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The purpose of this study is to examine the children's songs (tongyo 童謠) composed by Hong Nan-p'a (1898-1941) from a socio-historical standpoint. This study is based on the source materials of SP discs manufactured by Japanese Columbia and Victor Record Companies during the colonial period of Japan (1910-1945). The content of this paper consists of 1. Introduction, 2. An Examination of the Children's Songs by Hong Nan-p'a: 1) A General Survey of Pieces of the Children's Songs Recorded in SP Discs, 2) Text Writers and Singers of Hong's Children's Songs, 3) A Comparison with the Chosoˇn tongyo paekkokchip (An Anthology of Hong's Children Songs), 3. Conclusion: A Historical Meaning of the Advent of Children's Song. In conclusion, the author points out the unknown fact, i.e. the three pieces of Hong's children's song: Pyoˇngari (병아리 A Chick), Agi jaeunuˇn norae (아기 재우는 노래 A Cradle Song), and Ch'umch'use (춤추세 Let's Dance), all of which are not included in the Chosoˇn tongyo paekkokchip (An Anthology of Hong's Children's Songs), which was published in 1929. The historical meaning of Hong's children's songs must be remarked by the fact that, like ch'ansongga (讚頌歌 Christian hymns) and ch'angga (唱歌 new songs in western style), the advent of children songs in the 1920s opened a new era of modern history of Korean music.
The aim of this dissertation is to inquire into the Korean poetic songs made or sung in Koryo period, and to reveal the names, the classification, the form and the transition process of genre for the Korean poetic songs via philological, empirical, and other methods. It seems that the re were lots of poetic songs in Koryo Period. However, the works which were handed down up to now are onl y 13 pieces of Hyang-ga, 16 pieces of Koryo-kayo and a few pieces of Sijo. Because there were no Korean letter to write freely at that time, and besides. the intellectuals of that period regarded poetic songs made in Korean language as something vulgar. I include even those works not remaining today into the subject matter of the study. The consequences of the study can be summarized as follows. 1) It is erroneous to say that Hyang-ga had already disappeared in Koryo period, as many scholars contend. For there had been writers and works of Hyang-ga until later Koryo period. (2- 2) Therefore I think that Hyang- ga had been sung until later Koryo period. 2) No agreement has yet been made on the origin of Si-jo among scholars, but I think that Hyang- ga was changed into Si-jo. I have the opinion that after the transition, Si-jo exist ed together with Hyang- ga by the end of Koryo period. For it is proved that original form of Si-jo is to be found out of "Silla Choyongga" part in "Koryo Choyongga."(2--3--3, 2-3-4) 3) Korean poetic songs in Koryo period have bee. named variously such as "Sokga," "Sok-yo," "Kyong-gi-chega," "Kyong-gi-hayoga" etc. But these names don't represent the characteristics of Korean poetic songs in Koryo in full measure. (3-1) 4) Korean poetic songs are characterized by "refrain." If a song has a refrain, it continues in several stanzas, and if not, it ends in one stanza. I call the former "Yon- ga" ( continuing song), the latter, Hyang- ga.(3-1-6) 5) Many scholars have called Korean poetic songs as "Sok-ga" or "Kyong-gi-chega," but I regard them as "Yon- ga." Because they are connected in several stanzas followed by "refrain."(3-1-6) 6) Instead, such poetic songs as "Samo-kok", "Lees ang- kok" and "Man jonchun-Byolsa" are all Hyang- ga. Because they end in one stanza without refrain. (2-2-1) 7) Refrains can form a verse. And one-retrain-verse developed into two, three-and four- refrain verse. In practice. however, examples of three- or four-verse refrains are very rare.(3-3) 8) I put emphasis on "refrain." Based on the principle of unity, refrain is the standard by which all Korean poetic songs in Koryo period are classified. So Hyang- ga, Yon- ga and even so-called Sok- ga and Kyong- gi- chega can all be c1assified based on whether they have refrain or not and if they have refrain, they have one-refrain-verse or two-refrain-verse.