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      • KCI등재후보

        洪蘭坡 童謠의 音樂史學的 再檢討 : 음반자료를 중심으로

        송방송 세계음악학회 2002 음악과 문화 Vol.6 No.-

        The purpose of this study is to examine the children's songs (tongyo 童謠) composed by Hong Nan-p'a (1898-1941) from a socio-historical standpoint. This study is based on the source materials of SP discs manufactured by Japanese Columbia and Victor Record Companies during the colonial period of Japan (1910-1945). The content of this paper consists of 1. Introduction, 2. An Examination of the Children's Songs by Hong Nan-p'a: 1) A General Survey of Pieces of the Children's Songs Recorded in SP Discs, 2) Text Writers and Singers of Hong's Children's Songs, 3) A Comparison with the Chosoˇn tongyo paekkokchip (An Anthology of Hong's Children Songs), 3. Conclusion: A Historical Meaning of the Advent of Children's Song. In conclusion, the author points out the unknown fact, i.e. the three pieces of Hong's children's song: Pyoˇngari (병아리 A Chick), Agi jaeunuˇn norae (아기 재우는 노래 A Cradle Song), and Ch'umch'use (춤추세 Let's Dance), all of which are not included in the Chosoˇn tongyo paekkokchip (An Anthology of Hong's Children's Songs), which was published in 1929. The historical meaning of Hong's children's songs must be remarked by the fact that, like ch'ansongga (讚頌歌 Christian hymns) and ch'angga (唱歌 new songs in western style), the advent of children songs in the 1920s opened a new era of modern history of Korean music.

      • 高麗 詩歌의 硏究

        宋永俊 圓光大學校大學院 1985 學位論叢 Vol.15 No.-

        The aim of this dissertation is to inquire into the Korean poetic songs made or sung in Koryo period, and to reveal the names, the classification, the form and the transition process of genre for the Korean poetic songs via philological, empirical, and other methods. It seems that the re were lots of poetic songs in Koryo Period. However, the works which were handed down up to now are onl y 13 pieces of Hyang-ga, 16 pieces of Koryo-kayo and a few pieces of Sijo. Because there were no Korean letter to write freely at that time, and besides. the intellectuals of that period regarded poetic songs made in Korean language as something vulgar. I include even those works not remaining today into the subject matter of the study. The consequences of the study can be summarized as follows. 1) It is erroneous to say that Hyang-ga had already disappeared in Koryo period, as many scholars contend. For there had been writers and works of Hyang-ga until later Koryo period. (2- 2) Therefore I think that Hyang- ga had been sung until later Koryo period. 2) No agreement has yet been made on the origin of Si-jo among scholars, but I think that Hyang- ga was changed into Si-jo. I have the opinion that after the transition, Si-jo exist ed together with Hyang- ga by the end of Koryo period. For it is proved that original form of Si-jo is to be found out of "Silla Choyongga" part in "Koryo Choyongga."(2--3--3, 2-3-4) 3) Korean poetic songs in Koryo period have bee. named variously such as "Sokga," "Sok-yo," "Kyong-gi-chega," "Kyong-gi-hayoga" etc. But these names don't represent the characteristics of Korean poetic songs in Koryo in full measure. (3-1) 4) Korean poetic songs are characterized by "refrain." If a song has a refrain, it continues in several stanzas, and if not, it ends in one stanza. I call the former "Yon- ga" ( continuing song), the latter, Hyang- ga.(3-1-6) 5) Many scholars have called Korean poetic songs as "Sok-ga" or "Kyong-gi-chega," but I regard them as "Yon- ga." Because they are connected in several stanzas followed by "refrain."(3-1-6) 6) Instead, such poetic songs as "Samo-kok", "Lees ang- kok" and "Man jonchun-Byolsa" are all Hyang- ga. Because they end in one stanza without refrain. (2-2-1) 7) Refrains can form a verse. And one-retrain-verse developed into two, three-and four- refrain verse. In practice. however, examples of three- or four-verse refrains are very rare.(3-3) 8) I put emphasis on "refrain." Based on the principle of unity, refrain is the standard by which all Korean poetic songs in Koryo period are classified. So Hyang- ga, Yon- ga and even so-called Sok- ga and Kyong- gi- chega can all be c1assified based on whether they have refrain or not and if they have refrain, they have one-refrain-verse or two-refrain-verse.(3-2) 9) Many scholars regard Korean poetic songs in Koryo period as either ballad or song of royal palace. But I think both forms of song were existed in that period. Part of ballads were sung in royal palace and the rest of them were sung by ordinary people, I think. By the way, In the course of ballad's introduction into royal palace, the words most probably have been changed ani must have been influenced by foreign music or songs. (And in this period, ballads are believed to have been considerably refined because of refrain.) (3-3-2) 10) In sum, Korean poetic songs made or sung in Koryo period can be classifie into the following two major categories. (1) Hyang-ga, ending in one stanza not followed by refrain. (2) Yon-ga, continuing in several stanzas followed by refrain. And Yon- ga in turn can be classified into two types of songs : (1) One-refrain-verse songs (so-called "Sok-ga") (2) Two-refrain-verse songs (so-called "Kyong- gi- chega) In this sense, in concluding remarks, the history of Korean poetic songs in Koryo period should be written in renewal. (4)

