필리핀의 官僚的 權威主義의 生成에 관한 硏究

姜太勳 단국대학교 1986 論文集 Vol.20 No.-

Modernization theory in the 1960s is mainly concerned with interrelationship between industrialization and political democracy. This theory suggests that more advanced industrialization is associated with the emergence of democracy and eqality. However, the resurgence of military rule in newly industrialized countries in LatinAmerica called into question the modernization theory. In p1ace of this earlier theory, Guillermo O'donnell suggested a new model-called Bureaucratic Authoritarianism (B.A.mode1) explaining the emergence of new authoritarianism in the industrially more advanced Latin American countries. The purpose of the present study is to examine the relevancy of the B.A. model to the case of the Marcos' martial law regime in the Philippines. The martial law regime in the Philippines has quite similar characteristics as those of Latin American B.A. regimes: depoliticization of popular sector, abolition of e1ections,legislative and political parties, the adoption of a techngratic, approach to policy making, and the expansion of state role in promoting economic devolopment. This study, therefore, focuses on the following question: How is it that Philippines with such different cultural and historical traits from those of Latin America appeared to be arriving at quite similar politicoeconomic system? Although common experience of dependency and delayed industrialization seems to have generated quite comparable politico-economic system, there are several different factors at work that lead to the authoritarian system in the Philippines due to the different cultural and historical backgrounds. The fol1owing conclusions are drawn from the present study. The processes that led to me emergence of the authoritararisnism in the Philippines are different from those of Latin America in several respects. First, the authoritarian regime in the Philippines emerged not only from the economic crises of dependent industrialization but also from indirect encouragement of the United States which has had her important strategic and economic interests in the Prilippines. Second, the turn to the authoritarian system in the Philippines was due to the necessity not for the deepening of industrial structure but for the promotion of export-led industrialization and efficient import substitution. Third, the activation of popular sector was weal in the Philippines because industrialization did not occur as widely and deeply as in Latin America. Fourth, the authoritarian system in the Philippines, unlike its counterparts in the Latin American countries which came into being by military coups, was inaugurated by the popularly elated president. This was due to the fact that President Morcos kept the military under his tight control. As seen from above, 0'donnell's model is partially relevant to the case of the Philippines because of the differences in industrialization, history and culture. However, O'donnell's B.A. model provides a useful conceptual framework for the understanding of political change in the Philippines.

韓國과 ASEAN의 政治·經濟 관계에 관한 硏究

姜太勳 단국대학교 1990 論文集 Vol.24 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to examine and assess the political and economic relations between Korea and ASEAN. From the perspective of the political and security cooperations, Korea and ASEAN conplement each other. Because the Korean peninsular and ASEAN are the where the strategic interests of the four major powers-U.S., China, the U.S.S.R and Japan-overlap each other, the conflicts in one area would for the ASEAN's efforts to end the conflicts of Kampuchia, while ASEAN recently has started to give full backing to the south Korea's peaceful unification policy. Due to the fact that ASEAN puts emphasis on its economic development for the pursuit of regional peace and stability, the cooperation between Korea and ASEAN would be more economic oriented rather than political ad security motivated. Thanks to their geographic proximity, the stages of economic development and resource endowments, the possibilities of economic cooperations between Korea and ASEAN would be very high. ASEAN has been restructuring its industry from the import-substitution to export oriented ones. This trends would not only make Korea and ASEAN easy to cooperate but also make them more competitive for the markets of the developed nations. Korea therefore needs to up-grade its industrial structure while less competitive labor oriented industry should be transferred to the ASEAN nations. Korea should not repeat such development strategy as Japan did in the past. Korea should seek a role as a sincere partner for the ASEAN's economic independence and prosperity. In this respect, Korea has to provide its experience of economic development and mid-level technology to ASEAN. By doing so, not only economic cooperations between Korea and ASEAN would be depend, but also Korea's relations with non-aligned nations would be improved, considering ASEAN's influence on the non-aligned nation.

Hydrogen Behavior in Ti-Added Reduced Activation Ferritic-Martensitic Steels

Kang‑Mook Ryu,Dae Geon Lee,Joonoh Moon,Chang‑Hoon Lee,Tae‑Ho Lee,Jae Sang Lee,Dong‑Woo Suh 대한금속·재료학회 2021 METALS AND MATERIALS International Vol.27 No.3

Hydrogen behavior and corresponding mechanical degradation were examined in TaTi-RAFM and EUROFER97 steels. Increased Ta content with Ti addition decelerates the hydrogen diffusion but increases the solubility in the lattice. It ismainly led by the higher fraction of Ta-rich MC carbides and dislocation density in TaTi-RAFM steel. Overall activationenergy of hydrogen trapping of investigated steels is evaluated to be 25.3 ~ 25.6 kJ/mol in the tempered condition. The activationenergy increases to nearly 30 kJ/mol when the steels are re-austenitized and quenched. Higher activation energy withincreased dislocation density indicates that the dislocation provides for trap site with higher activation energy than Ta-richMC carbide. Mechanical degradation by hydrogen with respect to the yield strength, tensile strength and uniform elongationcould not be observed in all investigated steels. The presence of hydrogen only has influence on the loss of post-uniformelongation. For a given charging time, the loss of post-uniform elongation is more remarkable in TaTi-RAFM steel due tothe larger hydrogen uptake.

