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      • 기후위기시대 원불교의 역할 - 생명・생태・환경 보전의 관점에서 -

        원영상(Won, Yong Sang) 전남대학교 종교문화연구소 2021 종교문화학보 Vol.18 No.1

        본 논문은 인류가 처한 심각한 위기 상황인 기후문제에 대한 원불교의 활동과 이를 뒷받침하는 교의적 기반에 관한 연구다. 기후변동에 관한 정부 간 패널(IPCC)은 2018년 195개국이 승인한 <지구온난화 1.5°C 특별보고서>(Special Report on Global Warming of 1.5°C)에서 지구 온난화의 위험을 경고하고 있다. 이 위기에 대해 종교는 안타깝게도 문제 해결의 주체가 될 수 없다는 것이 역사적으로나 현실적으로 증명되고 있다. 그럼에도 지금은 어떤 작은 힘이라도 나서서 힘을 합칠 수밖에 없는 상황이다. 현대불교, 참여불교, 대중불교로서의 원불교는 이웃종교들처럼 인류 공동의 문제를 해결해야 인류 문명이 지속될 수 있다고 본다. 따라서 불교 또한 자발적 조직을 통해 기후・환경 문제에 적극적으로 대응하기 시작했다. 2010년 4대강 문제에 심각함을 느낀 원불교인들이 결성한 원불교환경연대가 그 주체이다. 원불교환경연대는 인간 안보를 위해 성주군 소성리에 불법으로 반입된 사드(THAAD, 고고도미사일방어체계)의 철폐운동에도 적극적으로 참여하고 있다. 한빛원자력발전소가 있는 영광군에서도 탈핵순례를 통한 탈원전운동을 지속적으로 전개하고 있다. 이 양 지역은 원불교의 핵심 성지가 있는 곳이기도 하다. 이 외에도 5개교단 환경단체들의 연대체인 종교환경회의에 적극 참여하여 활동 하고 있다. 2020년에는 유교까지 포함한 6대종단 ‘종교인 기후위기 비상행동' 선언을 이끌어 내기도 했다. 원불교 환경운동의 교의적 기반은 천지・부모・동포・법률의 사은(四恩) 가운데 천지은(天地恩)이다. 2000년 서울에서 공식적인 교단 대표 환경단체로서 ‘원불교 천지보은회'가 창립되기도 했다. 원불교의 신앙 대상인 법신불 일원상(法身佛 一圓相)은 바로 이 사은에 의해 전개된다. 사은의 존재론은 불법의 연기(緣起)사상에 근거해 있다. 이에 따라 천지의 도(道)에 순응하며, 자연을 보존하고, 자연과 공존하는 것이 바로 원불교 환경운동의 이념이다. 이러한 원불교 환경운동의 지평을 확대하기 위해서는 공존과 공생의 의식을 더욱 확대시키는 것과 소비자본주의의 배격과 지구적 정의론의 확장이 필요하다. 원불교의 입장에서 자신의 종교적 가치가 세계 보편의 가치와 소통되기 위해서라도 원불교환경운동의 역할은 매우 중요함을 알 수 있다. This thesis is a study on activities of Won Buddhism about climate issues, the serious crisis, and the dogmatic foundation which supported these. International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) warns the dangers of global warming in Special Report on Global Warming of 1.5°C approved by 195 countries in 2018. Unfortunately, this crisis historically or practically proved that religions cannot be a main agent of solving the problem. Nevertheless, we cannot help bringing even small powers together in this situation. Won Buddhism as modern, engaged, and popular Buddhism thinks that human civilization can continue only when solving the common problems of mankind. Therefore, Buddhism also began to deal with climatic and environmental issues actively through voluntary organizations. The Cooperation of Environmental Won Buddhism organized by Won Buddhists who felt the seriousness of the four-river project in 2010 is the main agent. The Cooperation of Environmental Won Buddhism has actively participated in a movement for the abolition of THAAD carried in Soeong-ri, Seongju-gu for human security. It has continued to develop a movement for nuclear power phase-out in Yeonggwang-gun with Hanbit Nuclear Power Plant through post-nuclear pilgrimages. The key sacred places of Won Buddhism are also located in these both areas. Besides, it has actively participated in religious environmental conferences, an alliance system of environmental organizations of 5 religious bodies. It led religious persons" emergency action of the climate crisis declaration by 6 great religious bodies incliding Confucianism. The dogmatic foundation of environmental movements of Won Buddhism is beneficence of Heaven and Earth (天地恩) among fourfold beneficence (四恩) of heaven and earth, parents, compatriots, and laws. In 2000, Won Buddhism Heaven and Earth Requital Society was established as the environmental body which officially represented the religious body in Seoul. Phenomena of Law-body buddha and a great-circle (法身佛 一圓相), the subject of belief of Won Buddhism, is developed by fourfold beneficence. Ontology of this fourfold beneficence is based on dependent origination (緣起) thought of the Buddhist Law. Accordingly, ideology of environmental movements of Won Buddhism is to adapt yourself to the Way (道) of Heaven and Earth, preserve the nature, and coexist with it. In order to expand horizons of the environmental movements of Won Buddhism the expansion of awareness of co-existence and the global theory of justice and the rejection of consumer capitalism are required. It can be found that roles of the environmental movements of Won Buddhism are very important to make religious value of Won Buddhism communicate with global valve of universality.