      • KCI등재

        『The Korean Repository』에 소개된 LOVE SONG 연구

        송민규 ( Min Gue Song ) 현대문학이론학회 2013 現代文學理論硏究 Vol.0 No.52

        본고는 한국 최초의 영문 월간잡지 『The Korean Repository』에 게일(James Scarth Gale, 奇一, 1863-1936)이 소개한 문학작품 중, LOVE SONG이라고 인식한 번역시를 연구대상으로 하고 있다. 19세기 말에 이르러 한국 문학에 관련된 서양인들의 기록 또는 번역작품이 등 장하기 시작했다. 그 중에는 한국문학의 전반적인 인상이나 평을 기록한 오페르트(Ernest J. Oppert)나 그리피스(William E. Griffis)가 있었고, 한국 소설을 번역한 알렌(Horace Newton Allen)이나 아노로스(Arnous H. G)가 있었다. 한국시가에 대한 기록은 1895년에 이르러 처음 등장하는데, 바로 『The Korean Repository』에 실린 헐버트와 게일의 성과들이 그것이다. 이 중 게일은 『The Korean Repository 』에 여러 편의 한국시가를 번역하고 논의한 인물로서, 양적인 측면에서 단연 돋보인다. 『The Korean Repository』에 실린 게일의 번역시가는 ODE, LOVE SONG, SONG등으로 불린다. 이와 같은 명칭이 영시(英詩) 고유의 분류법임은 말할 것도 없다. 특히 LOVE SONG으로서의 한국시가는 가장 많은 편수가 번역되었음은 물론, 그 LOVE SONG으로서 처음 소개된 1895년 4월의 기사 ``KOREAN LOVESONG``에는 ``specimens of Korean versification(한국 시형식의 형태)``라고 소개되어 특히 주목된다. 본고는 이외에도 1896년 1월 소개된 ``LOVE SONGS``라고 소개된 작품까지 합하여 총 7편의 LOVE SONG을 연구 대상으로 삼았다. LOVE SONG으로서 한국시가들의 원문은 모두 『남훈태평가』에 실린 애정류시가이다. 이와 같은 특징은 다양한 주제의 ODE나 SONG과는 차별된다. 『The Korean Repository』는 1892년 1월에서 1898년 12월까지(1893년과 1894년의 2년의공백기를 제외하고) 6년에 걸쳐 발간되었는데, 이 시기는 한국의 애정류 시가가성행하던 시대이기도 하다. 더구나 게일이 번역의 대상으로 삼았던 『남훈태평가』에서 애정류 시가가 차지하는 비율은 가장 높다. 따라서 게일은 19세기말 한국사회에서 애정류 시가가 가장 유행했음을 인식하고 이 LOVE SONG을 번역하는데 관심을 쏟았으리라고 추측된다. 한편 LOVE SONG에 드러난 사랑의 표현방식은 『남훈태평가』의 원작과는 다른 모습을 보여주었다. LOVE SONG의 사랑표현은 매우 열정적이며, 구애의 방식에 있어서도 적극적인 모습을 보여주는 반면, 원작의 사랑표현은 간접적이며, 구애의 방식에 있어서도 적극적이지 못했다. 더구나 LOVE SONG은 시어 ``love``를 적극적으로 쓰는데 반하여, 원작에는 시어 ``?랑``이 한번도 등장하지 않는다. 게일은 번역의 과정에서 19세기 말 애정류 시가에 표현된 한국의 정서를 열정적이고 적극적인 사랑으로 변모시켰다. 훗날 게일은 『구운몽』, 『춘향전』 등의 번역에까지 이르게 되는데, 이와 같은 번역소설에 드러난 게일의 사랑관은 그 이전에 번역한 LOVE SONG으로서 시가에 드러난 사랑관과 연결시킬 수 있다. This article studied translated poems perceived as ``Love Songs``out of literary works published on "The Korean Repository", the first English monthly magazine in Korea, by James Scarth Gale (奇一, 1863~1936). In the end of the 19th century, records of Korean literature or translated literature works by westerners came to appear. Among them, there were Ernest J. Oppert and William E. Griffis who recorded overall impression and Horace Newton Allen and Arnous H. G who translated Korean literary works. Records on Korean lyrics first appeared in 1895, which was achievements of Herbert and Gale published on "The Korean Repository". Among them, Gale translated many Korean lyrics and discussed them on "The Korean Repository", and made remarkable achievements in terms of quantity. Korean lyrics on "The Korean Repository" translated by Gale are called as ODE, LOVE SONG or SONG. These names followed English poetry classification. In particular, the biggest number of Korean poems were translated under the name of ``LOVE SONG`` and the first article introducing Korean poetry under the title of ``KOREAN LOVE SONG`` in April 1895, they were introduced as ``specimens of Korean versification``. This article studied total 7 LOVE SONGS including the works introduced as ``LOVE SONGS``in January in 1896. The original texts of Korean poems published as LOVE SONGS were all love songs on "Namhuntaepyungga". Such characteristics made Korean love songs differentiated from ODE or SONG with various kinds of themes and subjects. "The Korean Repository" had been published for 6 years from January, 1892 to December, 1898 (excluding two years``break of 1893 and 1894), when love songs were popular in Korea. Additionally, "Namhuntaepyungga" which Gale translated contained high percentage of love songs. Actually, the highest portion of the works was love songs. It can be guessed that Gale perceived that love songs were popular in Korea at the end of the 19th century and tried to translate these love songs. On the other hand, the expressions of love on LOVE SONG were different from those on the original poems in "Namhuntaepyungga". Love expressions on LOVE SONG were very passionate and the courting method was very active, while those on the original works were indirect and less active in courting. Besides, in LOVE SONG ``love`` has been used actively but in original poems did not use ``?랑``at all. Gale transformed Korean`s emotion expressed in love songs in the 19thcentury to active and passionate love during the course of the translation. Later, Gale translated "Guwunmong" and "Chunhyangjeon", and sense of love shown in his translated novel could be connected to the sense of love shown in LOVE SONG that he had translated before.

