일본 자위대의 영역확대와 한국의 안보정책 방향

한준혁 忠南大學校 平和安保大學院 2016 국내석사

일본 자위대의 영역확대와 한국의 안보정책 방향 일본 자위대의 작전 영역이 전 세계로 확대된다. 이는 일본 주변으로 한정됐던 자위대의 작전 범위가 사실상 풀린 것으로, 미국과 협력할 경우 일본은 전 세계 어느 곳이나 군사력을 투입할 수 있는 길이 열린 것이다. 이러한 국제적 안보환경 속에서 한국을 중심으로 바라본 중국, 일본 등의 동아시아 안보환경은 중세부터 근현대사에 이르기까지 불안한 격동의 시기를 거쳐 왔다. 특히 현재 중국, 일본에 비해 열세한 군사력과 북한의 핵 위협 등 불안한 안보환경에 직면하고 있는 한국은 미국의 한미동맹에 대한 군비축소 움직임과 더불어 일본의 자위대 영역확대와 그에 따른 군사적 불균형이 다가올 가장 큰 위협이자 대비해야 할 안보과제라고 볼 수 있겠다 동아시아 안보환경에서 한국이 나아가야 할 방향은 무엇인가? 한국이 자립적으로 자국의 이익과 국제적 위상을 추구하기에는 아직 무엇인가 역부족이다. 또한 경제, 군사적으로 우위에 있는 일본을 상대로 도서분쟁, 위안부문제 등 기타 국가 간 주요 쟁점사항들에 있어서 세계 각국의 지지를 확보하는 것도 쉽지 않으며, 전후 60년이 지난 현재까지 한미동맹에만 의지하는 것은 효과적이지 않은 방향이다. 본 연구는 이러한 문제의식을 바탕으로 현재의 불안한 동아시아 안보환경에서 한국 안보정책이 나아갈 방향을 설정하였다. 즉 일본의 자위대 영역확대를 현실주의, 실리주의적 입장에서 해석하여 한국이 나아갈 안보방향을 제시하였다. 일본의 점진적이고 장기적인 자위대 영역확대와 재군사화를 통해 세계의 경찰이자 안보기능을 수행하는 미국의 패권을, 동아시아내에서 차지하려고 노력하고 있다. 미국은 동아시아의 균형 축 역할을 일본에게 배분하고 있으며 일본은 이것에 발맞추기 위해 중국을 견제하며 군사력 증대를 심화시키고 있다. 실제로 일본의 재군사화 방향은 전반적으로 미국의 지역적 군사 헤게모니를 지속 뒷받침하는데 맞추어져 있다. 미국의 중국견제 목적이나, 북한의 핵과 탄도미사일 위협을 봉쇄하기 위한 모든 면에서 일본은 미국에게 중요한 국가가 되고 있는 것이다. 또한 일본 자위대의 인도양 및 아덴만 파병으로 일본은 초국가적 테러리즘과 해적에 대응한다는 목표에만 국한하지 않고 증대되고 있는 중국의 영향력에 대응하여 해상교통로를 확보하고자 하는 임무까지 성실하게 수행한 셈이다. 이러한 자위대의 영역확대가 한반도 및 국제적으로 미치는 영향에 대해서 먼저 논하였다. 중․일간 대립심화, 핵 보유국 증대 가능성, 해양 영토분쟁 외에도 한반도내 자위대 파병우려나 평화통일 지연 등 앞 장에서 논했던 의견들과 더불어 장기적인 시각에서는 일본이 미․중 대립의 완충제 또는 정반대로 기폭제 역할을 할 수 있다는 점에서 한국이 취해야할 외교적, 안보적 향배를 고려해 봐야한다. 미국과 중국은 한국에 있어서 모두 버릴 수 없는 패이다. 국제관계가 단편적인 면에서 맺고 끊는 관계는 아니듯이, 미국과는 오래된 군사동맹 및 경제적 협력관계를 바탕으로, 급부상한 경제강국인 중국과는 주요 무역거래국으로서, 군사․경제․사회 등 각종분야에서의 양국관계를 단편적으로 판단할 수 없기 때문이다 그러나 분명한 사항은 한미동맹보다 더 심도 깊어지고 있는 미일동맹이다. 이는 한반도 평화안보에 심각한 불안요인이다. 한반도의 안보정책 방향에 대해서 미국에 대한 의존도 조정과 한․중 협력체계 구축을 서두에 놓은 것은 바로 이 때문이다. 아이러니 하게도 이 두 가지 방향은 세 번째 대책으로 제시한 국방력(전투력) 증강이 선 진행된 뒤에나 이루어 질 수 있는 대안일 수 있다. 그러나 본 논문이 제시하고자 하는 목적은 일본의 군사영역확대에 대한 대책으로서 중국을 강조하고자 하는 의미였다. 한․중관계는 수교 이후 국가원수의 중국방문을 통해 전면적 협력동반관계를 공식화하는 단계까지 발전하였으나, 이는 일정정도 중국의 한반도에 대한 영향력 확대의지가 반영되면서 추진되었다고도 보여진다. 즉, 중국이 지정학적 중요성이 큰 한반도에 대한 영향력 확보의 주 대상을 북한에서 한국으로 옮겨가고 있음을 시사하는 것이다. 이는 한국의 나아갈 안보방향 및 대책과도 맞아 떨어진다. 북한, 일본, 미국을 동시 견제할 수 있는 국가는 중국뿐이다. 또한 이제 동아시아에서 평화안보의 축을 담당한 미-일 주도가 아니라 동아시아권 국가들이 다각적이고도 평등한 주권국의 위치에서 경제․안보․외교를 논할 수 있는 다자협의체가 형성될 수 있다면 미국과 일본이 조장하고 있는 군사적 영역확대를 막는 지름길이 될 것이다. 물론 이러한 대책들을 더욱 공고히 되는 것은 한국군의 전투력 증강, 해외파병 및 유엔군 활동 적극 참여를 통한 국제적 위상과 입지확보 바탕이 되어야 한다. 이는 미국이나 중국, 일본에 비하여 군사력으로서는 열세인 한국에게 힘든 과제가 될 수도 있다. 그러나 광복이후부터 우리는 너무 단편적인 작전계획과 전략구상, 한 개의 동맹국의 의존해 온 것 또한 사실이다. 이제 시야를 넓히고 다각적인 방안을 마련하여 한반도내 진정한 평화안보의 시대를 개척해 나가야 할 때이다.