危機對處政策의 類型에 관한 硏究 : 國家自律性과 「維新」 The State Autonomy and YUSHIN

姜珉,朱秀基,姜太勳 단국대학교 1985 論文集 Vol.19 No.-

The important issue in understanding the dependent capitalist state appears to be concerned with the state role and state autonomy. In this vein, the functions and characteristics of the state need to be reanalyzed in their interrelationships. Under what condition and circumstance enjoy autonomy from the ruling classes and others? How are the state autonomy and the policy mechanism interrelated in the crisis situations? These are primary concerns in this study. The purpose of the present study is to formulate a conceptual framework for analyzing the policy styles of crisis management and, then, apply the formulated framework to an actual case (YUSHIN is selected in this study). To do so, the study reviews ⅰ) the state role and crisis dimensions, ⅱ) the situational determinants and variables in the state autonomy, and ⅲ) the instrumental autonomy and policy styles. In order to understand the crisis syndromes of national security during the Third Republic, the present study places its emphases on the undermining factors in inter-Korean relations, those changes in international context, and the disturbances in international political economy. Then, the present study focuses upon the capital accumulation, the legitimacy crisis and the stateautonomy in terms of state unity, state power, cohesiveness of the ruling class, and activation of the popular class. The following conclusions are secured from this study on the policy styles of crisis management by examining the state autonomy and YUSHIN. First. The state managers have demonstrated an active attitude in coping with the immediate problems, and their styles of policy implementation can be characterized by the imposition pattern--rather than by the consensus pattern. Second. The aforementioned policy pattern resulted in the concentration ofl politiacal power on the part of the President and his subordinate technocrats. Third. Thus, the state autonomy has been strengthened furthermore. In other words, state unity, the cohesiveness of the ruling class and state power have been reinforced consequently. Fourth. The political and economic demands of the popular classes, which have been increased in the process of industrialization, became greatly activated. Finally, it emerged as a political force which could decrease the level of state autonomy. Fifth. Viewed from a comparative perspective, YUNSHIN reveals some distinctive characteristics in comparison with other crisis situations. In YUSHIN, the military did not participate actively and openly in coping with the crisis, and it stood on the same side with the ruling elites in the existing political system. In other words, the military directly intervened into the political scene with physical forces in the crises such as 「4.19」,「5.16」and「10.26」. To the contrary, in the case of YUNSHIN, the crisis was rather successfully managed only with the side support from the military.

政治, 經濟, 經營的 側面에서 考察한 日本의 發展戰略에 관한 硏究

姜太勳,田馨,李光周 韓日經商學會 1994 韓日經商論集 Vol.10 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to explore the key factors which brought on the Japan's high speed economic growth in the postwar periods. There are largely two approahes which deal with this issue: the state-business relations and the Japanese style management. This study undertook critical reviews on the existing literatures. There are four models in the state-business relations: bureaucratic-led devlopment model; market oriented model; network model; and corporatism. Considering industrial policy as only state intervention into the market, all four models was not able to explain fully different policy patterns in the respective industrial sectors. Acordingly, it is more relevant to consider industrial policy as conflict resolution among actors, existing in the state and market, who realize their interests respectively. In this context, one has to understand policy network patterns in the respective industrial sectors which emerge out of interactions among not only bureaucracy's industrial strategy but also business' strategy, cooperation and competition between business and bureaucracy, and poitician's intervention into the industrial sectors. In the managerial perspectives, not only life employment system, seniority system, corporate union system but also relational theory, technological development, production system were analyzed.