      • KCI등재

        조선조 음악의 『시경』 수용과 활용 양상

        송지원(Song, Ji-Won) 숭실대학교 한국문학과예술연구소 2016 한국문학과 예술 Vol.19 No.-

        고대 중국의 가장 오래된 시가집으로서의 『시경』은 사서삼경의 경전으로 우리나라에 유입되어 유학사(儒學史)에 큰 영향을 끼쳤다. 특히 『시경』은 음악과 관련된 경전으로서 원래 노랫말이 있는 음악이었으며, “『시경』은 곧 『악경』”이라고 보는 학자들도 있으리만치 음악적인 면에서 중요한 경전의 위치를 점하고 있다. 특히 유학의 심화가 이루어지는 조선조에 『시경』은 문학 텍스트만이 아닌, 노랫말 있는 음악이라는 시각이 확대되었다. 텍스트만 남은 시에 노래 선율이 있다면 그 선율의 모습은 사람들마다 다르게 그려질 수 있다. 따라서 조선에서는 학문적 권위를 지니는 주희가 선택한 시경 선율을 유입하고 그것을 손보아 여러 의례에서 활용하였다. 또 『시경』의 텍스트가 지니고 있는 교화적 기능은 그 노랫말에 당시 쓰이고 있는 여러 선율을 붙여 연주하는 시도로 이어기지도 했다. 조선 전기에 여러 의례를 제정하는 가운데 활용된 『시경』의 노랫말 선택 양상에서 그러한 시도들을 찾을 수 있다. 그런가 하면 조선 후기로 가면서 『시경』이 ‘시와 악’의 화두와 함께 학문적 논의가 심화되는 현상들이 이어진다. 이처럼 조선조 음악에서 『시경』을 수용하거나 활용하는 사례는 다양하다. 이 글에서 그와 같은 양상에 대해 논의하였다. 첫째, 『시경』의 음악이 남아 있지 않기 때문에 중국에서 모의시악(模擬詩樂)을 만들어 놓은 음악을 조선이 수용하고 그것을 활용하는 양상에 대한 것, 둘째, 텍스트만 남아 있는 『시경』의 가사에 제3의 선율을 입혀 활용하는 양상, 셋째, 그러한 『시경』 관련 음악들이 여러 의례에서 쓰이는 양상에 관한 내용을 살펴보았다. 또 『시경』이 ‘노래가 있는 음악’이라는 전제에서 성립한 시악학(詩樂學)으로의 전개 양상에 관한 것도 논의하였다. The Book of Songs, which is the oldest book of poetry of the ancient China, is one of the scriptures of the Seven Chinese Classics and influenced the history of Confucianism after entering Korea. Especially, the Book of Songs is a scripture related to music which used to have lyrics and takes an important position as a scripture in terms of music so that some scholars even view the Book of Songs as the Scripture of Music. Especially in the Joseon Dynasty when Confucianism took its root firmly, the view that considered the Book of Songs as music with lyrics, not just as literary text, spread widely. If a poem that used to have a melody has only its text left, its melody will be imagined differently by different people. So during the Joseon Dynasty, the melody of the Book of Songs that had been chosen by Zhu Xi, who held academic authority, was introduced to Joseon, touched up, and used in various ceremonies. In addition, the edifying function of the text of the Book of Songs led to the efforts to combine the lyrics with various melodies that were used at that time. Such efforts can be found in the aspect of choosing lyrics of the Book of Songs, which were used in establishing various ceremonies in the early Joseon era. In the meantime, in the late Joseon era, there were in-depth academic discussions on the Book of Songs along with the theme of ‘poetry and music’. Like this, there were various cases where music in the Joseon Dynasty accepted or used the Book of Songs and this paper discussed such aspect. First of all, this paper examined the aspect of how Joseon accepted and used what China made as trial poetry and music, since the music of the Book of Songs does not exist now. Second, it reviewed the aspect of combining the lyrics of the Book of Songs with a third melody. Third, it studied the aspect of how music related to the Book of Songs was used in various ceremonies. Also, it discussed the developing aspect of the study of poetry and music that was formed under the premise that the Book of Songs was ‘music with songs’.

      • 제월당(霽月堂) 송규렴(宋奎濂)의 향촌활동(鄕村活動)과 사회사상(社會思想)

        송운호 ( Woon Ho Song ) 충북대학교 사학회 2010 忠北史學 Vol.25 No.-