東北亞 戰略均衡과 韓半島 平和體制 構築方案

양충식 忠南大學校 平和安保大學院 2013 국내석사

Since the end of the Korean War in July 1953, in accordance with the Armistice Agreement of the United Nations (UN), the Korean peninsula has gone through repetitive conflict and a long period of reconciliation and cooperation due to regime competition and the showdown between North and South Korea concerning unification. Efforts for the establishment of peace regime have been sustained since 1962. However, the practical results were very limited because the Korean Peninsula has a special geopolitical position, and the four neighboring powerful countries (U.S., China, Japan and Russia) focus on their own respective strategic purposes due to a conflict of interest. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to focus on how to design the inter-Korean relations to turn acute confrontation for its interests under the UN Armistice system over the last 60 years into a permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula in a rapidly changing security environment in Northeast Asia in the 21st century. First, the purpose is to analyze the North-South relations using the theory of international politics and the special relations between the two Koreas. Second, the purpose is to propose viable promotion methods to establish a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula considering future strategic balance in Northeast Asia based on the strategic balance on Northeast Asia in the 21st century, North Korea's military threat, and the promotion of multilateral security cooperation in Northeast Asia. And last, the purpose is to contribute to the formation of national security policy to build a true peace regime under the leadership of the two Koreas, which can contribute to permanent peace and prosperity on the Korean Peninsula. The literature research method is based on previously released documents and related materials i.e, relevant papers, periodicals, books, newspaper articles. The Internet was also used. To summarize the main points, the basic principle and precondition for active cooperation between the two Koreas, as well as establishment of a permanent peace regime to transition the current uneasy Armistice of the UN system to a strong peace treaty system under the multilateral security cooperative system in Northeast Asia for prosperity of Koreans under the future strategic balance in Northeast Asia for prosperity of Koreans under the future strategic balance on Northeast Asia, is to sign a peace treaty, a legal and institutional framework for the two Koreas to coexist peacefully, as they go through the process of unification. Therefore, the basic principles of a peace regime of the Korean Peninsula must be observed. First, the existing agreements to normalize inter-Korean relations, such as 'Armistice Agreement' and 'inter-Korean basic Agreement', must be maintained and observed until a new peace regime is established on the Korean. Second, North and South Korea must negotiate and reach an agreement establishing a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula directly. Third, this agreement (establishing a peace regime) must be pushed forward gradually on a step-by-step basis to affirm mutual peace and coexistence. Fourth, the abandonment of the core part of the nuclear program and actual arms control ought to be executed for complete denuclearization, to restore military confidence between the two Koreas. Fifth, a double security system, of the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asian-level, is needed to maintain and manage a permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula. Sixth, a special organization, an international and institutional strategy to fulfill the establishment plan of a peace regime, should be installed. And preconditions for the establishment of a peace regime will be made as follows. First of all, North Korea must abandon its nuclear program and be transparent about its nuclear program. Second, North must change its hostility toward South Korea to a win-win policy of peaceful coexistence. Third, South Korea must secure a self-defense posture to have an independent war deterrent toward North Korea. Fourth, South Korea should develop the Korea-U.S. military alliance toward future oriented partnership in case of disbanding UNC and role adjustment of US Armed Forces in Korea(USFK). And last, South Korea should obtain consensus and social cohesion about signing a peace treaty before transitioning to a peace regime. And for the detailed plans, international guarantees of a peace plan should be presented, as well as the installment of peace management organizations on the Korean Peninsula such as disposal of nuclear weapons, role adjustment of USFK, and the establishment of a new ROK-US alliance that will be mutually beneficial. Since the dynamic change of strategic balance in Northeast Asia of the 21st century and North Korea's regime crisis, and threats that recently appeared in the process of settlement of North Korea's nuclear problem threaten peace in the Northeast Asia as well as international community, the two critical axis to reduce the risk of sudden regime change(collapse) in North Korea need to seek a detailed way to promote and establish a true peace regime on the Korean Peninsula, and develop the future ROK-US alliance, establishing a strong multilateral security cooperation in Northeast Asia. To accomplish this, in-depth research is needed. 21세기 급변하는 동북아 안보환경 속에서 1953년 7월 이후 지금까지 60여 년간 한반도는 UN의 정전협정체제 하에서 자국이익 확보를 위한 첨예한 남북대결 구도에서 전환하여 어떻게 하면 한반도의 항구적인 평화체제로 남북관계를 설계할 것인가? 에 초점을 두고, 먼저 남북한 관계를 국제정치학의 이론 즉 현실주의, 자유주의, 구성주의와 남북한의 특수관계론을 통하여 분석해보고 이러한 이론적 배경을 기초로 한반도 주변 4강국을 중심으로 21세기 동북아의 전략균형을 개관하고 북한의 군사도발과 WMD 위협을 분석한 후, 동북아 다자안보협력의 추진현황과 문제점을 살펴보며 현재까지의 남북관계와 변화 가능성을 토대로 평화체제 구축을 위한 추진현황과 문제점을 살펴본 후, 미래의 동북아 전략균형 속에서 실천 가능한 한반도 평화체제 구축 추진방안을 제시함에 있어 평화공존과 평화체제 구축의 의미를 조명해보고 베트남의 평화협정과 공산화 과정의 교훈을 통하여 한반도의 평화체제 구축을 위한 기본 추진원칙과 전제조건을 설정하며 그리고 구체적인 추진방안으로 평화협정체결과 국제적 보장방안을 제시하고, 북한의 핵개발 폐기와 한반도 군비통제 이행 등 평화체제 구축과 더불어서 주한미군의 지위조정과 미래 한미동맹의 지향방향을 제시함으로서 앞으로 변화하는 동북아 전략균형 속에서 한반도의 항구적인 평화번영에 기여 할 수 있는 있도록 남북한 주도하에 진정한 평화체제를 구축하기 위한 국가안보정책 수립에 기여

