『四聲通解』의 魚語御韻과 模姥暮韻에 인용된 『蒙古韻略』과 『蒙古字韻』의 비교 연구

曲曉雲 ( Qu Xiaoyun ) 한국중국언어학회 2021 중국언어연구 Vol.- No.94

本文對崔世珍在≪四聲通解≫魚語御韻和模姥暮韻標註≪蒙古韻略≫何音的字與≪蒙古字韻≫做的比較分析結果如下: 1) 除了「遽」等字的訓民正音轉寫「:뀨」應改為「·뀨」、「貯」等字的訓民正音轉寫「쥬」應改為「:쥬」、「戍」等字的訓民正音轉寫「슈」應改為「·슈」外, ≪四聲通解≫魚語御韻和模姥暮韻所引≪蒙古韻略≫小韻字讀音與≪蒙古字韻≫完全一致。但≪蒙古韻略≫和≪蒙古字韻≫在收錄字上存在不同。 2) 漢語[-əw]音的≪蒙古字韻≫八思巴字轉寫為/-uw/, ≪蒙古韻略≫的訓民正音轉寫為/-əw/。八思巴字轉寫/-uw/與漢語拼音的/-ou/類似, 訓民正音的轉寫與IPA標記一致。 3) 「醵」在≪蒙古字韻≫裡有平聲 [giu]和入聲 [giεw]二音, 但在≪蒙古韻略≫裡還有去聲[giu]一音;「柱」在≪蒙古字韻≫裡有上聲 [dʒiu]一音, 在≪蒙古韻略≫裡還有上聲 [t∫iu]和去聲 [giu]二音;「紵」在≪蒙古字韻≫裡有上聲 [dʒiu]一音, 在≪蒙古韻略≫裡還有上聲 [t∫iu]一音。「輸」在≪蒙古字韻≫裡有平聲 [∫iu]一音, 在≪蒙古韻略≫裡還有去聲 [∫iu]一音。 4) ≪四聲通解≫的收錄字以≪洪武正韻≫為基準, 在≪洪武正韻≫、≪蒙古韻略≫均收錄並且在二書中的讀音一致的收錄在先, 不標註≪蒙古韻略≫何音;二書讀音不一致的漢字收錄在其後, 并標註≪蒙古韻略≫何音。崔世珍在≪四聲通解≫裡添加了≪洪武正韻≫未收錄的「續添字」, 一些「續添字」也見於≪蒙古字韻≫, 本文推測, 這樣的「續添字」可能也收錄在≪蒙古韻略≫。 5) ≪蒙古字韻≫和≪蒙古韻略≫有魚母一聲紐, 八思巴字轉寫為/’-/, 有別于喩母的/j-/, 但是崔世珍的轉寫均為/ㅇ/, 所以二母的實際音值均為零聲母[ø-]。 6) ≪蒙古字韻≫魚韻(≪蒙古韻略≫魚語御韻) 有[-u]、[-iu]兩個韻母, 但是[-iu]中的[i]受其後圓唇母音u的影響, 實際音值為接近圓唇[y]的一個音, 所以八思巴字轉寫為/ė/, 訓民正音裡無這樣的元音, 並且帶有圓唇性質的[i]與純粹的[i]在音位上不構成對立, 所以訓民正音轉寫為[i]。通過≪蒙古字韻≫魚韻(≪蒙古韻略≫魚語御韻) 的八思巴字和訓民正音的轉寫, 證明漢語的[y]韻母在≪蒙古字韻≫(≪蒙古韻略≫) 成書的時代還未產生。 7) 崔世珍在≪四聲通解≫魚語御韻和模姥暮韻引用的包括「迂」在內的≪古今韻會≫的記錄均與≪古今韻會擧要≫一致。花登正宏(1997:71) 主張從崔世珍的注釋可以證明崔世珍所見「韻會」為≪古今韻會≫, 而非≪古今韻會擧要≫, 這一主張是錯誤的。 Choi Se-Jin makes a comparative analysis of the pronunciation of some words marked “Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe” in “Sa-Seong-tong-Hae” Yú (魚), Yǔ (語), Yù (御) and Mú (模) Mǔ (姥) Mù (暮) Rhyme. This paper makes a comparative analysis of these words and “Meng-Gu-Zi-Yun”, and the results are as follows: 1) The Chinese [-əu] sound is translated into /-uw/ in the Phags-pa character of “Meng-Gu-Zi-Yun”. The Hunminjeongeum of “Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe” is translated into /--əw /. The transliteration of the Phags-pa character /-uw/ is similar to the /-ou/ of Hanyu Pinyin, and the transliteration of the Hunminjeongeum is consistent with the IPA mark. 2) “醵” has 平聲 [giu] and 入聲 [giεw] in “Meng-Gu-Zi-Yun”, but there is 平聲 [giu] and 入聲 [giεw] and 去聲 [giu] in “Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe” ; “柱” has 上聲 [dʒiu] in “Meng-Gu-Zi-Yun”,but there is 上聲 [dʒiu] and 上聲 [t∫iu] and 去聲 [giu] in “Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe” ; “紵” has 上聲 [dʒiu] in “Meng-Gu-Zi-Yun”, but