        I studied Song, Gyu-ryeom`s life through his `Annual Report` and writing series, `Jewoldangjip` and the ideology of the society that he lived in through the country activity. Song, Gyu-ryeom was a famous Confucian scholar who lived in Hoedeok at the latter Choseon dynasty. He was called the one of the three prominent `Songs` with Uam, Song, Si-yeol, and Dongchundang, Song, Jun-gil. The reason why Song, Gyu-ryeom`s ancestors who lived in Hoedeok was that Song, Myung-eui(Song, Gyu-ryeom`s 10th ancestor) settled there as he became the son-in-law of Hwang, Su who lived in Hoedeok. Since then many famous Confucian scholars came out of Eunjin Songs` family members and they thrived through marrying the nobles. When Song, Gyu-ryeom was a boy, he experienced Byeonjahoran and the fall of the Ming Dynasty. He also spend his adolescence under the mood that people insisted to conquer the Cheong Dynasty. So it made him follow Song, Si-yeol and Song, Jun-gil`s political and ideologic way and he learned the basic of study from them. Song, Gyu-ryeom was respected as a Confucian scholar in Hoedeok. He emphasized `Hyangeumjurye`, `Hyangsarye`, `Reading methods` at the society of the country. `Hyangeumjurye` means that Confucian scholars in the country gathered at Hyanggyo or Seowon and had a feast with prominent Confucian scholars. The Confucians learned the manner to respect honest people, to take care of the old people, and to experience good courtesy there. Also he taught students devotionally at the Sunghyeonseowon. In 1672(Sukjong 2nd year), he built the Jewoldang inside his house and spent his whole life on studying Confucianism and teaching students. Teaching students at the Jewoldang and the Sunghyeonseowon was theoretical part and Hyangeumjurye was the reformation project which included the education of practical manner. Like this, Song, Gyu-ryeomtried to carry out `manner` through personality based on Neo-Confucianism And Song, Gyu-ryeom also had the social ideology of the autonomy of the country. That idea was shown in the preface of Hoedeok Hyangyack(1672) that he wrote. Hoedeok Hyangyack was made into one book with Hoedeok Hyangyan. Then Song, Si-yeol made the preface of Hoedeok Hyangyan and Song, Jun-gil wrote it. And Song, Gyu-ryeom wrote the preface of Hyangyack which was attached to the back of Hyangyan. He was the core member to make the Hoedeok Hyangyack with two Songs. The reason why he was called as the one of the three Songs of Hoedeok might be due to this work. Hyangyack was the regulation that Hyangwon made for education and cooperation of the country people. So the Hoedeok Hyangyack also had the content like that. The Jewoldang was the place where Song, Gyu-ryeom studied and taught students with all effort at his old age. Also it was the place where he built for just studying after he abandoned his will to have a government position. The education place like this was the sign that he wanted to live with the nature and worked hard for teaching students. Song, Gyu-ryeom`s country activity showed his social ideology to improve national customs from the country customs with the spread of Hyangyack.