(3-2) 9) Many scholars regard Korean poetic songs in Koryo period as either ballad or song of royal palace. But I think both forms of song were existed in that period. Part of ballads were sung in royal palace and the rest of them were sung by ordinary people, I think. By the way, In the course of ballad's introduction into royal palace, the words most probably have been changed ani must have been influenced by foreign music or songs. (And in this period, ballads are believed to have been considerably refined because of refrain.) (3-3-2) 10) In sum, Korean poetic songs made or sung in Koryo period can be classifie into the following two major categories. (1) Hyang-ga, ending in one stanza not followed by refrain. (2) Yon-ga, continuing in several stanzas followed by refrain. And Yon- ga in turn can be classified into two types of songs : (1) One-refrain-verse songs (so-called "Sok-ga") (2) Two-refrain-verse songs (so-called "Kyong- gi- chega) In this sense, in concluding remarks, the history of Korean poetic songs in Koryo period should be written in renewal. (4)
고대 중국의 가장 오래된 시가집으로서의 『시경』은 사서삼경의 경전으로 우리나라에 유입되어 유학사(儒學史)에 큰 영향을 끼쳤다. 특히 『시경』은 음악과 관련된 경전으로서 원래 노랫말이 있는 음악이었으며, “『시경』은 곧 『악경』”이라고 보는 학자들도 있으리만치 음악적인 면에서 중요한 경전의 위치를 점하고 있다. 특히 유학의 심화가 이루어지는 조선조에 『시경』은 문학 텍스트만이 아닌, 노랫말 있는 음악이라는 시각이 확대되었다. 텍스트만 남은 시에 노래 선율이 있다면 그 선율의 모습은 사람들마다 다르게 그려질 수 있다. 따라서 조선에서는 학문적 권위를 지니는 주희가 선택한 시경 선율을 유입하고 그것을 손보아 여러 의례에서 활용하였다. 또 『시경』의 텍스트가 지니고 있는 교화적 기능은 그 노랫말에 당시 쓰이고 있는 여러 선율을 붙여 연주하는 시도로 이어기지도 했다. 조선 전기에 여러 의례를 제정하는 가운데 활용된 『시경』의 노랫말 선택 양상에서 그러한 시도들을 찾을 수 있다. 그런가 하면 조선 후기로 가면서 『시경』이 ‘시와 악'의 화두와 함께 학문적 논의가 심화되는 현상들이 이어진다. 이처럼 조선조 음악에서 『시경』을 수용하거나 활용하는 사례는 다양하다. 이 글에서 그와 같은 양상에 대해 논의하였다. 첫째, 『시경』의 음악이 남아 있지 않기 때문에 중국에서 모의시악(模擬詩樂)을 만들어 놓은 음악을 조선이 수용하고 그것을 활용하는 양상에 대한 것, 둘째, 텍스트만 남아 있는 『시경』의 가사에 제3의 선율을 입혀 활용하는 양상, 셋째, 그러한 『시경』 관련 음악들이 여러 의례에서 쓰이는 양상에 관한 내용을 살펴보았다. 또 『시경』이 ‘노래가 있는 음악'이라는 전제에서 성립한 시악학(詩樂學)으로의 전개 양상에 관한 것도 논의하였다. The Book of Songs, which is the oldest book of poetry of the ancient China, is one of the scriptures of the Seven Chinese Classics and influenced the history of Confucianism after entering Korea. Especially, the Book of Songs is a scripture related to music which used to have lyrics and takes an important position as a scripture in terms of music so that some scholars even view the Book of Songs as the Scripture of Music. Especially in the Joseon Dynasty when Confucianism took its root firmly, the view that considered the Book of Songs as music with lyrics, not just as literary text, spread widely. If a poem that used to have a melody has only its text left, its melody will be imagined differently by different people. So during the Joseon Dynasty, the melody of the Book of Songs that had been chosen by Zhu Xi, who held academic authority, was introduced to Joseon, touched up, and used in various ceremonies. In addition, the edifying function of the text of the Book of Songs led to the efforts to combine the lyrics with various melodies that were used at that time. Such efforts can be found in the aspect of choosing lyrics of the Book of Songs, which were used in establishing various ceremonies in the early Joseon era. In the meantime, in the late Joseon era, there were in-depth academic discussions on the Book of Songs along with the theme of ‘poetry and music'. Like this, there were various cases where music in the Joseon Dynasty accepted or used the Book of Songs and this paper discussed such aspect. First of all, this paper examined the aspect of how Joseon accepted and used what China made as trial poetry and music, since the music of the Book of Songs does not exist now. Second, it reviewed the aspect of combining the lyrics of the Book of Songs with a third melody. Third, it studied the aspect of how music related to the Book of Songs was used in various ceremonies. Also, it discussed the developing aspect of the study of poetry and music that was formed under the premise that the Book of Songs was ‘music with songs'.