韓國軍의 平和維持活動 發展方案에 관한 硏究

유현호 忠南大學校 平和安保大學院 2016 국내석사

The security reality of the 21st century, in which we are living in, is even now changing contemporarily in accordance to the various effects of the security environment of the international society. Although conflicts between the eastern and western hemisphere have ceased to exist since the cessation of the Cold War, the formation of a new order between nations have lead to current situation in which even more conflicts are arising than during the Cold War. The UN began to promote peace keeping operation(PKO)s in order to resolve these problems, and is promoting PKOs through numerous ways of intervention tailored to fit the characteristics of each country as well as through providing support and taking action in each area. Since joining the UN in 1991, Korea first dispatched UN peace keeping forces for PKOs in Somalia in 1993, and is even now, participating in various supporting activities and PKOs as a responsible member of the international community, as can be observed from the fact that it was nominated as a non-resident executive nation of the UN security council in 1996 and 2012. The Korean military’s participation in PKOs throughout many conflicts within the international society during the last 21 years has summed up to many achievements, such as boosting national prestige, nourishing the ability to conduct stabilization operations in arbitrary location, picking up multinational forces, and achievement in the economic and cultural areas. Despite of this, problems such as deficient public relation and policy support systems, the need for establishing a foundation for international cooperation, insufficient laws, dedicated organizations, and UN standing force participation, as well as the unsatisfactory securement and management of experts remain to be dealt with. Therefore, specific proposals regarding PKO participation and enhancement that take national capability, along with the characteristics of the Korean military and the security into consideration are critical. Through this study, we intended to examine matters of enhancing Korean military PKOs in depth. Therefore the chosen method of approach is research via literature study and case study, and books, theses, academic papers, reports, seminar and analyzed as reference material. Though the Korean military’s PKOs are contributing to world peace and are in accord with the original objectives of national policy, complementation and development are required in terms of presenting specific plans for each area. Hence, we have offered a way of improving PKOs that the Korean military should pursue, through activation of PKOs through participation in international activities, overall enhancement of law and organizations, proactive contribution to UN standing forces, systematic cultivation and management of experts, and improvement of the public’s perception of PKOs. As a member of the international community, Korea should actively participate in UN-lead PKOs, strengthen international society cooperation and security system, and vitalize government-lead Korean military PKOs, as a means of contribute to the elevation national prestige as well as the promotion of national interest. 우리가 살아가고 있는 21세기 안보현실은 다양한 국제사회 안보환경의 영향에 따라 지금도 실시간 변화하고 있다. 세계는 냉전의 종식이후 동서간의 갈등은 사라졌으나, 국가 상호간의 국력에 의해 새로운 질서가 형성되고, 그동안 잠재되었던 국가 상호간의 다양한 문제들이 복합적으로 발생하면서 오히려 냉전시대보다 더 많은 분쟁이 발생하고 있는 현실이다. 이러한 문제점을 해결하기 위해 UN(United Nation)은 평화유지활동을 추진하게 되었고, 각 국가의 특성에 맞는 다양한 형태와 방법으로 개입하여 분야별 지원과 조치를 통해 평화유지활동을 추진하고 있다. 한국은 1991년 UN에 가입한 이래 1993년 소말리아 평화유지 활동에 UN 평화유지군을 최초로 파병하였고, 1996년과 2012년 UN 안전보장이사회의 비상임이사국에 선출되는 등 현재까지도 국제사회의 책임 있는 구성원으로서 다양한 지원활동 및 평화유지활동에 참여하고 있다. 지난 21년간 국제사회의 많은 분쟁 속에 실시된 한국군의 평화유지활동 참여는 국가의 위상제고, 임의지역에서의 안정화작전능력 배양, 군수지원의 중요성 인식, 다국적군 국가들의 전투기술 및 Know-How습득, 경제 및 문화 분야 등의 많은 성과를 이루었으나, 아직도 홍보 및 정책지원 시스템, 국제협력 기반구축, 법률, 업무전담기구의 미흡, UN 상비군 참여, 전문요원확보 및 관리 미흡 등의 분야별 문제점을 가지고 있는 것이 사실이다. 따라서 국가의 능력과 한국군의 특성, 안보현실을 고려한 평화유지활동 참여와 발전방안에 대한 구체적인 제시가 필요한 현실이다. 본 연구는 한국군의 평화유지활동 발전방안에 관한 사항을 심층 검토하고자 하였다. 따라서 연구의 접근방법은 문헌조사와 사례연구를 통한 접근방법과 특정한 사회 상태를 이상적인 목표라고 전재한 후 그 목표를 달성하기 위해 무엇을 어떻게 해야 하는지를 연구하는 처방적 연구방법을 택하여 수행하였으며, 연구를 위한 활용자료는 평화유지활동과 관련된 각종 단행본, 논문, 학술지, 보고서, 세미나자료, 인터넷자료 등을 참고로 수집 분석하였다. 한국군의 평화유지활동은 세계평화에 기여하고 국가의 정책의 근본취지에는 부합하고 있으나 분야별 구체적인 방안제시 측면에서는 분야별로 보완 및 발전이 필요하다. 따라서 국제사회활동 참여를 통한 평화유지활동 활성화와 법과 기구의 전반적인 정비, 적극적인 UN상비군 참여, 체계적인 전문요원 양성 및 관리, 평화유지활동에 대한 국민적 인식 고양 등 앞으로 한국군이 추구해 나가야 할 평화유지활동 발전방안을 제시하였다. 한국은 국제사회의 일원으로서 UN 주도의 평화유지활동에 적극적으로 참여하고, 국제사회의 협력 및 안보체계를 강화하며, 정부주도의 한국군 평화유지활동을 활성화하여, 정부주도의 한국군 평화유지활동을 활성화하여 국가의 위상제고와 국가이익에 보탬이 되도록 평화유지활동 참여 영역을 확대해 나가야 할 것이다.

