 임진왜란 설화를 중심으로 in analyzing lmjinwaeran narratives

          임철호 洌上古典硏究會 2001 열상고전연구 Vol.14 No.-

          This study is on how the long narratives have been formed and handed down by analysing Imjinwaeran narratives. The long narratives are the stories which several types of narratives are combined into one long story. So there must be some combining devices in these kinds of narratives. The most common devices found are either same agents(subjects) or smae patients(objects) through the narratives. The former case, which the story is combined by same agents, made story unified than the latter case. Since the story about same patients can make the story weakly connected, so there are more possibilities the story can be separated easily. There are some stories which play a role of connective functions in the whole stories. These stories typically show that the patients of the former story are same as the agents of the latter story. Most of the long narratives have its origin from the novel called Imjinrok. In these stories the order and contents of the stories are exactly same as the nove. This means the frame of the stories are more important factors that the connective divices. The structure of long narratives are existing frame of the stories are related by their agents and patients. None of the long narratives are exactly same in their types. This is because the long narratives have transmitted not by their types but by the personal style of the narrators or story-tellers.

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          가사집『雜歌』 解題

          尹德鎭 洌上古典硏究會 1996 열상고전연구 Vol.9 No.-

          가사집 『雜歌』는 1冊 54張 20.8x21,5cm 규격의 필사본이다. 이 속에는 ①<雇工歌>(52可) ② <答談>(42可) ③ <指路謌>(154句) ④ <關東別曲>(149句) ⑤ <關西別油>(92句) ⑥<豊山別曲>(點句) ⑦<俛仰亭練>(79句) ⑧ <牧童歌>(69句) ⑨ <答歌>(70可) ⑩ <樂資歌>(54句) ⑪ <歸田歌>(33句) ⑫ <漁父辭>(27句) ⑬ <將進酒辭>(11句) ⑭ <勸酒歌>(86句) ⑮ <孟嘗君歌>(10可) 16 <隱士歌>(33句) 17 <處士歌)(32句) 18 <春杵歌>(29句) 19 <湖南曲>(31句) 등이 上下 2段, 每段 2句×6쌍이 배열되어 있다. 읽는 순서는 上下로 내려가며 왼쪽으로 나간다.

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          지역경관의 문화콘텐츠 개발을 위한 토대 구축

          안장리 洌上古典硏究會 2005 열상고전연구 Vol.21 No.-

          본고는 지방자치 시대를 맞아 지역 경쟁력을 제고시키고 지방 홍보를 활성화시키는데 지역 경관을 활용하자는 취지에서 이루어졌다. 본고는 지역경관 중 集景을 대상으로 문화콘텐츠로 개발하는 방법에 대해 다루었다. 지방 자치단체의 홈페이지에 단골로 오르는 八景이 대표적인 집경인데, 내용다운 내용 없이 단지 사진 몇 장과 간단한 설명을 첨부하고 마는 경우가 많다. 이는 이들 집경이 지역문화를 바탕으로 하는 문화경관이기보다는 근대 이후 지역 홍보를 위해 설정한 이벤트성 경관이 대부분이기 때문이다. 본고에서는 일찍부터 유교문화경관 지역으로 평가된 상주지역에서, 오랜 가문의 전통을 유지하고 있는 진주정씨 鄭經世 가문의 '愚伏 20景'을 대상으로 집경의 콘텐츠화에 대해 논의하였다. 집경의 選定과 향유가 조선시대 士林들의 보편적인 문화임을 지적하고, 정경세가 우복 20경을 향유하는 방법에서 직접 명승을 찾아 감상하는 搜討와 서실 벽에 시를 써 붙이고 즐기는 臥遊가 현대식으로 적용하면, 디지털화된 경관을 감상하는 방법과 직접 문화현장을 답사하는 방법과 유사함을 지적하였다. 본고에서는 집경을 디지털화하고, 문화관광지로 개발하는 등 문화콘텐츠화 하기 위한 기반구축의 일환으로 경관에 대한 재구성이 이루어져야 하는데 착안하여 정경세 및 후손들의 차운시를 통해 객관적인 경관 요소, 시적 화자의 움직임, 작자의 심상 등으로 나누어 이를 개별적으로 향유하는 양상과 종합적으로 향유하는 방식을 정리하였다. 앞으로는 이 정리를 바탕으로 우복20경을 시뮬레이션으로 제작하고 또 현장에서의 원형을 복원한다면 명실공히 경쟁력 있는 문화콘텐츠가 될 것이다. This Thesis discusses a reorganization of the Woobok's 20 Scenes in Sangjoo as part of the efforts to establish local cultural contents in the 21st century of cultural industry and decentralization. The Woobok's 20 Scenes in Sangju were developed by a manager, Kyungse Jung with a specific purpose. The scenes were enjoyed by Confusion scholars of the Chosun Dynasty, who enjoyed the beauty of the views on the spot or in an indirect manner. To develop and enjoy the scenery like this was characteristic of the Confusion scholars of the Chosun Dynasty. By developing the Woobok's 20 Scenes as cultural contents, one can understand the spiritual world and lifestyles of the gentry of those times and use them as educational and cultural contents and marketing resources. In addition, the way the Woobok's 20 Scenes were enjoyed by the Confusion scholars can be applied to developing contents today. In other words, the scenery can be developed to give access to people both in cyber space and off line. The Woobok's 20 Scenes can be developed as physical tourist attractions and be introduced on the webpage with relevant information as well. This manner of developing can be applied to all sceneries across the country.