본고는 한국 최초의 영문 월간잡지 『The Korean Repository』에 게일(James Scarth Gale, 奇一, 1863-1936)이 소개한 문학작품 중, LOVE SONG이라고 인식한 번역시를 연구대상으로 하고 있다. 19세기 말에 이르러 한국 문학에 관련된 서양인들의 기록 또는 번역작품이 등 장하기 시작했다. 그 중에는 한국문학의 전반적인 인상이나 평을 기록한 오페르트(Ernest J. Oppert)나 그리피스(William E. Griffis)가 있었고, 한국 소설을 번역한 알렌(Horace Newton Allen)이나 아노로스(Arnous H. G)가 있었다. 한국시가에 대한 기록은 1895년에 이르러 처음 등장하는데, 바로 『The Korean Repository』에 실린 헐버트와 게일의 성과들이 그것이다. 이 중 게일은 『The Korean Repository 』에 여러 편의 한국시가를 번역하고 논의한 인물로서, 양적인 측면에서 단연 돋보인다. 『The Korean Repository』에 실린 게일의 번역시가는 ODE, LOVE SONG, SONG등으로 불린다. 이와 같은 명칭이 영시(英詩) 고유의 분류법임은 말할 것도 없다. 특히 LOVE SONG으로서의 한국시가는 가장 많은 편수가 번역되었음은 물론, 그 LOVE SONG으로서 처음 소개된 1895년 4월의 기사 ``KOREAN LOVESONG``에는 ``specimens of Korean versification(한국 시형식의 형태)``라고 소개되어 특히 주목된다. 본고는 이외에도 1896년 1월 소개된 ``LOVE SONGS``라고 소개된 작품까지 합하여 총 7편의 LOVE SONG을 연구 대상으로 삼았다. LOVE SONG으로서 한국시가들의 원문은 모두 『남훈태평가』에 실린 애정류시가이다. 이와 같은 특징은 다양한 주제의 ODE나 SONG과는 차별된다. 『The Korean Repository』는 1892년 1월에서 1898년 12월까지(1893년과 1894년의 2년의공백기를 제외하고) 6년에 걸쳐 발간되었는데, 이 시기는 한국의 애정류 시가가성행하던 시대이기도 하다. 더구나 게일이 번역의 대상으로 삼았던 『남훈태평가』에서 애정류 시가가 차지하는 비율은 가장 높다. 따라서 게일은 19세기말 한국사회에서 애정류 시가가 가장 유행했음을 인식하고 이 LOVE SONG을 번역하는데 관심을 쏟았으리라고 추측된다. 한편 LOVE SONG에 드러난 사랑의 표현방식은 『남훈태평가』의 원작과는 다른 모습을 보여주었다. LOVE SONG의 사랑표현은 매우 열정적이며, 구애의 방식에 있어서도 적극적인 모습을 보여주는 반면, 원작의 사랑표현은 간접적이며, 구애의 방식에 있어서도 적극적이지 못했다. 더구나 LOVE SONG은 시어 ``love``를 적극적으로 쓰는데 반하여, 원작에는 시어 ``?랑``이 한번도 등장하지 않는다. 게일은 번역의 과정에서 19세기 말 애정류 시가에 표현된 한국의 정서를 열정적이고 적극적인 사랑으로 변모시켰다. 훗날 게일은 『구운몽』, 『춘향전』 등의 번역에까지 이르게 되는데, 이와 같은 번역소설에 드러난 게일의 사랑관은 그 이전에 번역한 LOVE SONG으로서 시가에 드러난 사랑관과 연결시킬 수 있다. This article studied translated poems perceived as ``Love Songs``out of literary works published on "The Korean Repository", the first English monthly magazine in Korea, by James Scarth Gale (奇一, 1863~1936). In the end of the 19th century, records of Korean literature or translated literature works by westerners came to appear. Among them, there were Ernest J. Oppert and William E. Griffis who recorded overall impression and Horace Newton Allen and Arnous H. G who translated Korean literary works. Records on Korean lyrics first appeared in 1895, which was achievements of Herbert and Gale published on "The Korean Repository". Among them, Gale translated many Korean lyrics and discussed them on "The Korean Repository", and made remarkable achievements in terms of quantity. Korean lyrics on "The Korean Repository" translated by Gale are called as ODE, LOVE SONG or SONG. These names followed English poetry classification. In particular, the biggest number of Korean poems were translated under the name of ``LOVE SONG`` and the first article introducing Korean poetry under the title of ``KOREAN LOVE SONG`` in April 1895, they were introduced as ``specimens of Korean versification``. This article studied total 7 LOVE SONGS including the works introduced as ``LOVE SONGS``in January in 1896. The original texts of Korean poems published as LOVE SONGS were all love songs on "Namhuntaepyungga". Such characteristics made Korean love songs differentiated from ODE or SONG with various kinds of themes and subjects. "The Korean Repository" had been published for 6 years from January, 1892 to December, 1898 (excluding two years``break of 1893 and 1894), when love songs were popular in Korea. Additionally, "Namhuntaepyungga" which Gale translated contained high percentage of love songs. Actually, the highest portion of the works was love songs. It can be guessed that Gale perceived that love songs were popular in Korea at the end of the 19th century and tried to translate these love songs. On the other hand, the expressions of love on LOVE SONG were different from those on the original poems in "Namhuntaepyungga". Love expressions on LOVE SONG were very passionate and the courting method was very active, while those on the original works were indirect and less active in courting. Besides, in LOVE SONG ``love`` has been used actively but in original poems did not use ``?랑``at all. Gale transformed Korean`s emotion expressed in love songs in the 19thcentury to active and passionate love during the course of the translation. Later, Gale translated "Guwunmong" and "Chunhyangjeon", and sense of love shown in his translated novel could be connected to the sense of love shown in LOVE SONG that he had translated before.