동북아 다자간 안보협력 발전방안

송길수 忠南大學校 平和安保大學院 2003 국내석사

Since the end of the Cold War, the new international order has been characterized by uni-multilateralism, which means that the United States (U.S.) has played the superpower role continually in the political and military spheres but several regional strong powers - Europe, China, Japan - have practiced their own influence throughout limited regions in the area of economics. These changes of international environment have brought out the change in the security environment In Northeast Asia. The lack of superpower and the rearrangement of the role of America make the security environment in Northeast Asia very unstable and uncertain. In these situations we need the cooperative system that differs from the existing and traditional method. As a new and alternative method, "multilateral security cooperation (multilateralism) which is based on the concept of comprehensive security" and has the importance of being a desirable and alternative solution to the regional problems (increasing instability, conflict and deepening mutual dependency trends). As an empirical model, OSCE and ARF taught us the importance of maintaining stability, which can be accomplished only through continual cooperation and meetings, and also by multilateralism, which contains bilateral and reciprocal relationships. Since 1969, a multilateral security cooperative system has been proposed continually by several nations throughout the region. Nevertheless, during that time, some chronic problems (ideology conflict, territorial dispute, or postwar problems) prevented these proposals and trials from being considered seriously. After three decades, with the recent changes in this region, the importance of the multilateral security cooperative system has been brought to the table again, and is being inspected thoroughly as a possible solution to the current situation. This study examines NATO, OSCE, APEC, Republic of Korea (ROK) - U.S. - Japan triangle type and 2+4 type. After all, 2+4 type seems to be the most desirable to be adopted into Northeast Asia because it can substantially control regional conflicts alone with the participation of North Korea. It can also manage the relative benefits more reasonably and practically without having to go through severe changes. For the prolonged development of multilateral security cooperation, this study presents three directions. First, 2+4 type, which can be flexible to the issues, seems to be the most desirable in the problem of membership. Second, the Incremental approach (incrementalism), which expands, from non-military issues to substantial security problems is desirable in the area of agenda setting. Third, in the problem of the institutionalization, it is necessary to accumulate the experience of the cooperation and to establish official organization by not only governmental but also non-governmental contacts. As a concrete implement plan, this study proposes "the six-way talks" in the form of "paralleled multilateralism" in the content and "diffuse reciprocity" in the strategy. In relation to the six-way talks, though each participant has his own position and profits diversely, considering the non-existence of alternatives, it is expected that most nations will become affirmative. Paralleled multilateralism has two important significances. First, it can be used as a complement together with the existing the bilateral relations. Second, the pending issues of security cooperation can be dealt with by cooperation of relevant countries and also simultaneously by all countries in the region within the frame of multilateral security. Diffuse reciprocity, which means that short-term and nonessential profits can be given up in the aspects of the long term, and will work as a useful means in the management of multilateral security cooperation. After The South-North Summit (2000) conference, the ROK government spread leadership beforehand in the process of institutionalization of regional multi-national security It is time to recognize the importance of ROK's initiative role to establish multilateral security cooperation. It is desirable that ROK spread his best endeavor to persuade a related nation and arbitrate the conflict between the power states as the mediator in this region.

韓國軍 醫療支援團 平和維持活動(PKO) 硏究 : 西部사하라 活動을 中心으로

김현숙 忠南大學校 平和安保大學院 2006 국내석사

The aims of this study are to facilitate the decision-making process for the dispatch of medical supporting force and to provide necessary information needed for a preliminary education before dispatch by analyzing the participation and activities of Korean medical PKO and its effects, problems and alternatives. For this, the study investigated data regarding Korean medical supporting force that had worked from 1994 to 2006 in Western Sahara. The data was mainly gathered from researching related data and information which are available at the National Defense Electronic Library, Army University Library, National Assembly Library, and Chungnam National University Library. The data and information, also, was collected through interview with experienced personnel in this project, which were very useful in understanding problems and suggesting reforming measures and alternatives. The significant problems I found through research are as follow: 1. short period of education (4 weeks); 2. communication barrier and short dispatch period; 3. unbalanced medical supporting service; 4. the inefficiency of FMT and bad conditions of aviation; 5. limits of ways to relieve medical personnel's stress; 6. misunderstanding occurring in communication with non-medical personnel. The reform measures and alternatives to settle down upper-mentioned problems are as follow: 1. organizing the existing PKO team with civilian medical personnel; 2. establishing a medical team which is constantly ready to dispatch on request; 3. dispatching medical personnels who are fully able to communicate in English; 4. designing standardized health-care programs; 5. holding both position PMO and CMO position at the same time.

