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      • KCI등재

        용주사의 능침사찰적 특징에 관한 연구

        김용기,조미혜 한국정원학회 2000 한국전통조경학회지 Vol.18 No.1

        This study accomplished to prove the Yong-Ju Temple's special character through compare an arrangement form and the element of spatial organization about a general temple in Chosun Dynasty to Yong-Ju temple's. This is the summerized result of this investigation. 1. The main building of temple, a pavilion, and the entrance in Yong-Ju Temple is located in a south-north vertical axis, and a Buddhist monastery and the building for zen study of rectangle figure are arranged the both side of the courtyard of the main building to connect the building for zen study and a Buddhist monastery with a pilgrimage is made the geometrical arrangement of space in general. This kind of the geometrical arrangement of space is meant that Yong-Ju Temple was built simultaneously in short period based on sufficient financial find from nation. 2. There is a researched and analysised result about the element of spatial organization of Yong-Ju Temple. Yong-Ju Temple's entrance, which is called Sammun, has the on those in the both sides of it, and this is the form with a pair roof. This is the specific form which can't found in general temples in Chosun Dynasty and this kind of form is a palace form. Passing this gate there is a second step which is called Chunboru using a stone pillar in underground form, zen study. Chunboru's scened form has the railing in the three side of it. Chunboru formed high leveled building form has a tail rectangle embellished foundation stone and a dragon head in the roof, which form isn't seen in general temple of Chosun Dynasty. Also the main building is shown refinement and majesty in a dair for a Buddhist image's gorgeous arnament and a dragon head sculpture above the principle image. The downside of the main building : namely the stylobate and a foundation stone is composed with two foundation stone shaped a square and a circle. To compare this form to the general temple's form using natural stones in foundation using stones of all sizes in the stylobate is too different. Using this huge stone and the stone foundation is used in nobel high buildings or palace generally. And the other things, the element of spatial organization, the Chundol on upperside of the foundation or a decorative roof and the dragon head of roof and convex tiles sculptured a crane and dragon at the edge of eaves a lamp is a specific different character with general temple. Yong-Ju temple's pair stone sculptured the three great absolute, cloud, the figure of a peony instate of general temple's pair stone sculptured the figure lotus and Dangcho. The pair stone of Yong-Ju temple is the similar form to Chungjakak of Yung-lung, also this form is very similar to the pair stone of palace. Until now, the result of an investigation about the arrangement form and the element of spatial organization in Yong-Ju Temple. There are several differences between an arrangement form and the element of spatial organization in Yong-Ju Temple and those of general temple in Chosun Dynasty, but similar to an arrangement form and the element of spatial organization of palace in Chosun Dynasty. This study about Yong-Ju temple which is the one of the Royal-Tomb Temple investigated about an arrangement form and the element of spatial organization and considered that it will follow several study about Royal-Tomb Temples such as Bong-sun Temple, Bong-un Temple, Hung-kuk Temple, Sin-ruk Temple at the different side.