      • KCI등재

        1920년대 동요 형성과 정착을 둘러싼 경계와 배제 -동요가 배척한 유행가-

        송현민(Song, Hyun-Min) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2019 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.55

        본 연구는 2000년 이후 진행된 1920년대 동요 관련 연구성과를 수용하여 당시 유행가에 대한 배제와 금기의 담론을 살펴, 동요와 유행가 ‘사이’의 동요담론을 중점적으로 살펴보고자 한다. 1923년, 본격적인 아동잡지 『어린이』 창간 이후 활성화되는 동요 창작 및 보급의 환경 속에서 동요는 특유의 동심성과 순수성에 대한 옹호를 통해 성장해나갔다. 그 과정에서 유행가에 대한 경계와 배제 담론은 동요의 장(場)을 공고히 하는 역할을 하였다. 이러한 과정 속에서 1924년 『신여성』에 게재된 「유행가 시비」는 근대조선의 유행가요가 언제나 대중으로부터 환영받은 음악이 아니었음을 대변해주는 사료이자, 「유행가 시비」의 일부를 이루는 정순철의 「동요를 권고함니다」는 동요를 유행가 시비의 대안으로 내놓는 모습까지 보여준다. 이러한 시비 속에는 ‘동요=순수=자연’와 ‘유행가=타락(퇴폐) =도시’라는 이분법이 있음을 알 수 있다. 본 연구는 1920년대의 동요 생산자들과 아동문학가들이 주창한 동요론을 정리하고, 이를 바탕으로 동요의 장에서 진행되었던 유행가 경계와 배제의 양상과 논리를 살펴본다. 1920년대 중반에 근대조선에 유입되어 유행가의 보급과 파급을 증가시킨 유성기와 음반의 홍수 속에서 동요의 순수성과 논리를 지키고자 한 이들의 의견도 살펴본다. 이러한 연구를 통해 1920년대 동요 연구에서 볼 수 없었던 동요와 유행가 사이의 연결다리도 놓고자 한다. This study examines the discourses and exclusions of popular songs at the time, and the discourses of children"s songs between children’s songs and popular songs. In 1923, children’s songs grew in the environment of creation and dissemination of children’s songs that became active after the launch of the children’s magazine “Children”. In the process, the boundary and exclusion discourse on the trendist song played a role in consolidating children"s songs. In this debate, there are two dichotomy : ‘children"s song = pure = nature’ and ‘popular song = fallen (decay) = city’. This study summarizes children"s song theory insisted by children’s song producers and children’s literary writers in the 1920s. Through these studies, I would like to establish a bridge between children’s songs and popular songs that were not found in children’s songs research in the 1920s.