黃砂에 대한 環境安保的 接近 : 실태와 정책과제를 중심으로

김무열 忠南大學校 平和安保大學院 2011 국내석사

韓國의 유엔平和維持活動에 관한 硏究

최명호 忠南大學校 平和安保大學院 2006 국내석사

While remnants of the cold war are constantly disappearing, things are different in Asia - especially on the Korean peninsula. Since the end of the cold war, not much has changed. Rising suspicion on North Korea's nuclear weapon development has turned the situation even worse, and in some extreme cases out break of war on the Korean peninsula is not utterly impossible. Regardless of future scenarios, it is essential for South Korea to secure support from the international community to maintain peace and stability. The support South Korea needs is not just limited to military, but, under extreme circumstances, is extended to financial and political as well. Since South Korea has actively participated in various peace-keeping activities around the world, it seems that South Korea has earned the rights to claim for supports from its neighbors. Compared with other Southeast Asian countries, Korea is more suitable to deploy troops to other parts of the world. In fact, participating in the peace-keeping operations turns out as the most appropriate means of diplomacy on the practical level. Despite that two Koreas are confronting each other, our participation can be an opportunity to publicize that we value peace highly and establish our humanitarian stance against North Korea's miserable state of basic human rights. Furthermore, it is an opportunity to assure the high level of security benefits in various dimensions with minimum efforts, which is the foreign deployment of relatively small-scale troops. Therefore, PKO policies are required, which can keep up with the UN's demands. Considering what we can attain from our PKO participation, our participation should no longer be passive and nominal. We should fully understand the international security environments and the current nature of the UN's peace-keeping operations. We should also find ways to our participation in UN's peace-keeping efforts. For this, PKO policies must be dealt with not on the level of national defense, but on the level of national security. In addition, we should thoroughly examine possible gains and losses from our active PKO participation and develop policies that guarantee maximum benefit. Future perspective of our PKO participation is that the scale of our participation will constantly grow as demands increase regardless of which organizational body leads the operations. The international community demands our participation. At the same time, we are starting to regard the demand as necessary means of diplomacy. Our participation will be more extensive as military coordinates with civilians and the government. Ultimately, South Korea will join in the UN's standing forces. In order to establish PKO policies that can keep up with our perspective of PKO development, South Korea should make following efforts. First, national security polity policies must be formed with the popular concensus. In the field of diplomacy and international politics, our participation in PKO can intensify our influence in the UN and raise national prestige as a peace-loving democratic nation in the International arena. In the field of military and security, a foundation for internationalization can be established by performing military activities on foreign lands. Furthermore, military activities will not be limited to traditional combat operations, but become more diversified even to the areas such as disaster recovery, relief, and peace reconstruction. In addition, our participation in PKO lays the foundation for claiming for future supports from foreign countries in order to maintain peace and stability on the Korean peninsula in time of emergencies. It also creates the atmosphere in which South Korea can establish cooperative relations for the regional security with its neighboring nations. Considering that PKO participation can lay ground on which South Korea can strengthen bilateral relationships and pursue mutual economic interest with other nations, PKO policies must be developed not on the level of national defense but on the level of national security. In addition, active cyber PR activities, such as establish on 'integrated PR committee' to write PR material and opening a PKO homepage with a variety of contents is a must in order to achieve popular concensts. With such national security policies and the concensus of our people, we must enhance our PKO participation with an integrated civ·gov·mil concept, as