      • KCI등재

        錦舲 朴永輔의 글쓰기에 끼친 茶山의 영향

        김용태(Kim, Yong-tai) 대동한문학회 2020 大東漢文學 Vol.62 No.-

        '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        박영보는 19세기 조선의 유명한 시인이었던 신위의 수제자였다. 스승을 따라 박영보 또한 19세기 중반 서울의 유명한 시인이 되었다. 그런데 박영보는 조선 후기를 대표하는 대학자였던 정약용에게 직접 가르침을 받기도 하였다. 정약용은 박영보의 재능을 아껴 학자로서 대성하기를 바랐지만, 박영보는 학자의 길 대신에 관료의 길을 선택하였다. 그렇지만 두 사람의 사제관계는 다산이 삶을 마칠 때까지 이어졌고, 정약용의 가르침은 박영보의 사상과 행동에 적지 않은 영향력을 발휘했다. 박영보의 풍부한 작품세계에서 그 비중이 크지는 않지만, 정약용의 문학과 사상의 영향이 감지되는 시와 산문 작품이 뚜렷이 존재한다. 그 작품들을 통해 박영보는 백성들의 고통을 자신의 아픔으로 여기기도 하고, 수리시설의 필요성을 주장하기도 하고, 군사적 방어시설의 확충을 주장하기도 하고, 수레 제도의 개선을 요구하기도 하였다. 이런 작품들은 정약용의 사상과 일정한 연관 관계를 맺고 있다고 보인다. 그렇지만 박영보를 학자나 사상가로 규정할 수는 없다. 정약용의 사상과 학문을 계승하고 있는 저술이 많지는 않기 때문이다. 박영보는 관료의 삶이 너무 바빠 학문에 전적으로 힘을 기울일 수 없었다. 다만 그는 정약용에게서 배운 애민정신을 실제로 실천하기 위해 모든 힘을 기울였고 성실하게 관료 생활에 매진하다가 결국 과로로 삶을 마감하고 말았다. 이러한 점은 박영보라는 시인을 이해할 때 비중 있게 고려되어야 하며 또한 정약용의 학문이 후학에 의해 활용되었던 한 양상으로 기억되어 마땅하다. Park Young-bo was a brilliant pupil of Shin Wi, a famous poet of Joseon in 19th century. As his teacher Shin Wi was, Park became a famous poet in the mid-19th century Seoul. Park Young-bo not only learned from Shin Wi but also from Dasan Jung Yak- yong, one of the prominent scholars of the late Joseon dynasty. Jeong Yak- yong hoped to conserve Park Young-Bo s talents and succeed as a scholar, but Park Young-Bo instead chose the bureaucratic path. However, the relationship between the two continued until Dasan finished his life, and Jeong Yak-yong s teachings exerted considerable influence on Park s thoughts and actions. Although it is not a large proportion of Park Young-bo's abundant literary works, some of his literary works express what he learned from Jung Yak-yong in poetry and prose. Throughout these works, Park Young-bo grieved at the people's suffering, insisted on the need for irrigation facilities, claimed the expansion of military defense facilities, and demanded the improvement of the wagon system. These works are closely related to Jung Yak-yong's thoughts. In spite of that, Park Young-bo cannot be defined as a scholar or a philosopher. This is because there are not many writings that inherit the thoughts and studies of Jung Yak-yong. Park Young-bo's official life was so busy that he couldn t concentrate fully on literary studies. However, he did his best to practice the love of the people he learned from Jung Yak-yong, and he ended his life with overwork while serving as a government official. This point should be taken into account when understanding the poet Park Young-bo, and it should be remembered as one aspect in which the studies of Jung Yak-yong were used by later scholars.

      • KCI등재

        정지용의 ‘民謠風詩篇'과 초기시의 다양한 형식에 나타나는 비근대적 사유의 양상

        정용호(Jeong, Yong-Ho) 한국어문학회 2015 語文學 Vol.0 No.127

        Considerable numbers of traditional elements can be found in Jeong Ji-Yong's early poetry. One of the most significant implications in Jeong Ji-Yong's early poetry is its folk style, which has been discussed in quite a few times. Surprisingly, discussions on Folk Style Poem Collection, of its term ‘Folk Style' has been denominated by Jeong Ji-Yong himself, however, would not seem to be placed quite actively. In addition, it has been concluded that previous discussions on Jeong Ji-Yong's poetry was only focused on his borrowing of folk style, which resulted in lack of detailed discussion on emotional contexts of folk style, Thus, this paper will review the format of Jeong Ji-Yong's Folk Style Poem Collection and his mental orientation based on its format. Presumably, the main format of Jeong Ji-Yong's Folk Style Poem Collection is closely connected with the principle of folk style's extended edition. The insertion, which takes place in folk song's oral transmission site, can be processed by adding performer's own lyrics into its original lyrics and making it extended edition. In this process, individual songs can be affected as a whole component with overall organic characteristics. The process of putting four pieces of poetry into one collection under the same category of Folk Style Poem Collection has a similar aspect of folk song's style of extended edition. This feature shows in the formal characteristics of symbols, functioning as a ring phrase and nonformal word spacing. Jeong Ji-Yong also made it clear of the value of his words (languages) in his thought. This rather has dynamic and fluid forms, which is totally different from the words that produce stereotype and fixed structure and value, The image of the words, which Jeong ji-Yong pursued had constantly shown in his works from Folk Style Poem Collection to Nostalgia. Words in his work pieces represent dynamics and openness, which embraces various things.