there is 上聲 [dʒiu] and 上聲 [t∫iu] in “Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe” ; “輸” has 平聲 [∫iu] in “Meng-Gu-Zi-Yun”, but there is 平聲 [∫iu] and 去聲 [∫iu] in “Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe” ; 3) The included words of “Sa-Seong-tong-Hae” are based on “Hongwu Zhengyun”. The words with the same pronunciation in Hongwu Zhengyun and “Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe” are included first, and The words with inconsistent pronunciation in the two books are included later, and marked with he Yin of “Mongolian Rhyme”. Choi Se-Jin added “續添字” which is not included in “Hongwu Zhengyun” in “Sa-Seong-tong-Hae”, some of which can also be found in “Meng-Gu-Zi-Yun”. This paper speculates that such “續添字” may also be included in “Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe”. 4) “Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe” and “Meng-Gu-Zi-Yun” have 魚母, and the Basiba character is /’- /, which is different from the 喩母’s / j- /, but Choi Se-Jin’s transliteration is /ㅇ/, So the actual sound values of the two initials are both zero consonants [ø-]. 5) The “Meng-Gu-Zi-Yun” Rhymes of Yú (魚) (“Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe” Rhymes of Yú (魚), Yǔ (語), Yù (御)) has two vowels [-u] and [-iu], but the [i] in [-iu] is affected by the subsequent lip vowel u, and the actual sound value is close to that of the lips [y], so the Phags-pa character is pronounced as /ė/, Hunminjeongeum does not have such a vowel, And there is no phoneme opposition between the lip-sensitive [i] and the essential [i], so the Hunminjeongeum is called [i]. Through the transliteration of the Phags-pa and Hunminjeongeum of the “Meng-Gu-Zi-Yun” Rhymes of Yú (魚) (“Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe” Rhymes of Yú (魚), Yǔ (語), Yù (御)), Prove that [y] vowels were not generated at the time of “Meng-Gu-Zi-Yun” (“Meng-Gu-Yun-Lüe”)’s writing. 6) Cui Shizhen’s records of “Gu Jin Yun Hui”, including “迂”, are consistent with the “Gu Jin Yun Hui Ju Yao”. Masahiro Hanato (1997:71) argued that it can be clarified from Cui Shizhen’s notes that the “rhyming meeting” seen by Cui Shizhen is “ancient and modern rhyming meeting” rather than “ancient and modern rhyming meeting”, which is wrong.