well as strengthen our activities at the UN by dispatehing high level officers to the UN headquarters. As for the plan to organite a permanent PKO unit, which is under review at the NWD, we must quidcly designate an appropriate unit and join the 3rd phase of UNSAS. Second, legal foundation must be established for efficient and effective peace-keeping operations, which covers from deployment to post-action support. In order to broaden the scale of the participation, laws must be enacted that even allow civilians to participate in PKO. For this reason, PKO laws are essential for developing PKO policies on the level of national security. For some special cases when government must make urgent decisions, laws are required that set the boundary within which government can deploy military forces without the approval of the parliament. After all, it will provide legal foundation for us to join the UN's standing forces and promptly keep up with the UN's demands. For this task, the Ministry of National Defense (MND) should play the leading role, but the MND alone will be insufficient. Furthermore, PKO is not the matter of national defense which is solely executed by the MND. Instead, it is a matter of national security that is carried out through combined efforts of both the MND and the MOFAT (Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade). Therefore, the MND should closely coordinate with the MOFAT in order to reach an agreement on PKO policies and laws before trying to persuade the Parliament to enact the PKO laws. The final task that must be performed is to establish management and training system for the professional personnel. Since the degree of PKO-related performance is proportionate to the abilities of professional personnel, it is essential to acquire highly capable professional workforce. Furthermore, it is also necessary to vary the types of personnel from soldiers to the police, civilians, and women. In addition, an international peace-keeping agency must be established in South Korea so that it can function as PKO-related training and research center as well as an institute that directs future operations toward national interests. Without proper self-examination on our PKO policies, South Korea can even be excluded from future operations. Our policies on PKO participation are relatively passive and must be revised in order to be more active. This implies that strategic-approach policies are required in order to promote cooperation with the international community that is needed for the peace on the Korean Peninsula through our participation in PKO. In addition, new approaches are called for since our current participation in PKO is the accumulation of experiences that will ultimately help us play a leading role when UN conducts PKO in order to establish the peace on the Korean Peninsula. Even though South Korea is ranked 10th or 11th in spending the UN allotment, it cannot be compared with sacrifices of soldiers during their UN military activities in foreign countries. This is the reason why nations, that deploy more soldiers who risk their lives to perform PKO missions, make bigger influence in the field of international diplomacy. When deploying for PKO missions, countries' expenses are all covered by the UN on the level of first-world countries. Thus, this even helps the economy of deploying nations. In addition, deployed soldiers gain various experiences, such as operational and humanitarian, in foreign nations while promoting the diplomatic influences. Concerns about national security at foreign deployment can be resolved by changing strategy concept from "dissipative national security" to "productive national security." Thus, when we deploy our military forces in foreign countries for the UN PKO missions, we can execute various productive strategies including increased diplomatic influence to the UN Security Council, diplomatic support from the nations participating in PKO missions, and promotion of North Korea's support in PKO. South Korea has had a respectable outcome even though it has not been long since they started to participate in UN PKO missions. Evergreen troops deployed in East Timor are even referred as the "King of Multinational Forces." In future, systems for law, preparation, PKO phase thesis, management of professional workforce, and education and training must be supplemented in the national security policy. By doing so, South Korea will be able to increase the participation in PKO missions while promoting national interests.

