http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
고등어(Scomber japonicus ) 치어의 마취제로서 Clove oil, MS-222 및 2-Phenoxyethanol의 평가
한석중 ( Seock Jung Han ),김경민 ( Kyong Min Kim ),최낙중 ( Nack Jung Choi ),구준호 ( Jun Ho Koo ),박충국 ( Chung Kug Park ),이원교 ( Won Gyo Lee ),지승철 ( Seung Chul Ji ) 한국수산과학회(구 한국수산학회) 2011 한국수산과학회지 Vol.44 No.6
The efficiency of clove oil, MS-222, and 2-phenoxyethanol was evaluated as anesthetics in juvenile Scomber japonicus . Stage A5 of anesthesia was assumed to be sufficient for conducting routine aquaculture procedures in less than 3 min, with recovery (stage R5) in less than 5 min. The lowest effective doses of the three anesthetics were 50 mg L-1 clove oil (anesthetic time of 71.3 s and recovery time of 167.0 s), 100 mg L-1 MS-222 (anesthetic time of 70.7 s and recovery time of 115.7 s), and 400 mg L-1 2-phenoxyethanol (anesthetic time of 86.7 s and recovery time of 95.0 s). Anesthetic times decreased with increasing doses for all three anesthetic agents, and fish anesthetized with clove oil exhibited the longest recovery times. After 30 min, the highest plasma cortisol and lactate levels were detected with the use of clove oil, whereas the lowest values were observed with 2-phenoxyethanol. In addition, high glucose levels were maintained during recovery with clove oil, but the treatments did not significantly differ. The most effective of the three anesthetic agents was 2-phenoxyethanol, although all were considered acceptable for use in cultures of juvenile Scomber japonicus
( Min Gyo Koo ) 서울대학교 행정대학원 2010 Journal of Policy Studies Vol.25 No.3
This study analyzes how and to what extent South Korea has embedded developmental liberalism into its free trade agreement (FTA) initiative, departing from its traditional focus on developmental mercantilism. In the wake of the global economic crisis of 2008-09 and the subsequent expansion of government interventionism across the world, the developmental state model has attracted renewed scholarly attention. It offers a useful conceptual framework to examine how a particular set of arrangements between the competitive and uncompetitive sectors in South Korea has shifted from developmental mercantilism to developmental liberalism. South Korea`s FTA initiative constitutes a notable policy shift to liberalism, departing from a mercantilist approach with a policy mix of import protection and export promotion. It has been shaped by a top-down political initiative rather than a bottom-up demand from business groups and the general public. Despite South Korea`s liberal but state-centric nature, its FTAs are closely embedded in its social fabric.
( Min Gyo Koo ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2011 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.35 No.1
In this article I explore why US approaches to the trade-security nexus in postwar East Asia have unfolded in three critical stages: securitization, desecuritization, and resecuritization. During the Cold War, security considerations overshadowed America`s economic interests in East Asia under the San Francisco alliance system. Yet two external shocks in the 1990s-the end of the ColdWar and the outbreak of the Asian financial crisis-reversed the trend, placing economic considerations at the forefront of the trade-security nexus. In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, trade was subordinated to security concerns. This analysis demystifies the realist illusion that the United States has always securitized its trade relations with East Asia. It also challenges the liberal notion that closer economic interdependence has reduced the chances of military conflicts. The study concludes that the current resecuritization of America`s trade relations with its East Asian allies stands on shaky ground and that the latest global economic slump is likely to further weaken the US effort to reconnect the ties between trade and security.
Koo, Min Ye,Shin, Hon Chung,Kim, Won-Seok,Lee, Gyo Woo 한국탄소학회 2014 Carbon Letters Vol.15 No.4
Multi-walled carbon nanotube reinforced epoxy composites were fabricated using shear mixing and sonication. The mechanical, viscoelastic, thermal, and electrical properties of the fabricated specimens were measured and evaluated. From the images and the results of the measurements of tensile strengths, the specimens having 0.6 wt% nanotube content showed better dispersion and higher strength than those of the other specimens. The Young's moduli of the specimens increased as the nanotube filler content was increased in the matrix. As the concentrations of nanotubes filler were increased in the composite specimens, their storage and loss moduli also tended to increase. The specimen having a nanotube filler content of 0.6 wt% showed higher thermal conductivity than that of the other specimens. On the other hand, in the measurement of thermal expansion, specimens having 0.4 and 0.6 wt% filler contents showed a lower value than that of the other specimens. The electrical conductivities also increased with increasing content of nanotube filler. Based on the measured and evaluated properties of the composites, it is believed that the simple and efficient fabrication process used in this study was sufficient to obtain improved properties in the specimens.
Min Gyo Koo,Seok Bin Hong 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2014 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.21 No.2
This study explores the varieties of East Asian developmentalist trade policy by analyzing Thailand’s and South Korea’s pursuit of free trade agreements (FTAs). Thailand and South Korea offer a nice laboratory to test a ‘neoliberal vs. developmental’ perspective. After Prime Minister Thaksin took office in 2001, Thailand became a pacesetter in East Asia’s pursuit of FTAs with its policy nexus of developmentalism and liberalism. However, the lack of institutionalization of trade policy-making process soon led Thaksin’s CEO-style leadership and pro-business policy bias to cronyism and corruption. In contrast to Thailand’s abrupt move from developmental liberalism to sectoral cronyism, South Korea has successfully institutionalized its transition from developmental mercantilism to developmental liberalism by strengthening the key trade agency-i.e., the Office of the Minister for Trade, which successfully embedded its industrial policy goals in liberal trade initiatives.
Min Gyo Koo 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2012 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.19 No.1
The aim of this study is to explore the prospects and challenges for ASEAN+X forums: ASEAN+1, +3 and +8 (or the East Asia Summit). On the one hand, many preferential economic arrangements that involve East Asian countries aim to secure wider foreign policy goals rather than purely economic goals, prominent examples of which include environment, energy, water, technology, human rights, terrorism, and the like, let alone traditional security issues. On the other hand, the likelihood of a more exclusive region in East Asia is slim at best, as member countries are 'sleeping in the same bed with different dreams' (tongchuan yimeng), leaving the institutional contours of East Asian regionalism in flux. This study argues that the rivalry between China and Japan and the ambivalence of the u.s. have led ASEAN+X forums to mainly focus on membership issues rather than to deal with substantive regional issues. It concludes that now a tangle of regional institutions competes for attention and resources, and as long as the ASEAN+1 and +8 framework (and more recently, the TPP and the FTAAP) continues to coexist with ASEAN+3, the 'same bed, different dreams' phenomenon will only worsen to the point that the East Asian regionalism will get more polarized before it gets integrated.