I studied Song, Gyu-ryeom`s life through his `Annual Report` and writing series, `Jewoldangjip` and the ideology of the society that he lived in through the country activity. Song, Gyu-ryeom was a famous Confucian scholar who lived in Hoedeok at the latter Choseon dynasty. He was called the one of the three prominent `Songs` with Uam, Song, Si-yeol, and Dongchundang, Song, Jun-gil. The reason why Song, Gyu-ryeom`s ancestors who lived in Hoedeok was that Song, Myung-eui(Song, Gyu-ryeom`s 10th ancestor) settled there as he became the son-in-law of Hwang, Su who lived in Hoedeok. Since then many famous Confucian scholars came out of Eunjin Songs` family members and they thrived through marrying the nobles. When Song, Gyu-ryeom was a boy, he experienced Byeonjahoran and the fall of the Ming Dynasty. He also spend his adolescence under the mood that people insisted to conquer the Cheong Dynasty. So it made him follow Song, Si-yeol and Song, Jun-gil`s political and ideologic way and he learned the basic of study from them. Song, Gyu-ryeom was respected as a Confucian scholar in Hoedeok. He emphasized `Hyangeumjurye`, `Hyangsarye`, `Reading methods` at the society of the country. `Hyangeumjurye` means that Confucian scholars in the country gathered at Hyanggyo or Seowon and had a feast with prominent Confucian scholars. The Confucians learned the manner to respect honest people, to take care of the old people, and to experience good courtesy there. Also he taught students devotionally at the Sunghyeonseowon. In 1672(Sukjong 2nd year), he built the Jewoldang inside his house and spent his whole life on studying Confucianism and teaching students. Teaching students at the Jewoldang and the Sunghyeonseowon was theoretical part and Hyangeumjurye was the reformation project which included the education of practical manner. Like this, Song, Gyu-ryeomtried to carry out `manner` through personality based on Neo-Confucianism And Song, Gyu-ryeom also had the social ideology of the autonomy of the country. That idea was shown in the preface of Hoedeok Hyangyack(1672) that he wrote. Hoedeok Hyangyack was made into one book with Hoedeok Hyangyan. Then Song, Si-yeol made the preface of Hoedeok Hyangyan and Song, Jun-gil wrote it. And Song, Gyu-ryeom wrote the preface of Hyangyack which was attached to the back of Hyangyan. He was the core member to make the Hoedeok Hyangyack with two Songs. The reason why he was called as the one of the three Songs of Hoedeok might be due to this work. Hyangyack was the regulation that Hyangwon made for education and cooperation of the country people. So the Hoedeok Hyangyack also had the content like that. The