      • 용호비결 연단술의 분석심리학적 의미

        신용욱 ( Yong-wook Shin ) 한국분석심리학회 2018 心性硏究 Vol.33 No.2

        용호비결은 조선 중기의 문신이던 정렴(1506~1549년) 선생이 저술한 일종의 선도(仙道) 수련서로 매월당 김시습의 용호론의 맥을 잇는 조선시대 가장 중요한 도교문헌의 하나라고 할 수 있다. 본 논문은 정렴 선생과 용호비결 판본에 대하여 소개하고 책의 제목인 용호(龍虎), 책의 내용 중 수단지도(修丹之道), 폐기(閉氣), 호흡법, 단전(丹田), 현빈일규(玄牝一竅)의 연금술적 내용을 분석심리학적 측면에서 살펴보았다. 용호(龍虎)는 정신양(psychoid) 단계에서 작용하는 변환의 요소로 이를 통하여 단(丹)이 만들어지는데 단(丹)은 메르쿠리우스이자 철학자의 돌로 연금술의 적화 단계를 의미하기도 한다. 정렴 선생은 단(丹)을 이루기 위하여 가늘고 긴 호흡을 통한 단전에의 집중을 강조하였는데 이를 폐기(閉氣)라고 한다. 폐기(閉氣)는 능동적으로 니그레도(nigredo)상태로 들어가는 것으로 이때 우리의 정신은 외부로 향한 투사를 거두어들여 단전(丹田)을 향해 집중한다. 니그레도를 통한 지속적인 수련은 알베도(albedo)상태로의 이행을 가능케 하며 이를 통해 투사에 의한 객체의 오염으로부터 정신이 자유로와져 마음의 중심이 자아(ego)로부터 자기(Self)로 옮겨간다. 현빈일규(玄牝一竅)란 노자가 곡신(谷神)으로 표현한 우주의 여성적 원리를 경험하고 이를 체화하는 것이다. The article is about Yong-Ho-Bi-Gyeol(龍虎秘訣), which is one of the most important Taoist text in Korea written by Jeong-Ryum, a Taoist and alchemist in the Chosun Dynasty. The article deals with the alchemical and psychological meanings of Yong-Ho (龍虎, Dragon-Tiger), the way of nurturing cinnabar (修丹之道), the closing of the qi (閉氣), the method of alchemical breathing, the Dantian (丹田, cinnabar-field), and the Mysterious Female's One Opening (玄牝一竅), in addition to the brief introduction of the life of Jeong-Ryum and the bibliography of the book. The Yong-Ho (龍虎) meaning the dragon and tiger is the archetype of transformation in the form of their opposites, rooted in the psychoid system of the human psyche. The unified Yong-Ho makes Dan and the Dan, literally indicating cinnabar, has many alchemical connotations such as Mercurius, the rubedo state of the alchemical process, and the philosopher's stone. In the book, Jeong-Ryum emphasized the slow and subtle way of breathing in and out of Dantian to develop neidan (內丹, inner cinnabar or inner alchemy). The refining of neidan begins by the closing of the qi, which symbolizes the radical introversion and withdrawal of all the projections on the outer objects. The Dantian located at the lower part of the abdomen has been known to preserve jing (精), the vital essence of life, which can be refined into qi and spirit (神). In Jungian perspective, the Dantian is a mandala where an individual's mind can stay and focus at the center of psyche detached from ego and related to the Self. The long-nurtured introverted energy makes the Mysterious Female's One Opening (玄牝一竅), a pit or cavity in the transcendental space, through which the meditator can have a relationship with the great female principle of the universe. The current article has introduced the contents of the Yong-Ho-Bi-Gyeol in the perspective of analytical psychology. However, it has not dealth with the remaining topics including Taesik (胎息, embryonic breathing) and Juchenhwahu (周天火候, the great Celestial circuit firing), due to the lack of author's sufficient knowledge and experience. The unexplored areas of Yong-Ho-Bi-Gyeol will be studied in the future.