      • 우황청심원의 고문헌기록 및 실험적 연구결과 분석을 통한 임상응용 확대의 필요성 고찰

        오영택,오현묵,김서우,김원용,손창규,조정효,Oh,,Young-Taeck,Oh,,Hyeon-Muk,Kim,,Seo-Woo,Kim,,Won-Yong,Son,,Chang-Gue,Cho,,Jung-Hyo 대전대학교 한의학연구소 2017 한의학연구소 논문집 Vol.26 No.1

        Objectives: The aim of this study is (1) to investigate the historic changes and pharmacological efficacies of Woohwangchungsim-won and (2) to discuss the necessities for Woohwangchungsim-won's clinical applications. Methods: This study was performed through (1) investigating the ancient literature records related with Woohwangchungsim-won and analyzing Woohwangchungsim-won's composition, dosage and indications, (2) searching articles about Woohwangchungsim-won on 10 major Korean web and 3 major foreign web article search engines and analyzing Woohwangchungsim-won's pharmacological efficacies and indications. Results: Woohwangchungsim-wom has been used for cerebrovascular diseases such as stroke and palpitation. Also, there are some ancient literature records of Woohwangchungsim-won's clinical applications in neuropsychiatric disorders such as depression and bipolar disorder. In addition, there have been a number of experimental studies which demonstrate Woohwangchungsim-won's neuroprotective effect on cerebral cortex and hippocampus injury. So, it is possible to infer that Woohwangchungsim-won can be used for the treatments of neuropsychiatric disorders associated with neuronal cell death in cerebral cortex and hippocampus. But there have been no or less experimental studies which demonstrate the pharmacological efficacy of Woohwangchungsim-won on such disease. Conclusion: It is necessary that further experimental studies which demonstrate Woohwangchungsim-won's pharmacological efficacy on neuropsychiatric disorders should be done and Woohwangchungsim-won's clinical applications should be expanded on the basis of those related experimental results.

      • KCI등재

        무용예술의 대중화를 위한 마케팅 전략

        이종원 ( Jong Won Lee ) 대한무용학회 2007 대한무용학회논문집 Vol.51 No.-

        Although there is tremendous effort from Government and Arts Council Korea to increase opportunity of enjoying arts, to resolve the repolarization of national culture, to construct additional cultural space for artistic activities, and to provide rich artistic programs for public, it is very concerned that public participation of those activities is very low and even decreasing. The purpose of this paper is to propose the scope and goal of the research that surveys and analyzes current status, identifies the issues, and finally proposes practical resolutions in Dancing which turned out to be the worst in performing arts industry according to Survey Report on Cultural Enjoyment which is based on Cultural Policy Year Book, Culture & Arts Yearbook, and statistics on application for cultural promotional fund provided by Government. Considering Dancing performance in year 2005, there were total were 2,334 performances conducted by 1,115 organizations. Among those, 1390 performances or 58% of total activities were held in the area of Seoul and Gyeonggi province including Incheon by 533 organizations conducted, and this areal concentration of the activities has been observed since 1999 as such 59.1% or 821 out of 1390 performances in 1999, and 63.2% or 885 out of 1400 performances in 2002. According to data collected from application forms for cultural promotional fund, the yearly total production costs for dancing performance were estimated 15.8B Won, 26B Won and 37.8B Won in 2001, 2005 and 2007, accordingly. 2005 Performing Art Activity Survey" shows that there were total 11,667,441 audiences for all performing arts among which 1,243,487 were attended on dancing performance and only 331,889 audiences (26.7%) paid for tickets. Estimating 26B won as total production costs in 2005, it is expected that there would be 23.2B won loss after 2,811B won income from ticket sales if there is no fund raising from public. The total budget in 2006 for the Ministry of Culture and Tourism was 1.73 T won, and 1.58T won was set aside for "Culture Related" activities and 730B won out of 1.58T won was allocated as "Culture Promotion Fund". The "Culture Related" activities include promotional programs for public artistic activities, public cultural activities and tourism, and protection and preservation programs for cultural heritage. Allocated budget for dance related programs within "Culture Promotion Fund" has been increased year after year as 554.3M won in 2002, 645.2M won in 2003, and 903.7M won in 2004. According to Survey Report on Cultural Enjoyment for last 10 years (from 1997 to 2006), attendance rate of Dancing performance has been gradually decreased, and the number for the last year was almost insignificant. (4.1% in 1997, 2.0% in 2000, 1.1% in 2003, 0.7% in 2006) According to a public survey, 99.7 % of participants answered they never went to a Dancing performance. Considering that this survey was conducted against general public, it can be a indication of poor popularization. One common characteristic observed in annual surveys is that the majority of audience were woman in her 20th, and/or were living in a big city with higher education and higher income, and working in professional area. This means disparity between residential district, annual income, education and profession has been expended over years. To attract more audience, it is necessary to accommodate the opinions of existing audience and resolve issues raised from public survey. I propose the following five marketing strategies to address the issues mentioned earlier. first: it is important to identify and manage those who show there interests in performing arts by continuously supplying information to keep there attention. 2nd: bring performances near from where they live and lower the costs of admission. 3rd: offers more quality programs and make more information easily available for public. 4th: make targeted marketing. according to the demographic analysis on dancing pe

