http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
개별검색 DB통합검색이 안되는 DB는 DB아이콘을 클릭하여 이용하실 수 있습니다.
통계정보 및 조사
예술 / 패션
<해외전자자료 이용권한 안내>
- 이용 대상 : RISS의 모든 해외전자자료는 교수, 강사, 대학(원)생, 연구원, 대학직원에 한하여(로그인 필수) 이용 가능
- 구독대학 소속 이용자: RISS 해외전자자료 통합검색 및 등록된 대학IP 대역 내에서 24시간 무료 이용
- 미구독대학 소속 이용자: RISS 해외전자자료 통합검색을 통한 오후 4시~익일 오전 9시 무료 이용
※ 단, EBSCO ASC/BSC(오후 5시~익일 오전 9시 무료 이용)
이 논문은 ‘한국 양명학 연구의 초석을 마련한 인물’로서 이능화(李能和)에 대한 탐구이다. 먼저, 이능화가 양명학이 어떤 측면에서 “주자학에 대항할 수 있는 가장 서구적인(=서구화할 수 있는) 사상 유형”으로 자리매김할 수 있다고 생각했는지에 대해 탐색하였다. 그 연장선에서 ‘주자학을 서구근대화의 장애물’로 판단하게 된 이유를 검토하였다. 다음으로 이능화의 조선유계지양명학파 에서 나타난 한국 양명학의 연구 관점이나 자료수집의 폭이 어떤 것이며, 그것이 이후 한국 양명학 연구자들에게 어떠한 영향을 끼쳤는지를 구체적으로 검토해보았다. 이능화는 조선을 ‘사상속박시대’라고 비난할 정도로 오직 주자학만을 유일무이한 학문으로 존숭하였던 조선 유교에 대해 비판적 입장을 지녔다. 그에 따르면, 조선의 교조주의는 근본적으로 사대주의(事大主義)에 기인한 것이었다. 또한 그러한 교조주의는 당파의 분열을 발생시켜 유교의 특장점인 정치적 · 윤리적인 사회철학적 성격을 상실케 되었다고 파악한다. 반면 이능화는 양명학을 시대변혁의 방향에 새로운 가능성을 지닌 사상으로 파악한 듯 하다. ‘전근대적인 주자학’을 탈피하여 당시의 역사적 사명인 ‘서구근대화를 이룰 수 있는 사상’으로 양명학을 바라보았던 것으로 유추된다. 이는 일본의 서구 근대화가 양명학이라는 이념적 기반에 이루어졌다는 사실에 기인한다. 이능화는 『조선유계지양명학파(朝鮮儒界之陽明學派)』에서 조선 양명학파를 학문적인 측면이 아니라 정치적인 측면에서 정리하였다. 그리고 그는 한국 양명학파를 성립시킨 인물로서 정제두로 제시하였으며, 남언경(南彦經)을 조선 최초의 양명학자로서 규정하였다. 다음으로 한국의 양명학 전래시기를 1567년 전후로 추정하였다. 이와 같은 그의 견해는 이후의 한국 양명학 연구자들에게도 고스란히 이어졌다. 특히 이능화는 조선의 양명학 배척을 역사적 사실을 통해 논증하였다. 이후 그의 한국 양명학 연구는 다카하시 도오루(高橋亨)에게 이어져 식민사관으로 재생산된다. 하지만 윤남한(尹南漢)과 유명종(劉明種)에 이르면 다카하시 도오루가 보여준 식민사관을 넘어서게 되고, 이능화가 마련한 인물 · 시각 · 자료 · 사건들을 그들의 한국 양명학 연구에서 근간으로 사용되고 있었다. 그 점에서 이능화는 ‘한국 양명학 연구의 초석을 마련한 인물’이라고 지칭해도 무리가 되지 않을 것이라 사료된다. This paper is aimed to study on Lee Nung-Hwa as ‘the drafter for research on Korean Yangmyeonghak(陽明學)’. First, we examined that why Lee considered Yangmyeonghak as most modern thought. In addition to this, We investigated that why he thought JuJahak(朱子學) as the obstacle of making Josun modern westernization. Second, we investigated Lee’s Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa(朝鮮儒界之陽明學派) for seeking his research perspective and scope of data collection about Korean Yangmyeonghak. And, we examined in particular that what Lee had influenced on researchers on Korean Yangmyeonghak since he published this Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa . Lee described Josun(朝鮮) as ‘the spirit bondage era.’ He had a very critical stance on the Josun Confucianism, because it only acknowledged JuJahak. At that time, any other thoughts except JuJahak were regarded as unorthodox. According to him, Jujahak dogmatism was due to toadyism basically. Jujahak dogmatism had generated multitudinous partisan brawls from the earliest days of Josun. So, the confucianim lost its advantages of ethical and political philosophy. But, Lee looked at Yangmyeonghak positively. He considered Yangmyeonghak as most modern thought. Because Yangmyeonghak was the ideological foundation of the Meiji Restoration. Lee organized the Korean Yangmyeonghak school at the political side, not the academic side in 『Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa』. Lee described Jeongjedu(鄭齊斗) as the feature of establish Korean Yangmyeonghak school, and identified Namunkyung(南彦經) as the first Yangmyeonghak scholar inf Josun. And, Lee estimated the Yangmyeonghak transmission time as around 1567. Many researchers followed these his views. But, Lee analyzed the Korean Yangmyeonghak school from the perspective of colonial history. His perspective of colonial history was continued to Takahasi torou(高橋亨), but that perstpective had been refused by Yunnahan(尹南漢) and Yumyeongjong(劉明宗). However, people, data, and events selected by Lee had been accepted by almost all researchers. In that point, we identify Lee as the drafter for research on Korean Yangmyeonghak.
본고는 야담과 야담집의 전개라는 차원에 초점을 맞추어, 야담과 야담집이 이경류 이야기들을 선별하고 조합하는 양상을 정리한 뒤 그런 양상이 어떤 야담사적 의미를 가지는지를 살펴보았다. 유몽인의 『어우야담』은 우애와 효가 조화를 이루게 하였다. 이재의 〈종사이공묘갈〉은 이경류의 행적을 ‘충효’로 갈무리하고 표창하였다. 노명흠의 『동패락송』은 이경류의 혼과 부인과의 사랑 관계를 집중적으로 보여주었다. 부부애가 중심에 있고 자애와 효도가 그를 따라가는 형국이다. 이규상의 『병세재 언록』은 환생을 보여주었으며 그런 점에서 서사적 호기심을 극대화하면서 이념적 검열을 최소화시켰다. 이희평의 『계서잡록』은 이희평이 생존하던 시기까지 한산이씨 가문 이야기판에서 전승된 이경류 관련 이야기들을 선택적으로 집대성한 것으로서 가족질서와 신분질서를 재구성하고 효행을 부각시켰다. 이런 분석을 바탕으로 하여 19세기 야담집에서 이경류 이야기가 어떻게 나타나며 그런 특징이 어떤 의미를 지향하는지를 살폈다. 먼저 19세기 야사집의 선택에 대해 살폈다. 이들은 1784년 경 편찬된 『조야집요』 소재 이경류 이야기를 근간으로 하였는데, 문헌들에서 산견되는 것들을 모으고 뒷부분은 『어우야담』의 것을 옮겼다. 환생을 간략히 언급한 것은 그것이 중국 사신과 관련되었기 때문이었고 부부애를 무시한 것 역시 야담 편찬자들이 가진 역사서술자로서의 자의식이 작동했기 때문으로 해석했다. 19세기 야담집은 19세기 야사집의 선택과 뚜렷하게 변별된다. 19세기 주요 야담집들은 모두 『계서잡록』 이경류 이야기를 전재하고 있다. 여기에는 새로운 모티프의 추가나 창조적 변개는 없다. 19세기 이후의 주류 야담집들이 『계서잡록』 계통의 이경류 이야기를 주로 수용했다는 점은 조선후기 야담집의 귀추와 관련하여 의미심장한 암시를 준다. 그것은 부부간 사랑을 중시한 『동패락송』이나 이념적 검열을 거부하고 호기심어린 환생을 보여준 『병세재언록』 등의 지호노을 19세기 야담집이 수용하지 않았음을 뜻한다. 나아가 〈이생규장전〉에서 비롯한 전기(傳奇)소설의 지향으로부터 19세기 야담집이 더 분명한 선을 그은 것을 의미한다. 조선 후기 정신사의 굵은 흐름은 ‘이념의 구현’과는 반대쪽으로 나아갔다. 그런데 야담의 경우, 야담집 편찬자 개인의 성향에 따라 이념의 구현이 극단적으로 강조되기도 하였다. 나아가 야담은 달라진 현실에 대한 일종의 대안으로서 이념성을 강조하기도 했다. 더 이상 이념이 관철되지 않는 현실을 목도하던 야담 수용자들이 이념이 더욱 강조되는 야담을 선택하여 읽기를 원했을 수도 있다. 『계서잡록』 소재 이경류 이야기는 후자의 관점에서 19세기 야담집으로 들어와서 굳어졌다. 이는 19세기 후반 야담집이 창조력을 잃고 다만 서로를 모방하거나 전재하는 단계로 접어들었음을 뜻하면서 다른 한편, 야담집들이 전기소설이나 야사집 등 다른 성격의 장르 및 책들을 타자화하면서 야담집 자체의 고유한 속성을 명확하게 인지하고 더 단단하게 서로 결속되었음을 의미한다. 19세기 이전까지의 야담은 집안일에 대한 미련과 부인과 아들에 대한 애착 때문에 죽어서도 혼이 되어 되돌아온 이경류를 형상화하였다면, 19세기 야담은 그런 이경류 형상을 바탕으로 하면서 국가와 가문의 질서를 재구축하는 열사로, 효행 실천의 화신으로 이경류를 재형상화하였다고 하겠다. This paper examines various approaches to stories about Lee Kyoogryu in each historical reincarnation and their meanings in the history of Yadam. Yoo Mongin’s Uhwooyadam depicts Lee’s story as a harmonious reunion of friendship and filial piety. Lee Jae’s Jongsayigongmyogal describes and commends stories related to Lee Kyungryu as fidelity and filial piety. Noh Myunghum’s Dongpaeraksong foregrounds the love story between the ghost of Lee Kyungryu and his wife, marginalizing the story of grace and filial piety. Lee Kyusang’s Byeongsaejaeuonrok