      • KCI등재

        식민지시대 시에 나타난 ‘얼굴' 표상 연구

        신용목(Sin, Yong-Mok) 한국문학회 2019 韓國文學論叢 Vol.82 No.-

        '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        이 논문은 식민지시대에 쓰여진 시들의 ‘얼굴' 표상에 관한 연구이다. 얼굴은 ‘자아'라는 내면과 ‘세계'라는 외부의 접점을 형성한다는 측면에서 ‘표상적 실재성'을 가장 뚜렷하게 보여주는 대상이고, 은유와 환유는 시적 대상이 출현하고 배치되는 양상이다. 이 논문은 얼굴 표상이 시 속에서 구조화되는 방식을 살핌으로써 식민지시대 시인들의 시적 인식의 한 측면을 조망하고자 한다. 세계와 자아에 대한 성찰과 고뇌를 이어가거나 당대 현실을 유이민적 과정으로 체험했던 정지용, 윤동주, 백석, 이용악의 시에 얼굴 표상이 많이 등장한다. 또한 언어 실험을 통해 세계의 분열의 징후들을 보여줬던 이상과 세계의 이상에 자아의 목표를 일치시켰던 임화의 시에서도 자주 등장한다. 반면, 현실 동인과 자아에 대한 질문을 뒤로 물린 채 관념적 세계와 미적 언어에 탐닉했던 청록파 시인 등에게는 ‘얼굴' 표상이 거의 등장하지 않는다. 정지용과 이용악 시에서 ‘얼굴' 표상은 세계와 관계하는 화자의 내적상태를 직접적으로 대리한다. 그들 시에서 얼굴은 세계와 자아의 만남에서 비롯된 주체의 외상 자체를 표상한다는 점에서 은유적 표상으로 나타난다. 이는 얼굴 표상이 내적 상태와의 유사성을 바탕으로 등장한다는 것으로도 설명 가능하다. 은유적으로 등장한 ‘얼굴' 표상은 불우한 시간의 연속성 속에서 주체의 내력을 위치시키는 역할을 한다는 점에서 ‘통시적' 성격을 띤다. 이는 외적 폭력의 강도를 더욱 선명하게 드러내는 역할을 한다. 윤동주와 백석 시의 경우 ‘얼굴' 표상이 병렬적 배치를 통해 세계를 연쇄적 과정으로 지시한다는 점에서 환유적 성격을 가지고 있다고 볼 수 있다. 얼굴 표상이 주체의 외상을 주체 외부에 배치한다는 점에서 환유의 특징인 인접성을 띠고 있는 것이다. 즉 자신의 얼굴을 분리시켜 그 진의를 묻거나 얼굴 옆에 또 다른 얼굴을 배치함으로써 세계와 자아의 실체에 닿고자 한다. 환유적으로 등장한 ‘얼굴'은 화자의 사유나 인식을 일관되게 전개시켜 현실 또는 정념과의 유비적 연결망을 만들기보다는, 오히려 그 연결망을 저지하고 대상화시킴으로써 현실 또는 정념의 정체를 되묻는 역할을 한다. 환유적으로 등장한 얼굴 표상은 그 공시적 성격을 통해 외적 폭력이 가진 비극의 폭을 확장시킨다. 이상 시의 ‘얼굴' 표상은 은유와 환유의 과정이 중첩되어 등장하고, 임화 시에서는 그 과정이 무화되어 나타난다. 이상의 시는 세계와 자아의 관계가 단일하게 포착되지 않기 때문이며, 임화의 시는 세계와 자아의 관계가 이미 결정된 상태로 등장하기 때문이다. 그러나 이는 원관념과 보조관념이 결합된 ‘동일성의 원리'와는 다르다. 그러나 이는 원관념과 보조관념이 결합된 ‘동일성의 원리'와는 다르다. 은유와 환유는 시어 출현 방식에 따라 시의 구조를 형성한다. 이상의 시의 ‘얼굴' 표상은 구조적 맥락을 지움으로써 세계의 비결정성을 표상하고, 임화 시의 ‘얼굴'은 그 자체로 세계의 표상을 구조화한다. 그로써 이상의 시는 세계의 분열을 드러내고, 임화의 시는 단일한 세계를 지향한다. This study is a study on the ‘face' representation of poems written during the colonial period. Facial representations are the objects that show the representational “reality” in terms of forming the interface of inner ‘self' and outer ‘world', and metaphors and metonymy are the aspects in which the poetic objects appear and place. Therefore, this study is a study that reveals one aspect of the poetical perception of poets in the colonial period by examining the way facial expression is structured in the poem. Many face representations appeared in the poems of Ji Jung Yong, Yoon Dong Joo, Baek Seok, and Yong Aak who experienced the reflection of the world and the self and the reality of the time through the immigrant process. It also appeared frequently in Im Hwa s poems, which matched the goal of the self with the ideal of the world, and Lee sang s poem which showed the splitting of the world by the technique of self-targeting. On the other hand, “face” representations rarely appeared in the poets from Pure Green Color school who indulged in the ideological world and aesthetic language but rejected the questions about reality motif and egos. In the poems by Jung Ji-yong and Lee Yong-ak, the ‘face representation directly represents the inner state of the speaker who is related to the world. Shortly, it is metaphorical in that it represents the trauma itself originated from the meeting between the world and the self. This can also be explained by the fact that facial expressions appear based on their internal state and similarities. At this time, the “face” representation by Jung Ji-yong and Lee Yong-ak is of a “diachronic” nature in that the subject s internal strength is positioned in a series of unhappy times. This plays a role to clearly reveal the intensity of external violence. In the poems by Yun Dong-ju and Baek-seok, ‘face' has a metonymic nature in that it directs the world in the manner of chain process through parallel arrangement. This can be explained that the facial representation has a proximity in that the trauma of the subject is placed outside the subject. That is, it questions the true intention by separating own s face, or it intends to reach out to the whole world by placing another face next to the face. Face , which appeared in metonymy, plays a role of reclaiming the identity of reality or emotions by blocking the connection and objectifying it through objectification, rather than consistently developing the speaker s thoughts and perceptions to make the organic connection between reality or emotion. This expands the tragedy of external violence through its public nature. In the poem by Lee Sang, the process of metaphors and metaphors is overlapped in face, and in the poem by Imhwa, the process becomes blurred and appeared. This is because the relationship between the world and the self is not captured in a single way while the relationship between the world and the self has already been determined in the poem by Imhwa. But this is different from the “principles of homogeneity,” in which the original and auxiliary concepts are combined. Metaphors and metonymy are classification of the structure of poetry depending on the way the words appeared. Thus, the “face” of the poem by Lee Sang represents the world s non-determinism by erasing the architectural context, and the “face” of the poem by Imhwa in itself constructs the world s representation.