2022 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁 발발 후, 유럽 에너지 비안보 국가별 차이와 원인 : 독일과 프랑스를 중심으로

정성일 충남대학교 평화안보대학원 2024 국내석사

In 2022, EU member states faced an unprecedented phenomenon of energy insecurity. After the Russia-Ukraine War on February 24, until June 21, 2023, a total of 11 sanctions were agreed, mainly on energy-related sanctions such as SWIFT blocking, coal sanctions, and crude oil price caps. This could hurt Russia's energy exports, its main source of revenue, but the European Union later faced an energy insecurity called energy inflation. The energy insecurity phenomenon faced by the European Union is due to the fact that many of the EU's member states rely on imported energy. This phenomenon was particularly due to the high dependence on Russian energy. Here, the disruption in energy supply and demand caused by the war in Russia and Ukraine is an external factor, but energy policy, energy mix, and dependence by source of income are internal factors, and the difference was found to be energy insecurity differences by country. Germany and France are representative countries that take up a large portion of the European Union in terms of population and economy. On the other hand, there were differences in energy policy, energy mix, and energy import structure. Germany has implemented a denuclearization energy policy, and France has defined nuclear as decarbonized energy and has continued to generate nuclear power. As a result, Germany was inevitably more dependent on oil and natural gas than France. Germany, which failed to diversify its energy imports, experienced a stronger energy security phenomenon than France. In 2022, there were factors outside the climate crisis such as heat waves and droughts, as well as the Russia-Ukraine war. More than half of the French reactors were shut down, and France, the largest exporter of electric energy in Europe, imported electric energy. This was the result of the inability to diversify energy sources due to the focus on nuclear energy. Failure to diversify energy imports and energy mix made energy availability and reliability factors vulnerable to external factors such as war, climate crisis, production disruptions, and diplomatic relations, leading to instability in energy affordability. There is no single correct answer because the country's energy mix and energy import policies can only differ depending on the size, economic power, and geopolitical situation of the country. However, the prolonged energy supply and demand crisis is also prolonged due to the prolonged Russia-Ukraine war, and in order to meet the international energy policies aimed at carbon neutrality, including the European Union's REPowerEU, it is necessary to increase energy self-sufficiency by lowering energy demand and increasing the supply of renewable energy, even if it is difficult to tighten energy right now. If France harmonizes its past policy of diversifying energy sources in preparation for energy insecurity situations with Germany's current policy of advancing carbon neutrality as a countermeasure after experiencing energy insecurity, it will be able to respond to the unpredictable energy crisis of the future. Keywords: Germany, France, energy insecurity, Russia-Ukraine war, climate crisis, energy imports, energy mix

