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Palatalization and Affrication
Soonhyun Hong 한국음운론학회 2000 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.6 No.1
Hong, Soonhyun. 2000. Palatalization and Affrication. Studies In Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 6.1, 159-179. In the literature on Korean phonology, it has been reported that coronal consonants excluding dental /t/ and postalveolar /c/, undergo allophonic palatalization before a front high vocoid whereas /t/ undergoes phonemic palatalization to [c] at a suffixal boundary without undergoing allophonic palatalization. According to this report, only /t/ before tautomorphemic /i/ abnormally undergoes neither phonemic nor allophonic palatalization. Contrary to this observation, Kiparsky 1993 newly reports for Korean that all coronals including affricate /c/ and stop /t/ undergo allophonic palatalization and the /c/ which is derived from /t/ at a suffixal boundary also undergoes allophonic palatalization. This paper shows why the traditional analysis of palatalization is problematic and why Kiparsky's observation is on the right track. (Inha University)
Output-oriented t and s in English Ioanwords in Korean
Soonhyun Hong 한국음운론학회 2001 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.7 No.1
Hong, Soonhyun. 2001. Output-oriented t and s in English loanwords in Korean. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 7.1, 243-263. When. English words are borrowed into Korean, native suffixal elements are concatenated and as a result, the resulting surface string consists of a loanword followed by a native suffix, e.g. [syuph?mak?es-e] 'supennarket-at'. English word-final [t] before a vowel-initial suffix surfaces as [s]. On the other hand, English word-final [s] blindly surfaces as [si], e.g. [k?isi] 'kiss' and [k?isi-e] 'kiss-at', in the loanwords regardless of a following suffix. In the surface-oriented Optimality Theory, Kang 1999 proposes that the loanword and native portions of the string are not processed or evaluated simultaneously and serial derivation or multiple levels should be considered for the analysis. However, we will demonstrate that the ""surface-level only"" Optimality Theory can explain how the [t] and [s] of input English words are realized in the output loanwords, while keeping the original parallelism and ""surface-level-only"" concepts of Optimality Theory. (Inha University)
Soonhyun Hong 한국음운론학회 2013 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.19 No.3
Korean university learners of American English have difficulty differentiating between English /?/, /?/ and /?/ as well as between /i/ and /?/, /?/ and /æ/ and /?/ and /u/. Yang (2010) and Hong (2011, 2012) discussed extensively Korean talkers’ perception of the latter three vowel pairs only. This paper, on the other hand, focuses on Korean talkers’ perception of English /?/, /?/ and /?/, among which Korean talkers have difficulty differentiating. This paper, using a forced-choice identification test with spoken hVd stimuli in Hillenbrand et al. (1995), hypothesizes that Korean and American talkers use different cues with different weighting despite the existence of corresponding similar Korean vowels (Morrison 2002, Escudero and Boersma 2004, Holt and Lotto 2006, Ylinen et al. 2009). Based on the measured duration, F0, F1, F2 and F3, stepwise Discriminant Analysis, a multivariate analysis, was waged on the identification performance for English /?/, /?/ and /?/ by American and Korean talkers, deriving two discriminant functions. These functions are latent variables (i.e., linear functions of weighted cues) and were used to plot vowel stimuli and vowel group centroids in perceptual vowel space with two latent variables. As a result, a given vowel stimulus will be plotted closest to its vowel group centroid. By comparing Korean and American talkers’ models, it was found that Korean talkers use different strategies in perceiving the three vowels in question from American talkers as to how those latent functions were composed of for English vowel perception. The two latent variables explained 98.3% of American talkers’ identification performance while 71.3% of Korean talkers’ identification. These results suggest that Korean talkers use different perception strategies in differentiating between the three vowels from American talkers and their perception strategies are not stable.
Soonhyun Hong 한국음운론학회 2016 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.22 No.3
Hillenbrand et al. (1995) showed in a pattern recognition modeling study of American English listeners’ vowel perception that American English vowel signals are characterized by dynamic spectral properties, and that American English listeners’ vowel perception can be modeled best with American English vowel inherent dynamic spectral properties. The present study, on the other hand, investigated the production side of the vowel inherent spectral properties of American English talkers’ and Korean talkers’ English vowel signals, by fitting four different production-based pattern recognition classification models (K-Nearest Neighbors, Random Forests, Support Vector Machine and Logistic Regression) directly to American English and Korean talkers’ English vowel signals. The results showed that American English talkers’ vowel signals were best characterized by dynamic spectral properties but Korean talkers’ English vowel signals by static spectral properties.
Systematic centralized reduction at the offset of Korean monophthong signals in spontaneous speech
Soonhyun Hong 한국음운론학회 2020 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.26 No.3
The present paper reports the observation that the signals of all Korean monophthong types in spontaneous speech are characterized by a unique spectral pattern over the temporal domain. Over the course of production, Korean monophthong signals showed quite stable F1/F2 frequencies from 20% to 50% of vowel duration, but drastically moved toward the center of the acoustic vowel space from 50% to 80% of vowel duration. This unique spectral pattern was shared by signals of all monophthong types produced by both males and females. It was also found that centralized vowel reduction at the offset was more frequent in shorter signals than longer ones. The unique spectral centralization locally at the offset in Korean signals did not pattern together with reports in the literature that across-the-board articulatory undershoot occurs in the entire temporal domain of vowel signals in English and French.