      • 악학궤범에 나타난 처용무 복식고찰

        박양경,김용서 全南大學校家政科學硏究所 1999 生活科學硏究 Vol.9 No.-

        '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        The purpose of thesis is to make an analysis of a symbolic meaning color combination and construction for Cheo-Yong dancing as traditional royal dancing costumes shown in Ak-Hak-Gue-Bum. Cheo-Yong dancing is originated by a primitive religion effected charmanism in Shin-La period, developed as the royal dancing effected Buddhism in Go-Ryeo period. After all, Cheo-Yong dancing was in all its glory as dancing in Jo-Seon period effected Eum-Yang-Oh-Haeng thought. Cheo-Yong dancing costumes shown in Ak-Hak-Gue-Bum of Jo-Seon period was consisted of Wei(衣), Gun(裙), Sang(裳), Han-Sam(汗杉), Kil-Kyoung(吉慶), Sa-Mo(紗帽), Dea(帶), Hye(鞋). Indeed it showed dignity of the royalty as the royal court dancing costumes from head to toe. In addition, Dan-Lyoung of Wei and Sang among every costumes from taking a style of official outfit showed a bureaucratic character. Also, Gun, Han-Sam, Cyun-Wei, Kil-Kyoung had charmanistic factors with wearing a costumes of the other sex. Moreover Man-Hwa moonyang represented that Wei, Cyun-Wei, Bang-SI was involved in the Buddhist character. Cheo-Yong under the influence of Eum-Yang-Oh-Haeng thought was composed of Oh-Bang Cheo-Yong dancing costumes have weared clothes each other colored according to each directions like this East-West-South-North-Middle due to idea of Eum-Yang-Oh-Haeng thought royal dress for dancing and this idea also had effect on life style and Yellow clothes was placed in the middle and wore the clothes colored like this(Blue-Red-Yellow-White-Black). The Eum-Yang-Oh-Haeng thought is to make a harmony the positive and negative element in nature, symbol of all things, is in creative and disappearance and make a harmony the theory of each other very much.