      • 『백사집(白沙集)』에 나타난 이순신ㆍ원균관

        임원빈(Lim, Won-Bin) 순천향대학교 이순신연구소 2011 이순신연구논총 Vol.- No.16

        '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        The purpose of this study is to introduce the outlooks of Yi Sun-Sin and Won Gyun, appearing in Yi Hang-Bok (1556-1618) s anthology, Baek-Sa-Jip. Yi Hang-Bok (also known as his penname, Baek-Sa) was a Do-Seung-Ji (chief secretary to the king) during the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. He was designated as the Minister of War five times during the Japanese invasion. For that reason, he was the one who knew the most details of the invasion. While Yi Sun-Sin was Dong-in (person of the Eastern faction, Yi Hang-Bok was Seo-in (person of the Western faction.) Thus, Yi Hang-Bok was in a position where he could exclude the faction-level prejudice. Yi Hang-Bok evaluates Yi Sun-Sin as an admiral who made the greatest contributions in the naval forces. Yi Hang-Bok also highly appraises Yi Sun-Sin s accomplishments. His achievements consist of defending the waterway of Han-San Island, which was the main fence of Honam region, in order to protect the grain belt Honam area, the capital Hanseong, and Kyeonggi-do, from Imjin year (1592) to the beginning of Jeongyu year (1597). His achievements also include defeating the Japanese in the naval battle of Myung-Ryang, in July of Jeongyu year, by becoming the controller upon Won Gyun s death on the battlefield, thus not allowing a single Japanese soldier enter the waterway. Yi Hang-Bok not only appreciates Yi Sun-Sin s accomplishments but also emphasizes his great disposition. Yi Hang-Bok mentioned several instances: an admiral of Ming dynasty of China, Minister Jin-Rin, notorious for his atrocity, even addressed Yi Sun-Sin by the honorific form, Sir Yi. Soldiers of Ming dynasty even did not consume meat after Yi Sun-Sin s death; elders and children who were working wept and classical scholars offered funeral orations upon hearing the death of Yi Sun-Sin; when Yi Sun-Sin lost his two elder brothers, he cared their sons even more than his; Yi Sun-Sin taught his children to talk about his rival Won Gyun s accomplishment not defect. Here is an introduction of Yi Sun-Sin s personal saying: A man, born in this world, will gladly sacrifice himself to the nation, and if he cannot, will satisfy himself by farming in the field. Such thing as stealing an transient luxury by playing up to the powerful is the one I find the most shameful. Yi Sun-Sin lived up to the Confucian teachings. Confucianism teaches one to live a faithful, loyal life. The aforementioned personal saying introduced by Yi Hang-Bok comprehensively depicts Yi-Sun-Sin s personality and his entire life. On the other hand, there are few references to Won Gyun; it is hard to find Yi Hang-Bok s appreciation of Won Gyun s personality. Yi Hang-Bok insisted that Won Gyun is responsible for the defeat of the Chosun naval forces to get defeated in the naval battle of Chil-Chun-Ryang. In short, he claims that Won Gyun was an incompetent commander. Yi Hang-Bok s evaluation on Won Gyun is that even though he has past accomplishments, those were not done by himself but through depending on Yi Sun-Sin, so it is wrong to compare Won Gyun s achievements to those of Yi Sun-Sin s. Due to this perception, when Yi Hang-Bok participated in Gong-Sin-Do-Gahm (a government office that conducted due diligences on awarding meritorious figures), he nominated Won Gyun on the second place whereas he did Yi Sun-Sin in the first place; he meant to differentiate them. King Seon-Jo (The 14th King of Chosun dynasty, 1567-1608) strongly maintained that Won Gyun should be nominated on the first place, Yi Hang-Bok was obliged to do so; still, it was not his intention to nominate Won Gyun on the first place. From this, Baek-Sa-Jip is a very important source to objectively understand Yi Sun-Sin and Won Gyun. 이 글은 이항복(1556〜1618)의 문집인 『백사집(白沙集)』에 나타난 이순신ㆍ원균관을 살펴보기 위한 것이다. 백사 이항복은 임진왜란 발발 당시 도승지였다. 그리고 병조판서를 5번이나 지낸 임진왜란 극복의 주역이었다. 그런 면에서 임진왜란에 대해 가장 자세한 내용을 알 수 있는 위치에 있었던 사람이다. 이순신이 동인(東人)이라면 이항복은 서인(西人)에 속하는 인물이다. 그런 면에서 붕당(朋黨) 차원의 선입견도 배제할 수 있는 위치에 있는 사람이 이항복이다. 이항복은 이순신에 대해서 수군 가운데 가장 큰 공을 세운 장수라고 평가한다. 그리고 그의 주요 공적으로는 임진년(1592년)부터 정유년(1597년) 초반까지는 호남의 울타리라고 할수 있는 한산도에서 바닷길을 가로막음으로써 곡창인 호남을 보전하고 수도인 한성과 경기 도를 편안하게 하였으며, 정유년 7월 칠천량에서 수군이 패하고 원균이 전사한 뒤 다시 통제사가 되어서는 명량해전을 승리로 이끌어 일본군에게 끝까지 해로(海路)를 내어주지 않은 훌륭한 장수로 평가하고 있다. 이항복은 이순신의 공적뿐만이 아니라 그의 훌륭한 인품에도 주목한다. 포악하기로 유명한 명나라 수군 장수 진린 도독이 이순신을 부를 때 항상 ‘이야(李爺)'라고 존칭을 사용하였 다는 사례, 이순신이 전사하자 명나라 병사들도 고기를 먹지 않았다는 사례, 짐을 나르는 노인과 어린이들조차 이순신의 전사 소식을 듣고 눈물을 흘리고 선비들이 제문을 지어와 바쳤다는 사례, 먼저 돌아가신 두 형님들의 자식들 이른바 조카들을 자기 자식보다 항상 먼저 보살폈다는 사례, 자녀들에게 자신과 갈등 관계에 있는 원균에 대해서 말할 때 언제나 공적을 말하고 단점을 말해서는 안 된다고 당부했다는 사례 등을 통해 나라를 위해 싸운 공적뿐 만이 아니라 내면의 덕성도 훌륭하였다는 사실을 강조하고 있다. 그리고 이순신의 좌우명을 소개하는데 다음과 같다. “장부(丈夫)가 세상에 태어나서, 나라에 쓰이게 되면 몸을 바쳐 보답할 것이요, 쓰이지 못할 경우에는 초야에서 농사짓는 것으로 만족할 것이다. 권세 있는 곳에 아첨하여 한 때의 영화(榮華)를 훔치는 것 같은 것은 내가 매우 부끄럽게 여기는 것이다.” 이순신은 평소 유학의 가르침대로 살았다. 유학의 가르침은 한 마디로 의리지향적(義理志 向的) 삶을 살라는 것이다. 위에서 이항복이 소개하고 있는 이순신의 좌우명은 이순신의 사람됨과 그의 평생의 삶의 특성을 가장 함축적으로 표현한 것이다. 그런 반면에 원균에 대한 이항복의 언급은 매우 소략하다. 이항복은 원균 때문에 조선 수군이 칠천량 해전에서 패했다는 인식을 가지고 있다. 한 마디로 원균은 무능한 장수였다는 것이다. 이항복의 원균에 대한 평가는 그가 비록 전공이 있더라도 그것은 독립적으로 쟁취해 낸 것이 아니라 이순신에 의존해서 만들어진 전공이라고 단언한다. 그런 면에서 원균의 전공은 이순신과 비교할 수 없다는 것이다. 이런 인식 때문에 이항복은 공신도감(功臣都鑑) 에 참여했을 때도 원균을 2등에 놓아 1등인 이순신과 같은 반열에 놓지 않았다. 비록 임금인 선조가 원균이 1등에 선정되어야 한다는 강력한 의지를 피력했기 때문에 어쩔 수 없이 2등에서 1등으로 바꾸긴 했지만 그것은 이항복의 뜻이 아니었다. 이렇게 볼 때 이순신, 원균과 동시대를 살았던 이항복의 문집인 『백사집』에 나타난 이순신ㆍ원균관은 이순신과 원균을 객관적으로 이해할 수 있는 매우 소중한 자료이다.