一般評論中的徐庾文評

서보여 ( Xu Bao-yu ) 중국어문연구회 2017 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.79

Xu Ling(徐陵) and Yu Xin(庾信) are the most important authors in the Six Dynasties, who developed formal skills, rhetoric effects and phonetic beauty to the highest level. But the later evaluations were very difficult to balance in appraise. Some comments based on the ritual, music and political education, so they imputed the duty of national ruin to Xu Yu(徐庾). Some other based on the relationship between literary achievements and personality, debased their achievements since their some errors in the political integrity. In the Song Dynasty, with the emergence of Li Xue(理學), Xu Yu`s parallel prose got attacked once again as the sinner of literary. They despised the parallel prose just the style couldn`t accord with the principle named by Dao(道). Peoples in the Ming Dynasty liked returning to the ancient. So Xu Yu was to be discovered by the proofreading, note-offering, and annotating. The positive evaluations were increased more than before. To Qing Dynasty, the parallel prose was very flourishing. In the debating on parallel prose and prose, Xu Yu`s parallel prose was viewed as the orthodox form and taken unprecedented seriously. How to see the value of Xu Yu`s parallel prose, that formed a criticism history of Chinese literature. In some way, the level to praise or censure Xu Yu`s parallel prose reflects the level to recognize Chinese literature.

『삼국유사』 소재 미추왕 설화의 형성배경과 그 의미

조유영(Cho Yu-young) 한국어문학회 2007 語文學 Vol.0 No.98

There are two stories in the king Mi-Chu’s narrative from Sam-Guk-Yu-Sa. Both stories were written after Mi-Chu had become king. So both stories have strong characters of the narrative. Each story has a different background. One is about the fourteenth king, Yu-Ri, of the Shin Ra Dynasty and the other is about the thirty-seventh king, Hye-Gong, of the Shin Ra Dynasty. Looking into the backgrounds of both stories, the former had reflected historical events in King Yu-Ri’s period. But the story had changed, which explains the justification of the succession to the throne by the Kims. The latter was brought forth by the political changes in King Hye-Gong’s period. In detail, the story is related to the redressing of grievance by one of Kim-Yu-Shin’s descendants. And it shows a historic flow from the early stages of the Shin-Ra Dynasty to the late Shin-Ra Dynasty. Looking into the meaning of King Mi-Chu’s narrative with the narratives' readers of Ilyeon’s period in mind, the readers of the narrative focused more on King Mi-Chu as a national hero than on historical events or the moral duty (justice) of the succession to the throne by the royal family in the late stages of the Shin-Ra Dynasty. Ilyeon wrote about miracles and heroic stories in Sam-Guk-Yu-Sa about King Mi-Chu who had been a national hero, to stabilize the society and get over the national crisis in the late Go-Ryu Dynasty when there were many domestic and international conflicts.