Jewoldang was the place where Song, Gyu-ryeom studied and taught students with all effort at his old age. Also it was the place where he built for just studying after he abandoned his will to have a government position. The education place like this was the sign that he wanted to live with the nature and worked hard for teaching students. Song, Gyu-ryeom`s country activity showed his social ideology to improve national customs from the country customs with the spread of Hyangyack.
본 논문에서는 춘향가 중 이날치의 ‘동풍가' 더늠이 전승 및 변용된 양상을 고찰하였다. 공방망부사였던 이날치의 ‘동풍가' 더늠은 이후 옥중망부사로 불리게 되었으며, 이러한 전환에는 동편제 집안인 송문의 영향이 있었을 것으로 추측해 보았다. 서편제 계열의 창자들도 옥중망부사로서의 ‘동풍가'를 부르게 되었으나, 그 사설은 이날치 더늠의 것을 거의 그대로 수용하는 경향을 보였고, 현대 판소리로 활발히 전승되지는 못했다. 동편제 계열의 ‘동풍가'는 이날치 더늠의 사설을 부연·확장하고 새로운 사설을 넣는 방향으로 변모하였다. 그중 하나인 송만갑의 ‘동풍가'는 그 제자 및 후배들에게 전수되어 현대 판소리계에 일군의 전승 맥락을 형성하였다. 판소리에서는 단순한 아니리를 기반으로 더늠이 새로 만들어지기도 하며, 기존의 더늠을 후대의 다른 더늠이 대체하기도 한다. 공방망부사였던 이날치의 ‘동풍가' 더늠은 전승 과정에서 옥중망부사로 변개되었으며, 일제강점기에 이르러서는 동편제 계열의 ‘동풍가' 전승이 보다 우세하게 되면서 이날치의 더늠을 대체하였다. 그러나 정정렬 제·정응민 제 중심의 현대춘향가에서 동편제 춘향가의 전승은 점차 미미하게 되었고, ‘동풍가' 역시 잘 불리지 않는 더늠이 되어버렸다. This paper inquires closely into the transmission and acceptance of Lee Nalchi`s East Wind Song in Chunhyangga. The song of longing in a vacant room, Lee Nalchi`s East Wind Song, has been turned into the song longing in a prison. I think Song`s Family, a representative family of the master singers in the East school of Pansori, would have had a immediate influence on that change. To fit this transition, the master singers in the West school gradually sang East Wind Song as the song longing in a prison, but this song`s lyrics were pretty much the same as before. East Wind Song handed down in the West school seems not to have reached the contemporary Pansori. The master singers in the East school transformed the former East Wind Song, Lee Nalchi`s deonum, by means of expansion and creation. Song Mangap`s deonum is also the song of some transformed works. His followers and juniors learned and passed down the song, thus the Song Mangap-style East Wind Song reached the contemporary Pansori. In Pansori, there is a newly created deonum and a replaced deonum instead of a existing thing. Lee Nalchi`s deonum, East Wind Song as a song in a vacant room turned into a song in a prison in process of transmission. After the Japanese Ruling Era, Song Mangap`s East Wind Song became a prevalent deonum and substituted for Lee Nalchi`s deonum. In the contemporary Chunhyangga, however, Jeong Jeongryeol version and Jeong Eungmin version are the mainstream. The East school`s Chunhyangga belongs to a nonmainstream, and East Wind Song became a rare song in Chunhyangga.