      • KCI등재

        원불교의 탈불교화 과정에 대한 연구

        원영상 ( Yong-sang Won ) 한국신종교학회 2016 신종교연구 Vol.35 No.35

        원불교와 불교의 관계는 원불교 교단의 정체성은 물론 원불교의 현재와 미래의 방향을 결정짓는 중요한 사안 중의 하나라고 할 수 있다. 최근 원불교교헌 개정을 둘러싸고 일어나고 있는 다양한 논쟁의 핵심으로 부상하고 있기도 하다. 이 과정 속에서 필자는 원불교의 역사를 통해 왜 원불교가 탈불교화의 길을 걷게 되었는가를 밝히고자 하였다. 이러한 문제 제기는 물론 소태산 박중빈의 깨달음에 의해 세워진 불법연구회가 전통적인 불법을 계승하고 있다는 관점에 기반하고 있다. 따라서 먼저 소태산 박중빈의 불교관을 제시한 다음, 초기 교서인 『』불교정전(佛敎正典)『』을 분석하였다. 그리고 초기 교단, 즉 불법연구회는 불교 결사운동의 현대적인 활동임을 제시하였다. 그럼에도 1948년 원불교의 교명 전환이 이루어진 후, 불교와의 거리두기가 나타나고 있음을 밝혔다. 특히 1962년 발포된 「불교재산관리법」에 제한받지 않기 위해 교단 스스로 제출한, 불교와의 관계를 단절하기 위한 정부청원을 계기로 탈불교화가 가속화되었음을 알 수 있다. 이어 「원불교교헌」의 변천과정에서 드러난 불교에 대한 관점을 통해 살펴보았다. 원불교 교단의 출발과 함께 제정된 초기 교헌으로부터 현재의 교헌까지는 불교의 진리관과 세계관을 계승하고 있으며, 특히 불교와의 관계를 강조한 연원불(淵源佛) 조항은 이점을 잘 보여주고 있음을 알 수 있다. 또한 1990년대 원불교 최고결의기관인 수위단회에서도 불교와의 관계에 대해 원불교의 입장을 명확하게 밝히고 있음을 알 수 있다. 따라서 최근의 원불교의 탈불교화에 대한 의식은 일련의 역사적 과정에서 파생된 것이며, 불교와 원불교의 내적 일치를 공식적으로 천명한 교조 및 교단의 입장으로부터도 벗어난 것임을 알 수 있다. The relation between Won-Buddhism and Buddhism may be one of important factors to decide not only the identity of the Won-Buddhist Order but also the orientation of the present and future of Won-Buddhism. Recently it is also emerging up as a heart issue among many controversies concerning the revision of the Constitution of Won-Buddhism. From such perspective, I tried to elucidate why Won-Buddhism walked a path of de-Buddhistization through the history of Won-Buddhism. This presentation of an issue is based on the perspective that the Society for the Study of the Buddhadharma established by Sotaesan Park Jungbin`s enlightenment had succeeded to the traditional Buddhadharma. Accordingly I suggested the Buddhist view of Sotaesan Park Jungbin first, and then analyzed The Principal Book of Buddhism as a scripture of early times. And I suggested that the Society for the Study of the Buddhadharma, as an early Order, was modern activities of the Buddhist association movement. Nevertheless, after the title of Won-Buddhism has changed in 1948, the Order`s keeping distance from Buddhism had appeared. Especially in order not to be restricted by The Buddhist Property Management Law declared in 1962, the Order itself presented a petition to the government to sever the relation with Buddhism. From such incident the de-Buddhistization accelerated. As well, it examined the Order`s perspective on Buddhism which was revealed at the transition process of The Constitution of Won-Buddhism. From the early Constitution, established at the same time with the Order`s founding, to the present Constitution, the Won-Buddhist Order has inherited the truth view and the world view of Buddhism. Especially the article of The Buddha of an Original Guide shows this point very well. Moreover, in 1990`s the Supreme Dharma Council, the Won-Buddhist highest resolution organization, elucidated clearly the Won-Buddhist standpoint about the relation with Buddhism. Accordingly, the recent Won-Buddhist awareness about the de-Buddhistization was derived from a series of historical process, and deviated from the standpoint of the Order which officially declared the unity of Buddhism and Won-Buddhism.