대산(大山) 이상정(李象靖)의 『남유록(南遊錄)』에 나타난 여행 기록의 특징과 의미

조유영 ( Jo Yu-young ) 南冥學硏究院 2018 南冥學 Vol.23 No.-

본 논의는 대산 이상정이 남긴 두 편의 「남유록」을 통해 그의 삶과 문학 세계를 좀 더 다양하게 바라보고자 하는 시도에서 기획되었다. 무진년의 「남유록」은 이상정이 최흥원이 살던 대구의 옻골을 방문하여 그와 함께 팔공산을 유람한 기록이다. 그리고 갑술년의 「남유록」은 이상정이 연일현감 재임 시에 표류한 왜인들에 대한 접위관이 되어 동래를 방문했던 기록이다. 이 두 여행은 그 성격 상 하나는 선비의 사적 여행이라 할 수 있고, 다른 하나는 관직에 나아간 관료로서의 공적 여행이라할 수 있다. 그리고 이 두 편의 「남유록」은 글쓰기 방식 및 저술 동기 등 여러 층위에서 많은 차이를 보여준다는 점에서 흥미롭다. 그리고 이 두 편의 여행 기록들은 장년의 이상정이 남긴 여행 기록이라는 점에서 이 시기 그의 내면세계를 충실히 드러내고 있다고 할 수 있으며, 이러한 측면에서도 주목할 가치가 있을 것이다. 이에 두 편의 「남행록」을 통해 이상정의 여행 기록이 가지는 특징과 의미를 분석하고자 하였다. 먼저 이상정이 쓴 이러한 여행 기록은 그가 행한 여행 체험의 구체적인 기록이라는 점과 함께, 조선 후기 선비의 여행과 일상을 알 수 있는 자료가 된다는 점에서 의미가 있다. 또한 이상정의 여행 기록에서는 여행 체험의 솔직한 표현이 다수 나타난다는 점에서 주목해 볼 필요가 있으며, 이러한 기록을 통해 우리는 이상정의 인간적 면모를 파악할 수 있게 된다는 점에서 의미가 있다. 마지막으로 이상정의 「남유록」두 편은 이상정이 가졌던 사적여행과 공적 여행의 여정 체험이 분명한 차이를 가지며 기록되어 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 다시 말하면 관료라는 입장이 우선시 되었던 공적 여행과 그 여정 속에서 나타났던 이상정의 고뇌와 갈등을 갑술년 「남유록」을 통해 우리는 이해할 수 있게 되고, 지인들과의 산수 유람이라는 무진년의 「남유록」에서는 선비로서의 사적 여행과 그 속에서의 여행 체험을 깊이 있게 이해하게 된다. 따라서 이 두 여행 기록을 통해 우리는 이 시기 대산 이상정의 여행과 그의 내면세계를 다채롭게 살필 수 있게 된다. This paper was proposed that the intention of examining his life and the world of literature through the two types of "Nam-Yu-Rok" which wrote by DaeSan Lee, Sang-Jeong. The Years of MuJin(戊辰) of "Nam Yu-Rok" recorded that Lee, Sang-Jeong visited Choi, Heung-Won’s home in Otgol (옻골) Daegu and visited Palgongsan with him. And the years of GabSul(甲戌) of "Nam Yoo Rok" recorded about Lee, Sang-Jeong visited DongRae, to meet Japanese who drifted in korea during he was in public service. These two travels have different characteristics, one being private travel and the other public travel. The two types of "Nam-Yu-Rok" records of these two trips show many differences on different levels, such as writing style and writing motive. However, these two travel records reveal his inner world at this time in the sense that he is the travel record of the late Lee Sang-Jeong. The features and meaning of the ideal travel record are analyzed as follows. First, the travel record written by Lee Sang-Jeong, It is a concrete record of his travel experience. Through this, we will be able to understand the journey of Seonbi in the late Jo-Seon Dynasty. In addition, Lee Sang-Jeong's travel records show the frank expressions of travel experience. Lee Sang-Jeong not only experienced various situation but also recorded by travel. In this respect, we are able to identify the human aspects of Lee Sang-Jeong. Finally, Lee Sang-jeong's two travels have a distinction between public travel and private travel. This difference is becoming a distinction factors in travel experience.