      • KCI등재

        중국철학 : 諸註釋(제주석)을 통해 본 『論語(논어)』 經文(경문)의 解釋學的(해석학적) 理解(이해)[6]- 『雍也(옹야)』를 중심으로

        김용재 ( Yong Jae Kim ) 동양철학연구회 2015 東洋哲學硏究 Vol.81 No.-

        이 글은 『論語』 經文에 관한 해석의 다양성과 객관성을 찾아본다는 취지하에 연구를 시작한 것으로서, 그 여섯 번째에 해당된다. 따라서 본 연구는 『論語』 해석에 있어서 ‘정확성'을 찾아내기보다는 ‘다양성'의 지평을 열어보고자 함에 연구의 궁극적인 목표가 설정되어 있다. 그 이유는 주지하시다시피, 그간 우리나라의 경전 해석이 대체로 朱熹의 『集註』를 매우 충실하게 계승하는 측면으로 일관하여 왔기 때문이다. 『集註』는 실로 대단한 권위와 정본으로 여겨져 왔으며, 朝鮮의 儒者들에게 있어 사상적 立論의 근거를 내세우는 第一의 원칙이었던 것은 주지의 사실이다. 그러나 시대가 변하여 21세기 중국과 일본에서의 經學연구는 경전 해석의 다양성을 추구하기 위한 각고의 노력을 경주하고 있다. 이들은 ‘음운학'이나 ‘역사학' · ‘어법학' 등, 經書와 연관된 주변 학문과의 학제間 연구가 활발히 진행되고 있으며, 경전 해석에 관한 ‘창의적'이고 ‘도전적'이며 ‘개방적'인 연구 방향을 새롭게 내세우고 있다. 필자는 이러한 대외적 경학 연구 분위기에 편승하여 경전해석의 다양성을 『논어』 에서 찾아본다는 취지와 함께, 무엇보다도 ‘訓.'와 ‘義理' 그리고 ‘考證'에 입각한 .논어. 경문의 해석학적 정리 또한 필요함을 통감하여, 이에 시리즈 방식으로 연구습작을 내놓게 되었다. 본고에서는 (ⅰ)「雍也」편의 체제와 구조적 특징, (ⅱ)諸註釋에 근거한 「雍也」편 경문 해석의 다양성 등을 살펴보았다. 그 결과, 「雍也」편 총 28개의 경문 가운데 전반부 14개의 경문은 주로 「공야장」편과 같이 古今의 인물에 대한 評述로 이루어져 있다는 점이 주된 특징이었음을 살펴볼 수 있었다. 다만, 「공야장」편은 공자 當代, 혹은 좀 더 역사적으로 올라가 先代의 인물들까지를 두루 섭렵하고 있으며, 여러 자료와 역사적 정황들을 제시하는 등, 고금의 인물에 대한 객관적 평가가 주를 이루고 있었던 반면, 「옹야」편 전반부의 14개 경문은 공자 當代의 인물과 제자에만 局限되어 있다는 것이 특징으로 부각되었다. 특히 「선진」편에 나오는 ‘孔門四科十哲'들이 모두 등장하고 있다는 점은 주목할 만하다. 또한 「옹야」편 전반부 14개의 경문에서는 제자들과 그 외 4명(공서화, 원헌, 담대멸명, 번지)의 인물들에 대한 평가가 添記되어 있는데, 그 評述양상이 「공야장」편과는 다르며, 다분히 공자의 주관적 관점에 따라 기술되어 있다는 것도 특색이라 하겠다. 그 외, 후반부 14개의 경문은 공자의 일상적 삶의 路程속에서 드러난 箴言과 警戒의 글로 이루어져 있으며, 이에 대해서도 여러 註釋家들의 다채로운 해석들이 존재하였음을 고찰해 보았다. This paper is the sixth one of a research undertaken for the purpose of seeking the diversity and objectivity in several interpretations of the original text (經文) of “The Analects (論語)”. Thus in this research the author has already clarified that his ultimate purpose is rather opening a prospect of ‘diversity' than seeking the ‘accuracy' in interpreting “The Analects”. Since, as everyone knows, almost all interpretations of classical works in our country are consistent in truthfully following Zhu Xi's “Collected Annotations (集注)”. The “Collected Annotations” has been considered official and had a complete authority, and in Joseon's Confucian scholars, it was really the supreme principle on which every argument was based. However, with the passing of time, Chinese and Japanese researchers nowadays are trying their best to find the diversity in the interpretations of classical works (經典). It can be seen the activity in their interdisciplinary research on classical works which links many of relatively close disciplines such as phonology, history, and grammar etc. And they are now going in a creative, defiant and open research direction in interpreting classical works. In such an atmosphere of the foreign academic research, the author also wants to aim at seeking the diversity of interpretation of classical works, but above all, the author intends to release series of special research according to which it is necessary to correct the original text of “The Analects” based on methods such as exegesis (訓?), principles of ideas (義理), and textual analyses (考證). Thus in this paper, the author tries to search (ⅰ) the characteristics of form and structure of the chapter “Yong Ye (雍也)”, and (ⅱ) the diversity in the interpretation of the original text of “Yong Ye” based on several ways of understanding. As the result, it can be seen that, similar to the chapter “Gong Ye Chang”, in 28 paragraphs of the chapter “Yong Ye”, there are 14 ones considering and evaluating other figures. However, in the chapter “Gong Ye Chang”, Confucius looked back to the past, widely read in many texts and examined historical circumstances to evaluate preceding generations' figures, showing his objective judgement, while in the early 14 paragraphs of the chapter “Yong Ye”, he mentioned only the contemporary figures and his disciples; especially, all of “10 philosophers in 4 fields of Confucian school (孔門四科十哲)” mentioned in the chapter “Xian Jin (先進)” appear in this chapter. In addition, the evaluations of 4 figures named Gong Xi Hua, Yuan Xian, Dan Tai Mie Ming and Fan Chi that are not Confucius's disciples in the early 14 paragraphs of the chapter “Yong Ye” show Confucius's subjective opinions, different from the content of the chapter “Gong Ye Chang”, and this also can be considered a noticeable point. Furthermore, the main content of the latter 14 paragraphs of the chapter is filled with aphorisms and instructive advices inferred from Confucius's everyday life, and the author also tries to explain the diversity in the interpretations of this point.

      • KCI등재

        18세기 "목민서(牧民書)"와 지방통치 -『목민고(牧民攷)』를 중심으로-

        김용흠 ( Yong Hum Kim ) 한국사상사학회 2010 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.35

