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Japan Debates Preparing for Future Preemptive Strikes
Daniel A. Pinkston 한국국방연구원 2006 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.15 No.4
North Korea’s ballistic missile tests in July 2006 and its subsequent nucleartest in October have heightened Japan’s threat perceptions of North Korea. Tokyohas sought to address the threat through the nuclear nonproliferation regime andinternational arms control law. However, inadequate solutions from Tokyo’s perspective have led to Japanese discussions of acquiring a military strike capabilitythat potentially could preempt a North Korean missile attack. We review the NorthKorean missile and nuclear tests, as well as the international response before turningto the domestic legal and political constraints to Japan’s acquisition of offensivestrike capabilities. Finally, we explore some of the practical difficulties for Japan inconducting such a military application, as well as the implications for the U.S.-Japan alliance.The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis , Vol. XVIII, No. 4, Winter 2006, pp. 95121.
Japan Debates Preparing for Future Preemptive Strikes against North Korea
( Daniel A Pinkston ),( Kazutaka Sakurai ) 한국국방연구원 2006 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.18 No.4
North Korea`s ballistic missile tests in July 2006 and its subsequent nuclear test in October have heightened Japan`s threat perceptions of North Korea. Tokyo has sought to address the threat through the nuclear nonproliferation regime and international arms control law. However, inadequate solutions from Tokyo`s perspective have led to Japanese discussions of acquiring a military strike capability that potentially could preempt a North Korean missile attack. We review the North Korean missile and nuclear tests, as well as the international response before turning to the domestic legal and political constraints to Japan`s acquisition of offensive strike capabilities. Finally, we explore some of the practical difficulties for Japan in conducting such a military application, as well as the implications for the U.S.- Japan alliance.
Inter-Korean Peace-Building through the DMZ: Prospects for Multi-Dimensional Confidence-Building
( Daniel A. Pinkston ),( Vlad Chelaru ) 한국접경지역통일학회 2017 접경지역통일연구 Vol.1 No.1
Inter-Korean relations have reached an impasse during the tenure of former president Lee Myung-bak (2008-2013) and former president Park Geun-hye (2013-2016). After former President Park Geun-hye`s impeachment in December 2016, Moon Jae-in was elected on 9 May 2017 and sworn into office the following day. All South Korean presidents have a constitutional obligation to seek peaceful unification; all presidents have tried various initiatives with limited success. Unfortunately, the South Korean right and the left disagree on tactics in dealing with Pyongyang, but nearly everyone wants to see North Korea more cooperative in the realms of arms control, human rights, social and political liberalization, and economic liberalization. President Moon campaigned on a platform of engagement but Pyongyang has accelerated its nuclear and missile programs. North Korea is now subject to a multilateral UN sanctions regime, so the South is constrained in what it can initiate until North Korea begins to comply with UN Security Council resolutions. To move forward on inter-Korean engagement, Seoul should reassess past initiatives to build a consensus that is sustainable regardless of which political party is in power. Given the constraints of the UN sanctions regime, the South should pursue humanitarian issues and trans-boundary problems around the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). Building confidence in the realms of the environment, climate change, and public health, for example, eventually might lead to cooperation in the realms of arms control and politics.
Daniel A. Pinkston 동아시아연구원 2007 Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.7 No.1
South Korea's economic takeoff in the 1960s triggered a scholarly debate over the causes behind its economic growth. Neoclassical economists and "statist" scholars focused on government policies toward the industrial sector, but as this article shows, they have neglected to consider the political economy behind the government's targeting of the agricultural and livestock sectors for export promotion. In fact, the South Korean government's support of export-led growth—aimed at the rural sector as well as industry—transformed the nation's agricultural and livestock institutions from instruments of development and export promotion into protectionist mechanisms. This article discusses how complete market liberalization would have resulted in more efficient resource allocation and reveals how political considerations affected the institutional arrangement in the South Korean countryside and the subsequent libe
( Daniel A. Pinkston ) 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 2003 The Korean Journal of Security Affairs Vol.8 No.2
A non-nuclear Korean peninsula would leave all concerned countries better off, including North Korea and the United States. Since the collapse of the Agreed Framework, the U.S. and North Korea have begun an explicit and implicit bargaining game, but there are incentives to misrepresent information in strategic bargaining. Misrepresentation can drive a better bargain, or have unintended consequences that make a negotiated settlement more difficult to achieve if the recipient discovers the misrepresentation. If diplomacy fails, the North Korean nuclear program will have a negative impact on the nuclear nonproliferation regime.