This paper inquires closely into the background of publication of Changgeukjo Daechunhyangga, by Han Deoksu and Cheong Gwangsu, and its contents, composition of parts, distinguishing deoneum, and its historical material value. The details of publication of Changgeukjo Daechunhyangga is as follows. Han Deoksu, an elementary school teacher in Jeollanam-do, had interested in pansori. So, after his retirement, he learned pansori in Gwangju Korean Traditional Music Institute near his scrivener´s office. Chae Iseok, the former police inspector, took pansori lessons with Mr. Han, and suggested he should publish the script of Chunhyangga. Mr. Han accepted Mr. Chae`s advice and made the script with Cheong Gwangsu, a teacher in Gwangju Korean Traditional Music Institute, under the sponsorship of Mr. Chae. Meanwhile, Mr. Han maintained his opinions strongly on the farewell part and the sing of the four paintings on the wall in the Chunhyang`s room. Next, Changgeukjo Daechunhyangga(1954) and Jeontongmunhwaogasajeonjip(1986), another pansori script book by master singer Cheong Gwangsu, have different order of chang(singing) and aniri(recitation) in two parts. One is that Chunhyang was put in jail and the other is that Doryeong Lee became a Royal secret inspector and went to Namwon. And, the following pieces of Changgeukjo Daechunhyangga differ from Jeontongmunhwaogasajeonjip in jangdans(rhythmic patterns) and contents: the song of Lee`s makeup, the song of Jeokseong, the song of pointing toward Chunhyang`s house, the song of getting off work, the song of the glorious silvery moon, the song of Vice minister Seong from Hoedong, the song of preparing drinks and snacks, the song of love, the song of Chunhyang`s last ditch, the song of farewell, the song of lower servants of the Ministry of Justice, the song of appealing to the new magistrate, the song of protesting Chunhyang, the song of beaten Chunhyang, the witticism of question and answer with the Royal secret inspector and farmers, the song of Bangja paying his respects to Lee, the song of Chunhyang` will, and the song of the meeting of Lee and Chunhyang. This Changgeukjo Daechunhyangga includes the old Badi by Kim Changhwan and the new Badi by Cheong Jeongryeol. So, Park Jongwon, the master singer in same school, that is seopyeonje, supported the publication of this book sending congratulatory address. It is possible to appoint this script as the comprehensive book of the old and new seopyeonje Chunhyangga in the 1950`s performing pansori arts world.