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          호연재 문학의 배경

          허경진 洌上古典硏究會 2002 열상고전연구 Vol.16 No.-

          Hoyeonjae Kim(浩然濟 金 1681-1722 The daughters had no given names and only carried a surmame) was the great-great-granddaughter of Kim Sang-Yong, a minister(右議政) theat died for his country during the Ching Invasion of 1636. Kim Sang-Yongs younger brother, a minister (左議政) Kim Sang-Hun, was arrested by the Ching for vocally oppsing surrender. Because this pair of brothers kept faithful to their country, the younger Kims grandsons, Soo-Heung and Soo-Hang, both held the office of prime minister (領議政) and produced many wives of the king. Until then demise of the Chosun dynasty, it was the seoin(西人) and the Andong Kim family that dominated the court. With this political backdrop, Hoyeonjaes father, Kim Sung-Dal, also held an office and Hoyeonjae lived, married, and wrote with the pride that she was born into such a respected family. Kim Sang-Yong built a country house with many pavilions (jeongja 亭子)in the beautiful valleys of Mount Inwang in Seoul. He took the name of the valley, Poong-gye(楓溪), as his pen name, and countless people, from his descendants to scholars of various disciplines, came here to socialize, write poetry, and forge friendships. This town, once called Changui-dong because of the Changui-mun located there, was later renamed Jang-dong and the desendants that carried the surname Kim became the Jang-dong Kims. Kim Sung-Dal came here to trade poems with his third cousin Kim Chang-Hyup. When the government changed, he retreated to Hongsung-gun Galsan-myun Odu-ri of the Chungchong province where the family owned a farm; with this move, the literary space of the family changed from the mountains of Inwang to a poetic juxtaposition of mountain and ocean found in Odu-ri, and the name of the family changed from Jang-dong Kim to Galsan Kim. Although Hoyeonjae, who was born here, married at nineteen and moved to Hoiduk-hyun Song-chon, her own literary space would always remain in Odu-ri. Although common knowledge dicatates that the women of Chosun never learned to read and write, this was not always the case. Although they were barred from outside educational institutions, many of them did learn within the household. The 13 siblings and the parents traded poetry in Hoyeonjaes family, so it is clear that even the daughters of the family received basic literary training. Andong Kim-ssi Sego (安東金氏世稿 Collected Works of the Andong Kim Family), the collection of poems by Kim Sung-Dal and his wife from the Yeonan Lee family, and Wujin, a collection of poetry of Kim Sung Dal, his concubine, and her daughter, show that both the parents and the children of the family were well-versed regardless of gender. Hoyeonjaes brother, Kim Si-Taek, published Yeonjurok, a compilation of poems by the seven siblings, and Hoyeonjae herself weote more than 200 Hansi. Hoyeonnjae married Song Yo-Hwa, the great-grandson of a famous scholar, Dongchungang (同春堂 ,penname) Song Jun-Gil, but this marriage, beyond the union of a man and a woman, was a union between the Andong Kims and the Eunjin Songs, the two familles that held the power in the court. Kyenyusuh (戒女書), which was the de facto manual on womanly behavior at the time, preached the Confucius principles that men should be held in a status above women (男尊女卑) and that a woman should unconditionally follow her husbands wishes (女心從夫). However, Hoyeonjae wrote Jakyungpyun (An oath to oneself) and asserted that men and women are, and should be, equals. While her husband spend most of his days away to tend to his mother, Hoyeonjae was alone to tend to the matters within her household, managing more than 30 servants. Of the mansion that her husband built, four houses still remain, and there were four additional servants quarters; these buildings stand even today as a testament to the size and prosperity of the household. And while living in this mansion, she also educated her children under strict standards, which is another dynamic of her writing. Hoyeonjae would write poems that mollified her worries while smoking (since tobacco was introduced to Chosun in 1616, it hadnt even been a century when Hoeyonjae picked up smoking), and wrote poems that revealed her vast mind and unfilled heart while drinking. Her descendants made an efort to pass her work to later generations. Her Jakyoungpyun, written to educate women, was translated into hangul to allow even uneducated women to be able to read it. This particular poem was beautifully transcribed by her great-granddaughter-in-law from the Chungson Shim family. Because Hoyeonjaes poetry was never published and kept inside the house, most of it would have disappeared had her descendants not put the effort in the transcriptions. The effort of her descendants that kept her works for these past 300 years is also a reason why her literature can still be read today. Hoyeonjae was born into a family like no one else, raised in a literary environment and traded poetry with family members, and married into an equally distinguished family that allowed her to experience things that most other women of her generation could not have experienced. Hoyeonjaes literature was borne out of this environments, and this environment made her literature available still today.

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