      • KCI등재

        일반논문 : <춘향가> 중 이날치 더늠 "동풍가"의 전승과 변용

        송미경 ( Mi Kyoung Song ) 판소리학회 2012 판소리연구 Vol.0 No.34

        본 논문에서는 춘향가 중 이날치의 ‘동풍가’ 더늠이 전승 및 변용된 양상을 고찰하였다. 공방망부사였던 이날치의 ‘동풍가’ 더늠은 이후 옥중망부사로 불리게 되었으며, 이러한 전환에는 동편제 집안인 송문의 영향이 있었을 것으로 추측해 보았다. 서편제 계열의 창자들도 옥중망부사로서의 ‘동풍가’를 부르게 되었으나, 그 사설은 이날치 더늠의 것을 거의 그대로 수용하는 경향을 보였고, 현대 판소리로 활발히 전승되지는 못했다. 동편제 계열의 ‘동풍가’는 이날치 더늠의 사설을 부연·확장하고 새로운 사설을 넣는 방향으로 변모하였다. 그중 하나인 송만갑의 ‘동풍가’는 그 제자 및 후배들에게 전수되어 현대 판소리계에 일군의 전승 맥락을 형성하였다. 판소리에서는 단순한 아니리를 기반으로 더늠이 새로 만들어지기도 하며, 기존의 더늠을 후대의 다른 더늠이 대체하기도 한다. 공방망부사였던 이날치의 ‘동풍가’ 더늠은 전승 과정에서 옥중망부사로 변개되었으며, 일제강점기에 이르러서는 동편제 계열의 ‘동풍가’ 전승이 보다 우세하게 되면서 이날치의 더늠을 대체하였다. 그러나 정정렬 제·정응민 제 중심의 현대춘향가에서 동편제 춘향가의 전승은 점차 미미하게 되었고, ‘동풍가’ 역시 잘 불리지 않는 더늠이 되어버렸다. This paper inquires closely into the transmission and acceptance of Lee Nalchi`s East Wind Song in Chunhyangga. The song of longing in a vacant room, Lee Nalchi`s East Wind Song, has been turned into the song longing in a prison. I think Song`s Family, a representative family of the master singers in the East school of Pansori, would have had a immediate influence on that change. To fit this transition, the master singers in the West school gradually sang East Wind Song as the song longing in a prison, but this song`s lyrics were pretty much the same as before. East Wind Song handed down in the West school seems not to have reached the contemporary Pansori. The master singers in the East school transformed the former East Wind Song, Lee Nalchi`s deonum, by means of expansion and creation. Song Mangap`s deonum is also the song of some transformed works. His followers and juniors learned and passed down the song, thus the Song Mangap-style East Wind Song reached the contemporary Pansori. In Pansori, there is a newly created deonum and a replaced deonum instead of a existing thing. Lee Nalchi`s deonum, East Wind Song as a song in a vacant room turned into a song in a prison in process of transmission. After the Japanese Ruling Era, Song Mangap`s East Wind Song became a prevalent deonum and substituted for Lee Nalchi`s deonum. In the contemporary Chunhyangga, however, Jeong Jeongryeol version and Jeong Eungmin version are the mainstream. The East school`s Chunhyangga belongs to a nonmainstream, and East Wind Song became a rare song in Chunhyangga.

      • "兜率歌"에 對하여

        宋永俊 大田工業高等專門學校 1966 論文集 Vol.1 No.-

        1. '兜率歌' must be read 'Duryul-ga'. It is recorded in Samguk-sagi and Samguk-yusa that 'Duryul-ga' was chanted at the time of King Yuri of Silla Dynasty. '兜率歌' has often been read 'Dosol-ga' or 'Tusol-ga', but this is wrong. '兜率' is of Yidu character, and it must be read 'dari'. Especially, our concern must be taken in the fact that '率' in '兜率' is of Chinese character the meaning of which is 'take' in English, and in turn denoted by 'dari-' in Korean. It is, therefore, proved that 'dari' is right judging both from its sound and from its meaning. 2. 'Duryul-ga' is a kind of song for religion service. a) Mountains, temples or spots which are supposed to be pronounced 'dari' in Korean were the places to perform religion service to Heaven or gods. b) Another 'Duryul-ga', chanted at the time of King Kyongduk and supposed to be descended from above mentioned 'Duryul-ga', was also a song for religion service. c) 'Dari-', 'deri-', 'duri-', 'dori-', 'diri-', etc. which are believed to be derivatives of 'dari' had their origin in the religion service. Besides, in Japanese 'religion service' is called 'massuri'. ('Duri' in Korean was transcribed 'ssuri' in Japanese.) 3, 'Duryul-ga' is the first of the songs which were separated from synthetic art and became an independent field of art. It is, however, written in Samguk-ji, Wi-ji, Huhan-su, etc. that they had songs in Ye, Puyeo, Goguryeo, etc. Therefore, we can't think there had not been songs till King Yuri of Silla. Consequently, "……the first of songs" must be understood as the first: Of the songs which were separated from the synthetic art of dancing, music, songs and poetry. Of the songs which had developed from group epics to individual lyrics. 4. 'Duryul-ga'was chanted at the time of the 14th King Yuri, not the 3rd King Yuri. 'Duryul-ga' is one of the songs for religion services. Meanwhile, records indicate us that immoral 'Guji-ga' was chanted later than moral 'Duryul-ga', This is difficult for us to understand. In addition, the time of the 3rd King Yuri still remained in the state of tribe society, Therefore, the time is not supposed to produce such individual lyrics. When was 'Duryul-ga' chanted then? It was probably at the time of the 14th King Yuri . There were two kings called Yuri, and they have often been mistaken for in various history writings.