        본 논문은 조선후기 牧民書 가운데 『牧民攷』類의 변천을 통해서 이 시기 사회변동의 양상을 확인하고 국가의 대응 방안을 수령의 지방통치 지침을 통해서 살펴보았다. 『목민고』류의 목민서는 수많은 필사본이 존재하는데, 그 내용상의 차이를 중심으로 「治郡要訣」, 『牧民攷1』(藏書閣本), 『牧民攷2』(奎章閣本)의 순서로 변천된 것으로 보고, 그 작성 시기를 각각 18세기 전반, 중엽, 후반으로 비정하였다. 『목민고』류의 편찬에는 18세기 少論 蕩平派가 주로 관여하고 있었다. 영조대 대표적인 탕평론자인 李光佐와 趙顯命은 모두 당시의 사회변동으로 인해 초래된 국가의 위기를 대대적인 제도 개혁을 통해서 타개해야 한다고 보았지만 또한 그러한 제도 개혁이 중앙정치 차원에서 달성되더라도 지방관이 그것을 어떻게 집행하느냐에 따라서 그 성패가 좌우된다는 점에 깊이 유의하였다. 이것이 바로 이들이 지방관의 통치 지침에 해당되는 牧民書에 주목한 이유였다. 『목민고』류의 지방통치 지침은 모두 17세기의 兩亂期 이래 초래된 국가적 위기를 국가의 集權力 强化와 公共性 확대, 그리고 公的 영역의 확장을 통해서 극복하려는 지향을 공통적으로 반영하고 있었다. 그것은 당시까지 조선 봉건왕조 국가를 지탱해 온 양대 지주였던 양반제와 지주제의 폐단을 제거할 수 있는 제도개혁이 지지부진한 현실 속에서 대안으로서 마련된 것이었다. 『목민고』류의 목민서에서는 국가의 향촌통제정책에 발맞추어 수령권을 강화시키고, 兩班土豪와 吏胥들의 전횡과 중간수탈을 방지하여 小民을 보호할 수 있는 방안을 집중적으로 마련하여 제시하려 하였다. 이것은 결국 지방통치 차원에서 ``公共性``을 확대·강화시켜 봉건사회의 모순을 극복하려는 시도로서, 소론 탕평파의 근대 지향적인 국가 구상을 반영한 것이었다. This study analyzes the characteristics of social change during the late Choson period based on the variations that took place in terms of the Mongmin`go(牧民攷, Thoughts on Governing the People)- related books associatesd with the Mongminso(牧民書, Books on Governing the People) that were produced during late Choson. In addition, an examination of the countermeasures undertaken by the state in the face of such social changes is also conducted based on a perusal of the guidelines for local magistrates(守令, suryong) that were published. Many copies of Mongmin`go books can still be found. To this end, this study examines in a sequential manner the Ch`igun yogyol(治郡要訣, Key to Governance), Mongmin`go(牧民攷) 1, currently housed in the Changseogak(藏書閣本), and Mongmin`go(牧民攷) 2, currently housed in the Kyujanggak(奎章閣本), and based on the differences in terms of their contents, breaks down the periods in which such works were produced into the early, mid, and late 18th century. The T`angp`yong wing of the Soron(少論) faction was heavily engaged in the compilation of Mongmin`go books during the 18th century. These individuals believed that the national crisis caused by the ongoing social changes of the day should be overcome through institutional reforms. However, despite King Yongjo`s(英祖) stringent implementation of his T`angp`yong policy, institutional reforms were implemented in a haphazard manner amidst the firm resistance of the anti-T`angp`yong forces within the Noron(老論) faction. To this end, the measures adopted included those designed to overcome the salient problems through the rigid selection and evaluation of the job performance of local governors. Leading advocates of the T`angp` yongron(Policy of Impartiality) such as Yi Kwangjwa(李光佐) and Cho Hyonmyong(趙顯命) paid careful attention to the fact that even if institutional reforms were carried out at the central government level, the success of such measures was dependent on how local governors implemented them. In this regard, their focus on Mongminso, or guidelines for local governors and magistrates with regards to local governance, should be understood as having been motivated by this reality. Guidelines for local governance such as the Mongminso shared the commonality of seeking to overcome the national crisis caused by the Hideyoshi and Manchu Invasions through the strengthening of statepower, the expansion of public interests, and the extension of the public sphere. Such guidelines were prepared amidst circumstances characterized by the lax implementation of the institutional reforms designed to remove the obnoxious practices of the yangban and landlord systems that had long served as the dual pillars that ensured the continuity of the Choson dynasty. The books on governing the people such as the Mongmin`go called for the preparation of measures that could not only strengthen the power of local magistrates(suryong) in accordance with the state`s control policy for local villages, but also protect the people by preventing local yangban and functionaries from engaging in despotic actions and exploitation. These suggestions, which reflected the notion of a modernity-oriented state advanced by the T`angp`yong wing of the Soron faction can be construed as an attempt to overcome the contradictions of feudal society by expanding and strengthening the public interest at the local governance level.

      • KCI등재

        해방기 문학의 내적 형식과 길 모티프 연구-이용악의 시와 허준의 「잔등」을 중심으로

        노용무 ( Noh Yong-moo ) 한국문학이론과 비평학회 2005 한국문학이론과 비평 Vol.26 No.-

        This study is to consider (road or journey( in Lee Yong-ak's poetry and Heo Jun's 「The Faint Light」, focused on the symbol of road as a inner form of Korean Literature in independence times. This writers made an effort for representing the meaning and impression of independence in each janre objectivly against sentimental expression. Moreover they made a inner form focused on a foreign country and a journey for returning to motherland, and then they exclued a general inspiration and excitement in independence times. Lee Yong-ak expressed their emotion for independence objectivly by moving along a journey of the people to their homeland from a foreign country, and Heo Jun pursued to represent an inner description of a scenery at a public station toward released Seoul. These aesthetic sense of modernity of Heo Jun take another meaning of the independence in Korea at that times by raising compassion like tolerant sadness be latent in human-being. On the other hand, the view of Lee Yong-ak through the political modernity or aspiration for core of world is a world of political sense in that he recognized the reality of nation. But each intention to modernity of them had not been overcome the political situation in turbidity and eventually their political direction had been toward North Korea.