illustrates Lee Kyungryu’s reincarnation, which both intensifies narrative curiosity and minimizes ideological censorship. Lee Huipyung’s Gyeseojaprok stresses familial and hierarchical order, and filial piety, for it was a selective anthology of anecdotes that had been transmitted from the storytelling space of the Hansan Lee family. This paper also examines the stories of Lee Kyungryu found in the 19th century Yadam anthologies and their common characteristics and meanings. Lee’s stories included in the anthologies of informal history were based on those of Joyajipyo published in 1784 and selected a few stories from several other anthologies including Uhwooyadam. A brief description of Lee’s reincarnation is included due to its relationship to the envoys from China, while conjugal affection is ignored due to the editors’ self-consciousness as narrators of history. There exists distinctive difference between the 19th century Yadam anthologies and the 19th century Informal History anthologies in dealing with the stories of Lee Kyungryu. The major Yadam anthologies of the l9th century directly quoted the stories from Gyeseojaprok. No other creative transformation and additional motifs are found. The fact that the 19th century Yadam anthologies adopted Lee Kyungry anecdotes mostly from Gyeseojaprok suggests a significant implication regarding the eventual development of the late Yi Dynasty Yadam. The 19th century Yadam anthologies did not inherit the values of earlier Yadam anthologies that stressed conjugal affection as in Dongpaeraksong, and resisted ideological censorship and embrassed the curious reincarnation as in Byeongsaejaeuonrok. It also clearly demarcated itself from the Eccentric Novel, such as Yisaengkujangjeon. The zeitgeist of the late Yi Dynasty was the opposite of “implementation of ideology”. However, implementation of ideology was stressed in extremity in the Yadam anthologies of this period, depending on the editors’ personalities. Furthermore ideology was strongly emphasized and idealized, for Yadam was deemed as an alternative to the real world where implementing ideology was no longer possible. Lee Kyungryu stories in Gyeseojaprok represents such a view. This might suggest that the late 19th century Yadam went into a stage of creative stasis by merely imitating and adopting the pre-existing stories. On the other hand it suggest that Yadam recognized and established its own unique generic styles and characterizations as an opposite of Eccentric Novel and Informal History. Prior to the 19th century, Yadam focused on familial side of Lee’s story, portraying Lee’s eventual reincarnation as a direct result of Lee’s affection for his son and wife. Based on the earlier anthologies of Yadam, the 19th century Yadam recreated Lee Kyungryu as a paragon of filial piety, and a patriotic and familial martyr who successfully reconstructed the order of the state and family.