      • KCI등재

        金元四大家醫學이 朝鮮思朝醫學 形成에 미친 影響

        정면,홍원식 대한한의학원전학회 1995 대한한의학원전학회지 Vol.9 No.-

        The influence of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era on the completion of the medicine in the Chosun dynasty. CheongMyeon Major in classic and history of oriental medicine graduate school of Kyung Hee university (directed by prof. Hong Won Sik) The influence of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era(金元代) on the completion of the medicine in the Chosun dynasty(朝鮮朝) can be summerized as folldws. 1. The four noted physicians of Geum-Won era were Yoo-Wan-So(劉完素), Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正), Lee-Go(이고), Ju-Jin-Heung(朱震亨) 2. Yoo-Wan-So(劉完素) made his theory on the basic of Nae-Kyung(『內經』) and Sang-Han-Lon(『傷寒論』), his idea of medicine was characterized in his books, for exemple, application of O-Oon-Yuk-Ki(五運六氣), Ju-Wha theory(主火論) and hang -hae-seng-je theory(亢害承制論). from his theory and method of study, many deviations of oriental medicine occured. He made an effort for study of Nae-Kyung, which had been depressed for many years. on the contrary of the way old study that Nae-Kyung had been only explained or revised, he applied the theory of Nae-Kyung to clinical care. The theory of Yuk-Gi-Byung-Gi(六氣病機) and On-Yeul-Byung(溫熱病) had much influenced on his students and posterities, not to mention Jang-Ja-Wha and Ju-Jin-Heung, who were among the four noted physicians therefore he became the father of Yuk-Gi(六氣) and On-Yeul(溫熱) schools. 3. Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正) emulated Yoo-Wan-So as a model, and followed his Yuk-Gi-Chi-Byung(六氣致病)theory, but he insisted on the use of the chiaphoretic, the emetic and the paregoric to get rid of the causes, specially he insisted on the use of the paregoric, so they called him Gong-Ha-Pa(攻下派). He insisted on the theory that if we would strenthen ourselves we should use food, id get rid of cause, should use the paregoric, emetic and diaphoretic. Jang-Jong-Jung'S Gang-Sim-Wha(降心火) theory, which he improved Yoo-Wan -So's Han-Ryang(寒凉) theory influenced to originate Ju-Jin-Heung'S Ja-Eum -Gang-Wha(滋陰降火) theory 4. Lee-Go(이고) insisted on the theory that Bi-Wi(脾胃) played a leading role in the physiological function and pathological change, and that the internal disease was originated by the need of Gi(氣) came from the disorder of digestive organs, and that the causes of internal disease were the irregular meal, the overwork;, and mental shock. Lee-Go made an effort for study about the struggle of Jung-Sa(正邪) and in the theory of the prescription he asserted the method of Seung-Yang-Bo-Gi(升陽補氣). but he also used the method of Go-Han-Gang-Wha(苦寒降火) 5. The authors of Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun(『醫學正傳』), Eui-Hak-Ib-Moon(『醫學入門』). and Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon(『萬病回春』) analyzed the medical theory of the four noted physicians and added their own experences. They helped organizing exisiting complicated theories of the four noted physicians imported in our country, and affected the formation of medical science in the Choson dynasty largely. Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun(『醫學正傳』) was written by Wook-Dan(虞搏), in this book, he quoted the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, especially. Ju-Jin-Heung was respected by him, it affected the writing of Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo(『醫林撮要』). Eui-Hak-Ib-Moon(『醫學入門』), written by Lee-Chun(이천), followed the medical science of Lee-Go and ju-jin-heung from the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. Its characteristics of Taoism, idea of caring of health, and organization offected Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham(『東醫寶鑑』), Gong-Jung-Hyun(공정현) wrote Mar-Byund-Whoi-Choon(『萬病回春』) using the best part of the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, this book affected Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won(『東醫壽世保元』) partly. 6. our medical science was developed from the experience of the treatment of disease obtained from human life. these medical knowledge was arranged and organized in Hyang-Yak-Jib-Sung-Bang(『鄕藥集成方』). medical books imported from China was organized in Eui-Bang-Yoo-Chwi(『『醫方類聚』』). which formed the base of medical development in the Chosun dynasty 7. Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo(『醫林撮要』) was written by Jung-Kyung-Sun(鄭敬先) and revised by Yang-Yui-Soo(楊禮壽). It was written on the base of Woo-Dan's Eui-Jung-Jun, which compiled the medical science of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. It contained confusing theories of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era and organized medical books of Myung era, therefore it completed the basic form of Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治) influenced the writing of Dong -Eui-Bo-Kham(『東醫寶鑑』) 8. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham(『東醫寶鑑』) was written on the base of basic theory of Eum -Yang-O-Haeng(陰陽五行) and the theory of reapondence of heaven and man(천인사응설) in Nae-Kyung. It contained several theories and knowledge, such as the theory of Essence(精), vital force(氣), and spirit(神) or Taoism. medical science of geum-won era, our original medical knowledge and experience. It had established the basic organization of our medical science and completed the Byun -Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham developed medical science from simple medical treatment to protective medical science by caring of health. And it also discussed human cultivation and Huh-Joon's(許浚) own view of human life through the book. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham adopted most part of Lee-Go(이고) and Ju-Jin-Heung's(朱震亨) theory and new theory of "The kidney is the basis of apriority, The spleen is the basis of posterior", so it emphasized the rol of spleen and kidney(脾腎) for Jang-Boo-Byung-Gi(臟腑病機). It contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of the cause and treatment of disease by colour or fatness of man(black break or white, fat or thin). It also contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of "phlegm break out fever, fever break out palsy"(痰生熱 熱生風) and the theory of Sang-Wha(相火論) Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham contained Lee-Go's theory of Wha-Yu-Won-Bool-Yang-Lib (火與元氣不兩立論) quoted the theory of Bi-Wi(脾胃論) and the theory of Nae-Oi -Sang-Byun(內外傷辨). For the use of medicine, it followed the theory by Lee-Go. It used Yoo-Wan-So's theory of Oh-Gi-Kwa-Keung-Gae-Wi-Yul-Byung(五志過極皆爲熱病) for the treatment of hurt-spirit(傷神) because fever was considered as the cuse of disease. It also used Jang-Jong-Jung's theory of Saeng-Keun-Je- Seung(生克制勝) for the treatment of mental disease. 9. Lee-je-ma's Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won(『東醫壽世保元』) adopted medical theories of Song-Won-Myung era and analyzed these theories using the physical constitutional theory of Sa-Sang-in(四象人). It added Dong-Mu's main idea to complete the theory and clinics of Sa-Sang-Eui-Hak(四象醫學) Lee-Je-Ma didn't quote the four noted physicians of Geum-won era to discuss that the physical constitutional theory of disease and medicine from Tae-Eum-In(太陰人). So-Yang-In(少陽人), So-Eum-In(少陰人), and Tae-Yang-In(太陽人) was invented from their theories.