      • KCI등재

        당풍(唐風) 수용기 정용(鄭鎔)의 한시(漢詩)에 대한 고찰 -시선집(詩選集)에 수록된 작품을 중심으로

        박용만 ( Park Yong-man ) 한국한시학회 2016 韓國漢詩硏究 Vol.24 No.-

        조선중기 盛唐詩를 수용한 三唐詩의 등장은 우리 문학사에서 매우 중요한 분기점이 된다. 문학사에서 새로운 풍조의 유행은 몇몇 작가의 노력만으로 이루어질 수 없으며, 당시 활동했던 많은 시인들이 교유하고 참여하는 과정에서 典範의 논리와 방향성이 자리를 잡게 된다. 그러나 三唐詩人을 제외하면 이 시기에 활동했던 여러 시인들에 대한 논의는 절대적으로 부족하다. 鄭鎔은 그동안 전혀 알려지지 않았던 시인으로 삼당시인이 활동했던 시기에 참여한 인물이다. 靖國功臣으로 海平府院君에 봉해진 鄭眉壽의 후손으로 화려한 가문의 배경과 경제적 풍요에도 출사하지 않고 자연을 벗 삼아 시작에 전념하였다. 많은 작품을 남긴 것은 아니지만 許筠은 그의 작품을 높이 평가하여 『國朝詩刪』에 6수를 선발하여 넣고 『鶴山樵談』과 『惺所覆?藁』에도 그에 대한 詩話를 수록했을 만큼 당시 상당한 비중을 지녔던 것으로 평가할 수 있다. 그는 唐風을 수용하여 정회를 표출하였다. 때로는 미숙한 작품이 보이기도 하지만, 절구 형식을 선호하여 주로 주위 경물과 심사를 소박하게 표현하는 특징을 보인다. 시화에 실린 일부 방대하고 현란한 의경의 작품을 허균은 詩魔가 들어 지은 것으로 소개하였다. 소박한 의경의 다른 작품과 연관성이 떨어지지만 정용의 입을 통해 지어진 것만은 분명하다. 조선 중기 당풍의 정착과 유행의 관점에서 정용의 담백하면서 소박한 한시는 일정한 의미를 지닌다고 할 수 있다. 아울러 당시 알려지지 않은 많은 시인들의 다양한 시풍을 논의하는 것은 당풍의 수용을 폭넓게 이해하는 단서가 될 것이다. The appearance of Chinese poems of the Tang Dynasty style by three poets in the Joseon Dynasty(三唐詩) that accepted the Tang poetry during its flourishing period(盛唐詩) became the turning point of Korean literary history. Trends of new tendencies in literary history cannot be done by several writers` efforts and model(典範)`s logic and directivity get to settle in the process that many poets who are active then associate with each other and participate. However, except the three poets who wrote the Tang Dynasty`s Chinese poem styles, discussion on several poets who were active in this period are desperately lacking. Joeng Yong(鄭鎔) is the figure who participated in the period that the three poets who wrote the Tang Dynasty`s Chinese poem styles were active as the poet who has never been known to us in the meanwhile. He devoted himself to writing his poems by communing with nature without entering government service despite the background of his distinguished family and economic affluence as the descendant of Jeong Mi-su(鄭眉壽) who was raised to Haepyeongbuwongun(海平府院君) as Jeonggukgongsin(靖國功臣). He did not leave many works of art. However, he can be evaluated to account for a considerable proportion of the period as Heo Gyun put his 6 poems in Gukjosisan(國朝詩刪) and included stores about his poems in Haksanchodam(鶴山樵談) and Seongsobugo(惺所覆?藁) by thinking highly of him. He expressed his thoughts by accepting the Tang Dynasty`s Chinese poem styles. Sometimes, he shows unpracticed works of art. However, his works of art usually feature simple expressions of the scenery of the seasons around him and his mind and thought as he gave preference to quatrain forms. Heo Gyun introduced his partial works of art about the vast and ornate scenery written by him because of a kind of spells that he felt a disposition to do them(詩魔) to people. It is clear that they were written by Jeong, Yong`s mouth even though they are not linked to his other works of art about the simple scenery. Jeong, Yong`s light and simple Chinese poems can somewhat be meaningful from an angle that the Tang Dynasty`s Chinese poem styles settled and were popular in the middle of the Jonseon Dynasty. In addition, discussion on various poetical styles by many poets who were not known then will be a clue to understand acceptance of the Tang Dynasty`s Chinese poem styles widely.

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