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        팔도유람을 소재로 한 재담 레퍼토리의 전통과 변용

        송미경 ( Song Mi-kyoung ) 한국어문학국제학술포럼 2011 Journal of Korean Culture Vol.16 No.-

        본 논문에서는 팔도유람을 소재로 한 재담 레퍼토리의 전개 양상 및 그 전통과 변용의 문제에 대하여 고찰하였다. 전통적인 발탈로부터 20세기 이후 민요 만담으로의 확장 및 변모가 나타난다는 점에서, 팔도유람 소재의 재담은 민속극 레퍼토리의 ‘전통-변용’ 양상을 설명하기에 매우 적절한 사례라 할 수 있다. 우선 전통적인 재담 레퍼토리로 살펴본 작품은 이동안과 박해일의 발탈 재담 중 팔도유람 대목이다. 이동안 식의 재담은 팔도 각지의 대표적인 노래를 부를 만한 공연판을 자연스럽게 조성하고 탈의 형용·동작에 관객들이 주목하도록 하는 데에 그 목적이 있었다. 박해일 식의 재담은 작품 내에서의 비중 자체가 확장된 특징을 보였는데, 주고 받는 대화에 팔도의 지역색 및 정보를 재치 있게 담아 전달하는 데에 목적을 두고, ‘핀잔주기’라는 특징적인 기법을 주로 사용하였다. 변용된 재담 레퍼토리로는 김원호·손원평, 장소팔·고춘자, 김영운·고춘자, 김뻑국 예술단의 민요 만담을 선정하여 비교 분석하였다. 김원호·손원평의 민요 만담 <팔도풍경>은 팔도유람 삽화 위주의 대화식 재담 장르가 처음으로 시도되었다는 데에, 장소팔·고춘자의 민요 만담은 남-여 콤비 진행 방식을 정착시켰다는 데에 그 의미가 있다. 그리고 장소팔·고춘자의 레퍼토리는 팔도유람이라는 소재를 단순히 말놀음식 만담을 풀어내기 위한 코스로 활용하였으며, 다소 성적인 소재로 여성을 재담화 하였다는 특징이 있다. 김영운·고춘자의 민요 만담에 이르러서는 이전부터 나타났던 변화가 심화되어 팔도유람이라는 주제와 관련 없는 말놀음식 재담의 비중이 확대되었으며, 영화 <팔도강산>의 사례와 유사한 정치색의 개입도 일부 엿보였다. 마지막으로 현재 팔도유람 소재의 재담 레퍼토리를 이어가고 있는 김뻑국 예술단은 전국 순회공연의 경험을 바탕으로 지역색을 한층 강화시킨 재담을 구사하고 있다. 한편 팔도유람 소재의 재담 레퍼토리에 나타난 전통과 변용의 문제는 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 우선 팔도유람 소재 재담의 작품 내 비중을 살펴보면, 전통적인 발탈 연희에서 여러 삽화 중 일부를 구성하였던 것이 이후 민요 만담으로 오면서는 그대로 한 편의 작품을 구성하는 것으로 바뀌게 되었다. 팔도유람이라는 단일한 소재, 민요라는 동일한 가창 양식의 수용이라는 점에서 민요 만담으로의 이행은 작품의 집약도를 한층 높인 전환이라 할 수 있다. 다음으로 재담 연행자의 구성 방식 및 역할은 탈의 동작과 가무를 담당하는 발탈 연희자, 탈의 민요창을 이끌어 내며 서로 대화식 재담을 주고받는 어릿광대(혹은 주인)로 구성되었던 남성 2인 체제에서 역할상의 차등이 없는 2인 체제로 변화하였다. 이후에는 민요 만담에서도 남-여 콤비 체제가 보편화되기 시작했는데, 처음에는 여성이 보조적인 역할을 맡기도 하였으나 차차 남성 만담가와 대등한 입장을 차지하게 되었다. 재담의 성격 및 주된 구사 기법을 비교하여 보면, 발탈에서는 재담이 탈의 연희를 돋보이게 하고 보조하는 수단에 머물렀지만 이후 그 비중이 점차 확장되면서 ‘핀잔주기’, 삽화극 삽입, ‘○’자로 말 잇기, 빠른 속도로 말 주워섬기기 등 다양한 수법도 등장하였다. 한편 재담에 드러나는 지역색은 후대로 갈수록 약화되었지만, 김뻑국 예술단에 이르러 다시금 강화되었다. This paper inquires closely into the developmental aspects of the Korean witticisms dealing with P'aldoyuram(sightseeing trip throughout Korea) and its problem of tradition and transformation. The Korean witticisms dealing with P'aldoyuram are very appropriate cases for explaining about the issue of tradition and transformation of the folk drama, because there are many transfiguration from the traditional Palt'al(foot puppet performance) to gags with folk songs in the 20th century. At first, the works as the traditional witticisms are P'aldoyuram part in the Palt'al by Lee Dongan and Park Haeil. The purpose of the Lee's wordplay is to set up the spirited entertainment ground for the representative folk songs of Korea's eight provinces and to attract attention to the features and actions of the mask. In Park's scripts, the quantity of wordplays are increased and the distinguishing technique of