일반논문 : 고금도(古今島) 관왕묘(關王廟) 연구

유성웅 ( Sung Woung Yu ),장경희 ( Kyung Hee Jang ) 한서대학교 동양고전연구소 2015 동방학 Vol.32 No.-

고금도(古今島) 관왕묘(關王廟)는 정유재란을 기억하는 역사적 상징이다. 본고는 1598년 창건된 이후 한·중·일 삼국의 역사적 관계에 따라 끊임없이 변화되어 오늘에 이른 고금도 관왕묘를 연구 대상으로 하여 다음과 같은 역사적 사실을 밝혀냈다 첫째, 고금도 관왕묘는 정유재란 당시 조선에 파병된 진린(陳璘) 도독과 명나라 수군(水軍)에 의해 1598년 창건되어, 군신(軍神)인 관우(關羽)와 해신(海神)인 마조(마祖) 등을 함께 배향하였다. 둘째, 고금도 관왕묘는 조선 후기에 묘사(廟祠) 건물의 구조와 향사 대상이 변화된 것이 특징이다. 1598년 정전(正殿)에 관왕과 마조를 모시고 명 수군들의 제향을 받았다. 1666년 정전과 동·서무(東西楙)를 갖춘 品자형 구조였다. 정전에는 관우를 모셨으며 동무에는 진린 도독과 이순신 장군을 함께 배치하여 조선 수군들의 제향을 받았다. 1791년 고금도 관왕묘에 ``탄보묘(誕報廟)``라는 사액(賜額)을 내려 묘격(廟格)이 승격되었고, 노량대첩 당시 전사한 명 등자룡(鄧子龍) 장군이 합사되었다. 이에 따라 동무에는 진린 도독과 등자룡 장군이, 서무에는 이순신 장군이 배치되었다. 하지만 일제 강점기인 1940년 고금도 관왕묘는 훼철되었고, 해방 이후에는 이충무공 유적으로 바뀌었다. 따라서 16세기 한·중 문화 교류를 실질적으로 증명하는 문화유산인 고금도 관왕묘가 향후 원형대로 복원되길 기대한다. Founded In 1598, when the Japanese invaded Korea for the 2nd time, Gogeumdo Gwanwangmyo is a historical symbol to remember the Japanese invasion of Korea. Since the foundation, Gogeumdo Gwanwangmyo has gone through continuous transformations as responses to changing relationships among Korea, China and Japan. The paper aims to bring to light important historical facts and argue for the necessity to restore Gogeumdo Gwanwangmyo to its original form. First, Gogeumdo Gwanwangmyo was founded in 1598, by the Admiral Chen Lin (陳璘) from the Ming Dynasty. The shrine housed the war god (軍神), King Guan Yu (關羽) and the god of the sea (海神), Majo (?祖). In their hometown, Guangdung (廣東) in China, these military leaders followed the tradition of dedicating memorial service to both King Guan Yu and Majo. In founding Gogeumdo Gwanwangmyo, they applied the same concept. Particularly in 1583, Chen Lin had previously erected a Matang Gwanjemyo (馬塘關帝廟) in Guangdong. This experience offered him the motivation to build Gwanwangmyo in Korea. Secondly, the late Joseon dynasty witnessed shifts in commemorative service tradition, which centered on the architectural structure of shrine, and the target of commemorative service. In 1598, the main shrine housed the King Guan Yu and the Majo. In 1666, the entire structure of shrines changed to have the 品 shape, having the East shrine and the West shrine under the main shrine. The main shrine was dedicated to King Guan Yu. The East shrine was dedicated to the Admiral Chen Lin and the Admiral Lee Sun-shin. In addition to the East and the West rituals buildinges, the year 1713 saw an addition of a small temple(玉泉寺) whose role is today``s equivalent of the guard office. The same year saw the elevation of national status of the commemorative service for King Guan Yu (關羽), the Admiral Chen and the admiral Lee. In 1791, the King Jongjo granted Gogeumdo Gwanwangmyo a signature board that reads ``Tanbomyo (誕報廟)``, which also contributed to raising the shrine``s status. That year also saw the expansion of the scope of the memorial service to dedicate to one more soul, the general Deng Zi Long (鄧子龍), who died during the Battle of Noryang. Accordingly, the structure is re-arranged to have the East shrine dedicated to the admiral Chen and the general Deng, and the West shrine to the admiral Lee. In the post Battle of Noryang era, Gogeumdo Gwanwangmyo became an internationally renowned shrine housing souls of national heroes of the Joseon and the Ming dynasties. But, under the Japanese colonial rule, Gogeumdo Gwanwangmyo was destroyed. After liberation, in light of the shrine``s value as a relic of the admiral Lee, the Korean government designated Gogeumdo Gwanwangmyo as Historic Site No. 114. Currently, the main shrine is used to hold a national memorial service for the Admiral Lee, with the general Lee Young-nam. In particular, this latter represents important historical heritage to prove the cultural exchange that existed between China and Korea.