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        연암(燕巖)과 형암(炯菴)의 만남과 교유에 대하여

        권정원 ( Jung Won Kwon ) 韓國漢字漢文敎育學會 2009 漢字 漢文敎育 Vol.22 No.-

        본고는 연암 박지원과 형암 이덕무의 만남과 교유를 통해 백탑시사 문인들 간의 영향관계를 살필 수 있는 선행 작업의 일환이다. 형암 이덕무는 북학파의 일원으로 연암 박지원의 영향을 많이 받은 인물로 알려져 있다. 이는 두 사람의 문학관이 흡사하고 사용한 비평 용어 또한 동일한 데서 연유한 것이다. 박지원의 문학관은 `법고창신`으로 요약할 수 있으며, 이덕무의 문학관 또한 의고와 창신의 `절충론`으로 정리할 수 있다. 그리고 이 둘은 모두 당시 크게 유행하던 명대 전후칠자의 의고주의와 공안파의 창신주의를 절충하고자 했다는 점에서 동일한 논리이다. 그런데 박지원이 법고창신의 문학관을 개진한 것은 1768년이고, 이덕무의 절충론은 1765년의 기록에 이미 나타나고 있다. 그리고 이덕무가 「영處稿自序」에서 힘주어 말한 영兒와 處女의 비평적 이미지는 박지원의 「영處稿序」에서도 그대로 반복된다. 물론 박지원의 「영처고서」는 이덕무가 연암에게 보여준 원고에 쓴 것일 터이다. 그러므로 이덕무의 문학관은 박지원의 영향을 받아 형성된 것이 아니라 박지원을 만나기 이전에 이미 형성되어 있었던 것이다. 박지원과 이덕무의 만남은 이들이 대사동 「백탑부근」으로 이사한 1768년 이후부터 라고 한다. 박지원이 이곳으로 이사한 것은 1768년 이고, 이덕무가 대사동으로 이사한 것은 1766년 5월 27일 이었다. 그러므로 박지원이 대사동으로 이사한 이후 이들의 교유가 `본격적으로` 시작되었다고 하겠다. 하지만 1768년 이전에 이들이 만났거나 혹은 간접적으로나마 영향을 받았을 가능성은 없는 것인가? 이덕무의 초기 교유관계는 대체로 서얼을 중심으로 이루어졌다. 이덕무가 10대 시절의 대부분을 보낸 것은 그의 외숙 박순원의 집이었는데, 이덕무의 외가는 반남박씨로 박순원은 박지원과 같은 항렬을 사용하는 인척관계였다. 이덕무의 처남 백동수는 이덕무와 처남매부 사이이자 매우 절친한 친구사이였다. 그는 어린 시절 이윤영에게 『주역』을 배웠는데, 이 시기 박지원 역시 이윤영에게 주역을 배우고 있었다. 즉 1758년 무렵 백동수와 박지원의 교유가 시작되었던 것이다. 그리고 이덕무가 경제적 도움을 많이 받았던 서상수 또한 1765년 이전에 박지원과 교유가 있었다. 이렇듯 이덕무 주변의 여러 인물들이 박지원과 관계를 맺고 있었다. 물론 당시는 嫡庶의 구분이 엄격했기에 긴밀한 교유가 이루어지지는 못했겠지만, 동시대 같은 서울 도성 내 거주했던 사람들이기에 서로 알고 지냈을 가능성을 전혀 배제할 수는 없을 것이다. 따라서 박지원과 이덕무 두 사람의 문집 어디에도 이들이 1768년 이전에 교유했다는 직접적인 언급은 없지만, 이들이 서로를 알고 간접적으로나마 영향을 주고받았을 가능성은 충분하다고 하겠다. This paper is part of a preliminary research that examines encounter and personal exchanges between Yeonam(燕巖) Park Ji-won(朴趾源) and Hyeongam(炯菴) Lee Deok-mu(李德懋) in order to understand relationships among members of the White Tower poet coterie. Hyeongam Lee Deok-mu was a member of the Northern Practical Learning School and was largely influenced by ideas of Yeonam because the two had shared views on literature and used same terms for critique. Yeonam`s philosophy of literature can be summarized as `creation of the new based on the old「法古創新」,` and that of Hyeongam can be summarized as `eclecticism「折衷論」` between classical and new style. In was in 1768 that Park Ji-won made a statement on `creation of the new based on the old` as his philosophy of literature, while Lee Deok-mu`s eclectic philosophy can be found in historical records as early as 1765. In other words, Lee`s philosophy was formed even before he met Park Ji-won. The two are known to have met sometime after 1768 when they moved to Daesa-dong(大寺洞). Is there a chance that they met earlier or wielded influence on the other indirectly? Lee Deok-mu`s initial circle of friends mostly consisted of people who were not legitimate member of their families. Lee spent most of his teenage years at Park Sun-won(朴淳源)`s house, who was his uncle on the mother`s side. The clan`s place of origin was Bannam, same with Park Ji-won, and they were distant relatives. Lee was very close with his wife`s brother Baek Dong-su(白東脩), who got acquainted with Park Ji-won around 1758. Also, Lee provided generous financial support to Seo Sang-su(徐常修), who had personal relationship with Park Ji-won before 1765. Like this, many friends of Lee Deok-mu were also acquainted with Park Ji-won. Since the distinction between legitimate and illegitimate children was rather strict at the time, exchanges between the two groups were not active. However, it is not entirely impossible that certain people who lived within the realm of Seoul palace got to know one another. The exchanges between Park Ji-won and Lee Deok-mu took offwith activities of the White Tower poet coterie after 1768. Main members included Park Ji-won, lee Deok-mu, Seo Sang-su, Park Je-ga(朴齊家), Yu Deuk-gong(柳得恭) and Lee Seo-gu(李書九). They often had poem-reading meetings, drank spirits and tea, composed poem and enjoyed music and chat together. They wrote foreword and critique for one another`s writing collections. Sometimes they went on excursions to other provinces and wrote about the scenery and impression of the new place. It is reasonable to think that members of the Northern Practical Learning School influenced one another to create their own literary world rather than to insist that Park Ji-won had sole influence on all of the school members. Influence is more a result of interactive exchanges than one-sided effect.