환자의 마취전후 병력 또는 불편요서의 현황(2)

강태훈,양홍석,김진윤,최병권,조형상 중앙대부설한국의과학연구소 1990 한국의과학 Vol.22 No.4

전후 일본의 동남아 정책 : 후쿠다(福田赳夫) 독트린을 중심으로

강태훈 단국대학교 1998 論文集 Vol.32 No.-

Under the security umbrella of the US. Japan could concentrate itself on economic development in postwar era. As a result, Japan has enormously expanded its economic relations with the Southeast Asian countries. However, almost one sided economic penetration into ASEAN countries by Japan provoked anti-Japanese feeling. The riots during Prime Minister Tanaka's 1974 Southeast Asian tour are reflection of this. They challenged acherished Japanese notion that Japan's economic growth in and of itself was appreciated as beneficial to the region as a whole. Japan had to rearrange its postwar Southeast Asian policy. The Fukuda Doctrine is regarded as a major turning point in postwar Japan-Southeast Asian relations in that it provided what Japan regarded as a statement of its political interests in this region. In a celebrated speech in Manila at the end of his trip to the ASEAN countries, Fukuda announced that Japan would not become a military power, that it would cooperate with the Southeast Asian countries in developing practical cooperation in the political, economic, social, and cultural spheres, and that Japan would assist in strengthening the solidarity and resilience of the ASEAN member countries while fostering mutual understanding between them and the nations of Indochina. The bridging role between ASEAN and the Indochinese countries could not bear fruit due to the invasion of Vietnam into Cambodia in 1978, and the subsequent confrontation between ASEAN and Vietnam. Although the termination of the Cold War was mainly responsible for the end of the Combodian conflict, Japan did play a contributing role toward the solution of the conflict. Japan tried to pursuade all four Cambodian factions to accept its proposal of phased disarming and preventive measures of mass murder under the UN auspicies. The assistance in strengthening the solidarity and resilience of ASEAN's approach that APEC should be a loose consultative forum based on consensus, while the US preferred a more structured and contractual approach. However, in its approach toward EAEC, Japan, out of deference to the US. has been reticent toward this proposed caucus, which the ASEAN foreign ministers formally endorsed in 1993. Thus, Japan often finds itself mired in the crossfire between competing camps of APEC's Asian and Western members. As shown in the Cambodian conflict, Japan's role in the solution of the conflict was limited. In the regional economic cooperation of APEC. Japan could not but taking into consideration both ASEAN and the US. Japan needs the continuous economic and political presence of the US in this region. Japan's sole political and economic leadership in this region would arose the suspicion of the Japanese intention. Moreover, despite its significant economic pressure in East Asia, Japan is unable to maintain self-sustained growth of regional economics. ASEAN economies are still dependent upon extraregional sources. especially the US for technologies, investment, loans and markets. Therefore, it's Japan's interest to be a partner with the US shaping political economy in Southeast Asia. All things considered, Japan cannot play a hegemonic role in the near future, but will assume a supporting role for the US in this region.

「弘文館志」解題

姜泰訓 혜전대학 1999 出版文化硏究所論文集 Vol.1 No.-

전복 및 해삼의 건조방법에 따른 성분의 비교

강훈이,강태중 한국농화학회 1981 Applied Biological Chemistry (Appl Biol Chem) Vol.24 No.2

General composition, amines, and flesh tissue of boiled-dryed abalone and sea cucumber were compared with those of the freeze-dried abalone and sea cucumber. No significant differences were found in the general composition between the boiled-dried and freeze-dried, but the slight amount of soup flowed out from the boiled-dried. A specific feature is that 28.24% of ash was found in the boild-dried sea cucumber and 3.99% of ash in the freeze dried one in order of Na, K, Mg, Ca. Such contents of ash are considered to be due to salt and soft bone of samples. In the changes of amines in abalone and sea cucumber, trimethylamine oxide (TMAO) showed no great difference between raw samples and the dried ones, but showed the decrease of 43% to 54% in the boiled-dried ones, compared with raw ones. Trimethylamine (TMA) was richer in the boiled-dried than in the dried. Dimethylamine (DMA) which has tendency of causing cancer in the human body showed 14 times of content in the freeze boiled-dried abalone, 18.5 times in the boiled-dried sea cu cumber and also showed 4.7 to 6.7 times of increase in the freeze dried, respectively compared with raw ones. The muscular change of abalone was not found in at freeze dried samples, but a considerable change in sea cucumber.

高麗時代 君王敎育의 內容과 思想

姜泰訓 圓光大學校大學院 1989 論文集 Vol.4 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to survey the content, the institution, and the ideal of the royal education of Koryo-Dynasty. This paper used mainly the Koryo History and the Summary of the Koryo History(Koryose-Cholyo) as the historical meterials. The following items were found out through this study. 1. The royal education started informally at the period of the kingdom of three dynasties. But the formal education started at the former perids of the Koryo-Dynasty. 2. The royal education was prevalent at the periods of the Kings of Ye-jong and In-jong who had the strong scolastic and educational enthusiasm and recognized deeply the necessity of the political discipline. As the result, the royal education was given frequently. 3. The contents of the education were about developing the governer's morality and teaching the ways of governing. 4. The institutes of the royal education were mainly the House of Pomoon and the Kyung-yun. 5. The ideals of the royal education were the kings' moral culture, the people's welfare and the naturalism. And they were derived from the thought of the Scripture of Documents(the Shoo-King).