Research on The Song of Flying Dragons has been approached by two different points of view. in this paper, The Song is treated from a microscopic and historical point of view, not from a microscopic and synchronic one. And this study is focused on the aspect of political thought. First of all, it is revealed that A-song-ji-um (a song of compliment) in the Analects of Confucius and The Song of Flying Dragons have common characteristics in their style, and both have the functions of complimenting the achievements of the late king and teaching descendents to follow the right road in life. Next, the author reveals that the essence of political thought based on The Song of Flying Dragons is derived from Yi-Ching, which itself has the functions of complimenting and teaching. Finally, through considering the duality of the former and latter parts of The Song of Flying Dragons, the dualities shown in A-song-ji-um and The Song of Flying Dragons are compared. The former part of The Song provides evidence for the justification of the new kingdom, and the latter part suggests the restraint and input functions of the political elite. Therefore The Song can be said to describe the political thought of Chu Hsi based on the theory of "moral culture." However, this kind of analysis is only a hypothesis developed on the basis of literature. There is no doubt that it should be supported by more detailed research on the historical materials and the political situations of that time. This paper is an attempt to relate the two areas--literature and politics--which seem on the surface to be quite opposite. Further research is required to establish the principles of this relationship.
1. '兜率歌' must be read 'Duryul-ga'. It is recorded in Samguk-sagi and Samguk-yusa that 'Duryul-ga' was chanted at the time of King Yuri of Silla Dynasty. '兜率歌' has often been read 'Dosol-ga' or 'Tusol-ga', but this is wrong. '兜率' is of Yidu character, and it must be read 'dari'. Especially, our concern must be taken in the fact that '率' in '兜率' is of Chinese character the meaning of which is 'take' in English, and in turn denoted by 'dari-' in Korean. It is, therefore, proved that 'dari' is right judging both from its sound and from its meaning. 2. 'Duryul-ga' is a kind of song for religion service. a) Mountains, temples or spots which are supposed to be pronounced 'dari' in Korean were the places to perform religion service to Heaven or gods. b) Another 'Duryul-ga', chanted at the time of King Kyongduk and supposed to be descended from above mentioned 'Duryul-ga', was also a song for religion service. c) 'Dari-', 'deri-', 'duri-', 'dori-', 'diri-', etc. which are believed to be derivatives of 'dari' had their origin in the religion service. Besides, in Japanese 'religion service' is called 'massuri'. ('Duri' in Korean was transcribed 'ssuri' in Japanese.) 3, 'Duryul-ga' is the first of the songs which were separated from synthetic art and became an independent field of art. It is, however, written in Samguk-ji, Wi-ji, Huhan-su, etc. that they had songs in Ye, Puyeo, Goguryeo, etc. Therefore, we can't think there had not been songs till King Yuri of Silla. Consequently, "……the first of songs" must be understood as the first: Of the songs which were separated from the synthetic art of dancing, music, songs and poetry. Of the songs which had developed from group epics to individual lyrics. 4. 'Duryul-ga'was chanted at the time of the 14th King Yuri, not the 3rd King Yuri. 'Duryul-ga' is one of the songs for religion services. Meanwhile, records indicate us that immoral 'Guji-ga' was chanted later than moral 'Duryul-ga', This is difficult for us to understand. In addition, the time of the 3rd King Yuri still remained in the state of tribe society, Therefore, the time is not supposed to produce such individual lyrics. When was 'Duryul-ga' chanted then? It was probably at the time of the 14th King Yuri . There were two kings called Yuri, and they have often been mistaken for in various history writings.
'스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.