Metarrhizium anisopliae(Metschn.) Sorok이 생산하는 Biopolymer YU-122의 생산과 그 특성

최용석,옥승호,유주현,배동현 한국산업미생물학회 1997 한국미생물·생명공학회지 Vol.25 No.1

토양으로부터 분리한 Metarrhizium anisopliae (Metschn.) Sorok이 생산하는 biopolymer를 정제하여 분석하고, 그의 생산조건을 검토하였다. 탄소원으로 mannitol, 질소원으로는 polypepton을 사용했을 때 가장 많은 biopolymer를 생산하였고 K_2HPO_4 및 CaCl_2를 첨가함으로서 생산량이 더욱 증가하였다. 또한 이 biopolymer를 정제하여 그 분자량과 구성성분을 검토한 결과 Metarrhizium anisopliae(Metschn.) Sorok이 생산하는 Biopolymer YU-122는 분자량이 1.7×10 exp (6)이고, C, H의 구성비가 1:2이며 미량의 N이 검출되었으나, 주 구성성분은 glucose와 galactose의 환원당으로 이루어져있는 전혀 새로운 biopolymer인 것으로 나타났다. To produce biopolymer, Metarrhizium anisopliae (Metschn.) Sorok was cultured in a medium containing glucose 1.0%, sucrose 2.0%, soluble starch 1.0%, yeast extract 0.5%, polypeptone 0.5%, K_2HPO_4 0.1%, MgSO_4·7H_2O 0.02%. The culture broth was centrifuged and the polymer was harvested by adding methanol to the culture supernatant. When three times of methanol was added, the polymer was coagulated and precipitated. Then it was further purifued through successive SK-1B, SA-20P, HP-20 column chromatographies. This polymer was designated as Biopolymer YU-122. C:H ratio of this Biopolymer YU-122 was 1:2 and small amount of N is detected by CHN analyzer. Glucose and galactose are main components of this polymer. Average molecular weight of this biopolymer was 1.7×10 exp (6) by Sepharose 4B gel permeation chromatography. Optimal condition for biopolymer production was investigated. When 5% of mannitol was used as a carbon source, and polypepton as a N source, highest productivity of biopolymer was achieved. C/N ratio as nutrient was also a major factor in polymer production and its optimal ratio was 3.

張旅軒思想의 硏究 : 性理說을 中心으로 mainly on Sung-Ri-Sul (性理說)

劉明鍾 慶北大學校 1962 論文集 Vol.5 No.-

Philohophical thought of Chang-Yo-Hyun has remained undiscovered up to date. It was due to its opposing attitude to the two main currents-Lee Yul-Kok (李栗谷) school and Lee Te-Ge (李退溪)- in the philosophical field of Lee dynasty. It was a tragical event that freedom of thought was not allowed them. Present writer has tried to revaluate the philosophy of Chang-Yu-Hun (張旅軒) which challenged the two main schools then. First Do-il-Won-Ron (道一元論) of Chang has been seperately treated from those five main schools-Ju-Ki-Ron (主氣論), Ju-Ri-Ron (主理論), Ri-Ki-i-Won-Ron (理氣二元論), Yu-Ki-Ron (唯氣論) Yu-Ri-Ron (唯理論). Second. In order to attribute Ri (理) and Ki (氣) to Do (道), various problems in RiKi (理氣) philosophy which had not been treated were interpreted. Third. From the study, those of Te-Ge school (退溪學派), -Lee Ku (李구) (1613-1654) Yu Won-Ji (柳元之) (1598-1674) and Lee Hyun-il (李玄逸) (1967-1704) etc. were criticized.

現代韓國漢字音의 性格과 體系

兪昌均 명지대학교 1968 明大論文集 Vol.1 No.-

There are the following thre types in the Present-day Sino-Korean pronunciations: (1) Standard Pronunciation (2) Vulgar Pronunciation (3) The pronunciations of the words which were originally Sino-Korean but now completely fossilized into Korean and are not considered to be loan words. The standard prounciation system was formed, generally based on the system of yu¨n-shu(韻書) after the mid-ancient period. However, the following differences can be found: (1) The initial does not contain the sonant but aspirate surd, which is conformed not by the mid-ancient sound system but by the sound change of Korean. Hence, the contrast between the unaspirate surd and the aspirate surd has a wayward relationship. (2) The system of the vowel is distinguished by k’ai-hou(開合) and t’en-yu¨n(等韻) in the mid-ancient period. This means that the Sino-Korean pronunciation was formed after the division of the k’ai-hou(開合) and t’en-y¨un(等韻). (3) The system of Yu¨n-shu(韻書) is also similar to that in mid-ancient period. The only difference between them is the change of /-t/ to /-r/, and its characteristic consists in the point that the final vowel of /Ø, i, u/ included in the vowel. (4) The tone is expressed on the basis of that in the mid-ancient period but in acturality it is replaced by the long and short sounds.