scolding. Next, the transformed works are the gags with folk songs by the comedy duo Kim Wonho & Son Wonpyeong, Chang Sopal & Ko Chunja, Kim Yeongun & Ko Chunja and Kim Ppeokguk Art Company. It is significant that the work by Kim & Son, P'aldop'unggyŏng, was the first attempt of composing just stories about P'aldoyuram and Chang & Ko's was the first mixed duo in this genre. And the duo Chang & Ko used stories about P'aldoyuram as simple course for wordplays not the main material and expressed women as a sexual object. In Kim & Ko's, previous change deepened and wordplays had no direct relevance to the theme and title of P'aldoyuram increased. Also, there were the political undertones were similar to that of the movie P'aldogangsan in it. Kim Ppeokguk Art Company succeeded Korean witticisms dealing with P'aldoyuram and showed wordplays strengthened local features based on the experiences of nationwide tour concerts. Meanwhile, the aspects of tradition and transformation in the Korean witticisms dealing with P'aldoyuram are summarized as follows. First, the witticisms about P'aldoyuram are given more weight in modern gags with folk songs than traditional Palt'al. The conversion into modern gags with folk songs raised the degree of intensive. Second, the male duo of mask performer playing the mask and singing and clown speaking to the mask and inducing that to sing in traditional Palt'al changed the male/female duo chatting each other in modern gags with folk songs. Third, witticisms in traditional Palt'al were supporting devices for highlighting mask's play. But in modern gags with folk songs, witticisms got importance and various techniques, such as scolding, inserting short play, following rhyme, speaking quickly like a rap song, etc., were tried. And, weakened local feature of witticisms reinforced again in the repertories by Kim Ppeokguk Art Company.

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        『남원고사』연구(2)

        윤덕진,임성래 洌上古典硏究會 2002 열상고전연구 Vol.15 No.-

        This paper researches the methods to be loose the story of Namwon-Kosa, a version of Chunhyang-Jeon. For the end, I research the plot and many kinds of the songs in the work. The songs in the work were other kinds of the songs in Chunhyang-Jeon. This songs were not the songs of Panson, but the popular songs at the 19c in Seoul. And some songs were new works. He also rewrote the words of songs for the suitable situations. In this work, the writer used to many popular songs of Selul, not Pansor, for the enlargement of story. Because he considered that the readers who lived in Seoul were more important. He also used the cheerful songs for the readers.

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