東北亞 多者安保協議體 構築展望과 韓國의 對應方案

김진규 忠南大學校 平和安保大學院 2006 국내석사

The Northeast Asian countries have traditionally relied on unilateral, or bilateral, relationships to maintain national security. However, the shift into the post-Cold War era requires change from this traditional security system which not only complicates effective cooperation, but also limits preventive measures to the outbreak of the mentioned problems of environmental pollution, terrorism, etc. A close cooperative security system is necessary amongst neighboring countries in order to overcome such limits and to maintain permanent peace and stability in the region. In other words, nations will be able to solve problems and deter the outbreak of crises via discussions and negotiations of respective interests through ther means of cooperative security. For the organization of this multilateral security cooperation, Korea must maintain and strengthen the ROK·US alliance and take a step further in developing a ROK·US·Japan triangular security system based on the existing ROK·US alliance. Finally, leaders and specialists must come together to develop common policies for the early establishment of a North East Asian multilateral cooperative security organization, and pour their efforts to achieve substantial results.

한국의 유엔 평화유지활동 여건조성방안

지영하 忠南大學校 平和安保大學院 2006 국내석사

When the Cold War system, which confronted the world between communist and democratic nations, came to an end by the reunification of East and West Germany and the dissolution of the former Soviet Union and the post-Cold War era began, the world expected that the age of peace and prosperity to arrive without further confrontation caused by ideology. However, in the post-Cold War era, more conflicts have been occurring, resulting in an increase in UN Peace Keeping Operations to solve the problems. Also, because there are still numerous conflicts all around the world, active participation in settling them in the international society is demanded. These conflicts were mainly between nations in the past, but now they are caused by ethnic groups, religions and so on, resulting in being faced with various dangers such as outbreaks of large-scale refugees, famine, diseases and states of anarchy and so on. UN and local organizations are actively involved in solving various conflicts within a nation or between nations and South Korea is also participating in the UN Peace Keeping Operations. However, in reality, it is more common that voluntary service in which some non-governmental organizations or individuals, rather than structured activities by national organizations, participate in such international conflict areas. In the case of South Korea, Democracy could be protected from communization in the Korean War through the support of the United Nations. In addition, South Korea achieved economic development in stability at home and abroad through the international society and friendly nations, resulting in joining a group of developed nations as the tenth largest economy in the world. Considering these circumstances, South Korea is seeking to shift to a supporting nation from a supported one, but because the supporting method and procedural system have not been well organized, its recognition in the international society is insignificant compared to its efforts. Considering the reality of the Korean Peninsula, it is the most ideal that the two Koreas achieve reunification in a peaceful way. Nevertheless, military readiness posture is being devised assuming various forms of collapse scenarios due to North Korea's inland problems. In the event of such situations, South Korea must contribute to the international society in various ways and broaden our positions from peacetime. This is to conduct a role of directly participating in active solution of the problems of the Korean Peninsula as a part of the international society and the UN Peace Keeping Organization or local organizations. In reality, there are dissenting views on sending troops abroad in the situation when the two Koreas are confronted with each other. However, considering the status of South Korea in the international society, the present level of sending troops now has the ability to actively contribute to the international society without impeding the role of the military inland. Although not a Peace Keeping Force, we have seen the progress of dispatch of the Jaitun unit which was sent to Iraq. We have seen that their dispatches had to be delayed due to political issues every time they sent troops in the situation that there are few decent legal and systematic devices. This has resulted in ineffectiveness of their support of many forces and money. When we face up such problems and predict the changes in the international security environment and conflict situation, it is concluded that involvement in conflicts by the Peace Keeping Operation or local collective security organizations will increase. Hence, we would like to seek to develop circumstances that will enable more effective participation in Peace Keeping Operation. In other words, the scope of participation and mission execution of the Peace Keeping Operation has been restricted, procedures for sending troops has not been legalized, and the educational system for effective mission execution after the dispatch has not been established. As a result, support for soldier's families has been insufficient. In order to overcome these related problems, legal and systematic devices should be prepared, experts should be trained by actively participating in the UN standing army system, and create the circumstances in which personnel of superior ability can participate by effectively administering the dispatched personnel. Such efforts will not only enhance the national dignity by actively participating in international society activities such as the UN Peace Keeping Operations, but also enable consideration of economic benefits after the conflicts have been resolved.