Examining Chinese Consumer Brand Attitudes: Perceived Brand Globalness vs. Localness and the Mediating Role of Quality, Prestige, and Image

Yu,Di(Di Yu),Kim,Ji Yoon(Ji Yoon Kim) 한국상품학회 2024 商品學硏究 Vol.42 No.1

The current paper investigates the impact of a brand's perceived globalness and localness on brand attitude, focusing on the mediating roles of perceived quality, brand prestige, and brand image in China. While previous studies have discussed the effect of perceived brand globalness and localness on consumers' brand attitudes and purchase intentions, there is still limited research conducted in the Chinese market. Particularly, this study differs from previous ones by examining the mediating effect of brand image in addition to perceived quality and brand prestige. The analysis reveals that perceived brand globalness and localness positively influence the brand attitude of Chinese consumers, as supported by the mediating effects of perceived quality, brand prestige, and brand image. Moreover, through mediating effect analysis, brand prestige emerges as the strongest mediator between perceived brand globalness/localness and brand attitude, indicating that Chinese consumers' attitudes toward global and local brands are primarily influenced by brand prestige. Additionally, perceived quality and brand image are found to have subsequent effects. Conversely, the primary influencing factor on Chinese consumers' attitude toward perceived brand localness is brand prestige, followed by brand image and perceived quality. This suggests that, alongside brand prestige, brand image significantly impacts Chinese consumers. These findings imply that Chinese marketing brand managers should prioritize enhancing brand prestige to meet the status and prestige pursuit of Chinese consumers. Consequently, this study is considered significant as it explores the perceived globalness and localness of brands and provides practical implications formarketingmanagers.

콩기름의 가열시간별 유과의 품질 특성

임영희(Young-Hee Lim),이현유(Hyun-Yu Lee),장명숙(Myung-Sook Jang) 한국식품영양과학회 1993 한국식품영양과학회지 Vol.22 No.2

가열시간에 따른 튀김유와 튀김횟수에 따라 제조한 유과의 품질에 미치는 영향을 조사하였다. 가열 16시간까지 튀김유의 산가와 과산화물가는 각각 0.08에서 0.23, 0.8에서 1.78까지 완만하게 증가하였으나 유과제품의 품질에는 큰 영향을 주지 않았다. 튀김유와 유과의 지방산조성변화는 가열시간이 경과함에 따라 불포화지방산인 oleic acid와 linoleic acid가 감소한 반면 포화지방산인 palmitic acid는 증가하였다. 가열시간에 따른 유과와 콩기름의 색깔변화는 콩기름에서 특히 현 저하여 심한 갈변현상을 보인 반면 유과제품에서는 큰 차이를 보이지 않았으며, 관능검사 결과 가열시간이 증가함에 따라 전반적인 기호도는 저하하였지만 유의적인 차이는 보이지 않았다. The effect of soybean oil on frying time and number of frying treatment on quality of Yu-kwa (Korean traditional rice cookie) were examined. As the frying time increased, acid value and POV were increased from 0.08 to 0.23 and 1.78, respectively. But the quality of Yu-kwa was not influenced by the frying time. And as the. frying time increased, unsaturated fatty acid (oleic and linoleic acid) was decreased, while saturated fatty acid (palmitic acid) was increased. The color was drastically changed on frying oil which showed a dark brown color, but there was no difference in Yu-kwa. As the frying time increased, acceptability was decreased on sensory evaluation, but significant difference among samples tested within significant level 5% was not revealed.