      • KCI등재후보

        주제4 : 화쟁사상을 둘러싼 쟁점 검토

        박태원 ( Tae Won Park ) 한국불교사연구소 2013 한국불교사연구 Vol.2 No.-

        기존의 화쟁사상 연구들은 크게 두 가지 상이한 태도 위에 진행되고 있다. 화쟁사상과 원효의 일심 및 전체사상을 무차별하게 결합시켜 다루는 경우가 하나이고, 양자를 구별하여 취급하는 경우가 다른 하나이다. 그리고 화쟁사상의 범주와 대상을 제한시켜 탐구하는 연구들은 다시 그 범주와 대상을 무엇으로 보느냐에 대해 입장이 갈라진다. 원효 사상 전체를 화쟁의 논리에 의거하여 독해하려는 방식에서는 화쟁사상과 원효사상은 구별할 필요가 없이 완전히 하나로 결합되어 버린다. 이러한 독해는 ‘화쟁'이라는 말의 의미와 범주를 지나치게 자의적으로 확대시키고 있고, 그에 따라 화쟁 특유의 문제의식과 실제 범주로부터 일탈하고 있다. 확인 가능한 자료에 의거하는 한, 화쟁사상의 범주는 원효사상의 전체 체계와는 구별되어야 한다. ‘화쟁'은 구체적 쟁론들을 염두에 둔 문제 해결의 태도를 담고 있는 언어이며, 원효 자신도 그러한 의미로서 사용했다고 보아야 한다. 화쟁사상의 범주는 ‘불교 이론에 관한 상이한 견해들'로, 화쟁의 대상은 ‘불교 이론에 관한 상이한 견해들로 인해 생겨난 배타적 대립과 불화 및 상호불통 상황'이라 보는 것이 적절하다. 그리고 신, 구유식의 갈등이나 중관과 유식의 공·유 대립은 원효가 전개한 화쟁 논법의 대상으로 보기 어렵다. 아울러 화쟁이론의 성격은 ‘화해이론으로서의 종합주의'라기 보다는, ‘통섭(通攝)이론으로서의 화회(和會)주의'라 부르는 것이 적절하다. 원효가 구사하고 있는 화쟁의 논리 형식을 확인하는 작업은 화쟁 원리의 이해를 위해 필요하다. 그러나 모든 쟁론 상황에 적용하기만 하면 화쟁이 되는, 그러한 논리 형식은 존재하지 않는다. 원효의 화쟁 논리에 대한 관심이 그러한 기대를 담고 있는 것이라면, 그 탐구 결과는 공허할 수밖에 없다. 화쟁 논법의 구성 원리를 이해하기 위해서 무엇보다도 긴요한 것은, 화쟁의 논리 형식을 펼쳐내는 ‘원천'의 내용과 의미에 대한 세밀한 포착이다. ‘긍정·부정의 자유자재' ‘극단적 견해를 버림' 등의 논리형식은 그럴듯해 보일지 몰라도, 실제 쟁론에 적용하기에는 모호하거나 막연하여 문제 해결에 무력하다. 쟁론의 문제 해결을 위해 실제로 요구되는 것은, ‘긍정과 부정 및 극단적 견해의 내용 여하를 변별하는 경계선을 적절하게 설정할 수 있는 능력'이다. 긍정과 부정의 적절한 경계선을 포착하는 능력이 수반되지 않는 ‘긍정·부정의 자재'는 공허할 뿐 아니라 위험하기조차 하다. 화쟁의 논리형식이 솟구치는 ‘원천'은, 이 ‘긍정·부정의 적절한 변별과 판단을 위한 경계선 포착력'을 근원적 수준에서 계발시키고 발전시켜 줄 수 있는 것이어야 한다. 원효의 화쟁 논법이 그러한 원천에 기반하는 것이라면, 화쟁 논법은 불교적 쟁론뿐 아니라 세간의 쟁론 일반의 치유에도 유효할 수 있는 보편적 화쟁력을 발휘할 수 있다. 만약 화쟁 논법의 원천에서 그러한 내용과 의미를 포착할 수 없다면, 화쟁사상의 한계는 명백하다. 향후의 화쟁사상 탐구는 이 점에 주력해야 한다. There has been two different types of study on the Won-hyo`s philosophy of dispute-reconciliation(和諍). One type is to connect the thought of dispute-reconciliation with the whole system of Won-hyo`s philosophy indiscriminately, another type is to treat them discriminately. The type of connecting the philosophy of dispute-reconciliation with the whole system of Won-hyo`s philosophy indiscriminately expands the category and meaning of the word dispute-reconciliation(和諍)` too much, thus deviates from the actual category and problem of dispute-reconciliation(和諍). ‘Dispute-reconciliation(和諍)' is the word that has the desire to solve the concrete disputes, and Won-hyo must have to use the word with this meaning. The category of the philosophy of dispute-reconciliation(和諍) is the different understandings on the Buddhist theories, and the object of dispute-reconciliation(和諍) is the situation of exclusive confrontation and conflict and non-communication caused by it. The disagreement between ex-school of Yogacara(舊唯識) and neo-school of Yogacara(新唯識), and the confrontation of emptiness(空)·existence(有) of Madhyamaka(中觀)·Yogacara(唯識) cannot be regarded as the object of Won-hyo`s dispute-reconciliation(和諍). In order to understand the composition-principle of Won-hyo`s dispute-reconciliation argument(和諍論法), the contents and meaning of the source of dispute-reconciliation`s logic must be elucidated in detail. The source of dispute-reconciliation`s logic is to develop the capability to grasp the boundary line for the appropriate discrimination and decision of affirmation or negation. If Won-hyo`s dispute-reconciliation argument(和諍論法) is to be founded on that source, his dispute-reconciliation argument(和諍論法) could not only have the healing capability on the Buddhist disputes but have the universal capability of healing on mundane disputes. The research on Won-hyo`s dispute-reconciliation argument(和諍論法) hereafter needs to concentrate on this subject. Subject : Buddhist Philosophy, Philosophy of Won-hyo`s dispute-reconciliation