본 논문에서는 정응민 창 ‘이별가'를 현전 보성소리 <춘향가>의 전승자인 정권진, 성우향, 조상현, 성창순이 부른 ‘이별가', 서편제 계열 <춘향가>의 전승자인 정광수, 김화선, 정정렬, 박록주가 부른 ‘이별가'와 비교 분석한 결과를 토대로, 박유전-정재근-정응민으로 이어진 서편제 계열 <춘향가>가 보성소리 <춘향가>의 한 연원이 되었음을 밝혔다. 정응민이 1961년에 녹음한 ‘이별가'는 ‘창조-중모리-중중모리-중모리'로 구성되는 7-8분가량의 소리이다. 보성소리의 대부로 일컬어지는 명창임에도 그의 육성 녹음 자체가 드문 현실을 고려할 때, 이는 매우 귀중한 음원이라 할 수 있다. 그런데 정응민 창 ‘이별가'에 나타나는 사설상 특징은 현전 보성소리 <춘향가>의 ‘이별가'보다 현전 서편제 <춘향가>의 ‘이별가'와 유사한 면모를 보인다. 정응민에 앞서 보성소리의 기초를 마련한 인물이 정재근이므로 그 특징도 그에게서 비롯된 것일 가능성이 큰데, 여기서 주목할 점은 정재근의 출신지인 나주가 김창환 가(家), 정창업 가(家), 정재근 가(家)의 세 걸출한 명창 가문이 판소리 전통을 형성․확산한 지역이자, 서편제 <춘향가>가 주로 전승된 곳이었다는 사실이다. 그렇게 나주에 전승된 서편제 <춘향가>의 흔적이 정재근을 거쳐 정응민 창 ‘이별가'에 남게 된 것이라고 할 수 있다. 물론 서편제 계열 <춘향가>가 보성소리 <춘향가>의 한 기반이 되었음은 선행 연구를 통해 이미 논의된 부분이나, 이번에 정응민 창 ‘이별가'라는 실제적인 자료에 근거해 그 사실을 구체적으로 재확인할 수 있었다. 다만 정응민이 ‘이별가'에 남은 서편제 <춘향가>의 흔적을 계속 그대로 두기만 하지 않았음을 함께 기억할 필요가 있다. 생의 마지막 순간까지 보성소리 <춘향가>를 끊임없이 갈고 다듬었을 정응민의 노력을, 이 ‘이별가'를 통해 다시금 확인할 수 있다. This paper revealed that Seopyonje Chunhyangga, passed down following the lineage from Park Yu-jeon to Jeong Jae-geun to Jeong Eung-min has become a source of building Boseongsori Chunhyangga. To prove this, Farewell song sung by Jeong Eung-min was compared to Farewell song sung by Jeong Eung-min's disciples, such as Jeong Gwon-jin, Sung Woo-hyang, Cho Sang-hyun, and Sung Chang-soon, and Farewell song sung by the Seopyonje Chunhyangga s pansori singers, such as Jeong Gwang-su, Kim Hwa-seon, Jeong Jeong-ryeol, and Park Rok-joo. Recorded by Jeong Eung-min in 1961, the Farewell song consists of the rhythm of Changjo, Jungmori, Jungjungmori, and Jungmori, which has a playback time of about seven to eight minutes. Although Jeong is considered the founder of Boseongsori, his vocal recording itself is very rare, making it a very valuable music source. However, some of the characteristics of Jung s 1961 recording of the Farewell song are more similar to the Farewell song of the current Seopyonje Chunhyangga than the one sung by Jeong s disciples. Jeong Jae-geun is the one who laid the foundation of Boseongsori before Jeong Eung-min. Hence, it is quite likely that the characteristics were derived from Jeong Jae-geun. What is noteworthy is that his hometown of Naju was where the family members of three prominent pansori master singers, Kim Chang-hwan, Jeong Chang-eup, and Jeong Jae-geun created and popularized the tradition of pansori, and the Seopyeonje Chunhyangga, which was largely passed down. The traces of Seopyonje Chunhyangga, performed in Naju was retained in Jeong Eung-min s Farewell song recorded in 1961, through Jeong Jae-geun. Of course, the fact that the Seopyonje Chunhyangga has become a foundation for Boseongsori Chunhyangga has already been discussed in prior studies, but this paper specifically reaffirmed the fact based on actual data of the Farewell song sung by Jeong Eung-min. However, it is important to remember that Jeong did not let go of the traces he received from Seopyeonje Chunhyangga until the end. The efforts of Jeong, who had constantly refined Boseongsori Chunhyangga until the end of his life, can be confirmed again through the Farewell song of the current Boseongsori Chunhyangga.