      • KCI등재

        Dialogue between Buddhism and Won-Buddhism

        Yong-sang Won(원영상) 동국대학교 불교문화연구원 2014 International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Cultur Vol.23 No.-

        This paper attempts to examine the dialogue between Buddhism and Won-Buddhist reformation. First, it investigates the religious character of Won-Buddhism from the perspective of historical development, it also examines the aspect of popular religion based on traditional Buddhism and comprehensive religion. Finally, Won-Buddhism as an engaged Buddhism is shown to be a modernized Buddhist order. The dialogue between Buddhism and Won-Buddhism was developed through tradition and reformation, singled-minded practice and harmonious comprehensiveness. As for the former, it was compared with traditional orders in Korea, explored the possibility of dialogue between both sides, while considering Won-Buddhism's deconstruction and newly organization of the Three Jewels of the Buddha, Dharma, and Saṃgha. As for the latter, it sought dialogue between the sect-centric traditional orders of Buddhism and the aspect of the harmoniously comprehensive thoughts of Won-Buddhism. In other words, it elucidated the character of Won-Buddhism as a comprehensive Buddhism and a comprehensive religion, harmonious comprehensiveness between the spiritual and scientific civilization, and the aspect of unity of religious and economic lives. It also argued from the position of traditional Buddhism about how to accept and communicate with it. It illuminated that traditional Buddhism and Won-Buddhism at last should learn from each other and need to cooperate and unite to respond to local as well as global issues.

      • KCI등재

        도서관경영(圖書館經營)에 있어서의 시스팀 분석기법응용(分析技法應用)에 관한 연구(硏究)

        권기원,Gweon,,Gyi-Won 한국비블리아학회 1974 한국비블리아학회지 Vol.2 No.-

        It needs to put into practice the systems analysis in the analysis of some operations and status of library for the purpose of systematizing the work of reforming in the new easier form to process, to storage, to retrieve and to make use of the increasing informations and data of library. In this study, some of systems which are generally using in every library was caught in the case study of K university library. Having analyzed them with the two methods of the flowcharting and mathematical analysis, we found the obstructive factors in operation. As the result of this research, it was gained the new system as the alternative one. A. Alternative System B. Advantages of alternative systems 1. In the reference room When it converts the present system into the new system, it can profit 6.771 won/user (13.815won-7.044won=6.771 won). Therefore, a half the average required cost of the present system can be saved. If this saving would be alloted for the cost 33,000won required to make the cataloging cards, it would be taken for 94 days (33,000 won ${\div}$ 6,771 won/user=4,874users. 4,874users ${\div}$ 52users/day=94days) to get it. The saving cost/year by the new system will be 95,417 won, and in the first year the initial cost (33,000won) reduces the saving cost to 62,417won. 2. In the periodical room The average required time for using the materials of the present system is 17 minutes/user and the average required cost/user is 23.775won, while the average required time of the new system is 4 minutes and the average required cost/user is 5.33won. Therefore, the new system has profit 4 times of the present system. Accordingly, it occurs when the dispersed periodical materials get together. 3. In the classification and cataloging When one processes - the oriental books - by the Linear Programming Technique, the maximum of the process can be increased from 11.6 volumes per librarian of the present system to 12 volumes per librarian of the new system increased 0.4 volume in a day, and cataloging by the manual printer can be shorten from 3 minutes per card of the present system to 1.5 minutes per card of the new system. Consequently, we can complete the other operations (books equipment, updating of cataloging cards, etc.) with 141 minutes which are saved in the course of the afore-mentioned works. 4. In the status of collections The average growth rate of 4 years from 1968 to 1971 is 9.825 %, and that of the purchased materials is 6.2% similar to the advanced nations, but it has the different position from 215,000 volumes by the Standard Degree for Establishment of College and University, and the difference between the total collections 151,671 volumes and Dunns' growth model ($N_t=N_oe^{-at}$) claimed by Leimkuhler 155,297 volumes in 1971 is 3,626 volumes, and for the purpose of compensation the difference, we found the fact that it needs to have the increased budget of 24~30% per year, Thus, if the budget of 24~30 % per year. Thus, if the budget would be increased per year as the rate of the afore-mentioned figure, it would be reached at the Standard Degree for Establishment of College and University in 1975, and thereafter, it can be decreased to the lebel which is able to maintain the growth rate of 5~6% per year.

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