李他仁은 高句麗 말기 柵城 褥薩이었다. 그동안 그의 族源에 대해서는 다양한 견해들이 제시되었다. 본고에서는 이타인의 족원을 고찰하고자, 고구려의 李氏姓 존재여부에 대해 검토하였다. 그 과정에서 600년 ?陽王의 명령으로 『新集』을 편찬한 李文眞의 존재와 渤海의 李氏들에 주목하여 고구려에 이씨성이 존재하였음을 입증하였다. 그리고 唐의 `賜姓李氏` 사례와 唐에서 활동한 李氏姓 고구려 遺民들의 특징을 비교한 결과 고구려에서 독자적인 `賜姓李氏`가 있던 것으로 파악하였다. 이를 기반으로 「李他仁墓誌銘」에 기재된 문구 및 고구려와 말갈의 관계를 분석하여 이타인은 고구려로부터 `사성이씨` 된 고구려인임을 확인하였다. 마지막으로 이타인이 책성 욕살에 수여된 배경에 대해 642년에 발발했던 淵蓋蘇文의 정변에 주목하였다. 여기에 高質 一家와의 비교를 통해 이타인 일가가 연개소문의 정변에 공적을 세운 까닭에 柵城 褥薩이 될 수 있던 것으로 추론하였다. Lee Ta-in was the Chaek Castle castellan at the end of the Goguryeo. In the meantime, various opinions have been raised about his ethnic origin. In this article I examine the existence of the Lee family in the Goguryeo to investigate the ethnic origin of the Lee Ta-in. In the process, I prove that there existed last name Lee in Goguryeo by paying attention to the existence of Lee Moon-jin who made a 『Sinjip』 by the King Yeongyang order in the 600th year and last name Lee in Balhae. And a comparison of the characteristics of Tang`s "give last name Lee" and displaced people of Goguryeo of last name Lee who were active in the Tang proved that there existed a unique "give last name Lee" in Goguryeo. Based on this analysis, I analyzed the phrases written in 「Lee Ta-in`s Epitaph」 and analyzed the relationship between Goguryeo and Malgal, and confirmed that Lee Ta-inwas an Goguryeon who was "give last name Lee" from Goguryeo Finally it paid attention to revolution of Yeon Gaesomun which originated in 642 about the Background awarded to Chaek Castle castellan of Lee Ta-in. In comparison with the Go Jil family, I could deduce that Lee Ta-in family was able to receive the last name Lee because the Lee Ta-in family established considerable achievements in the revolution of the Yeon Gaesomun. (Researcher Of ELEVEN R&D Institute / firstname.lastname@example.org)
Moonsan is Lee Jae-ui(1772~1839)'s pen name. He is born the eldest grandson of the Jeonju Lee's Dukchun family line. Jeonju Lee's family is a prince of the blood in Chosun dynasty.. His noble birth make him a proud person. His birthplace was Seoul, but he have lived in Yongin, Kyunggi province. Especially he is a great-grandson of chief general, Lee Ju-guk who loved by king Jungjoe. Lee Jae-ui should carry out a duty of descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. That is a devout and unavoidable fate for him. Because he has a strong consciousness of offering sacrifice to his ancestors. He didn't go into government service at all. Instead of it, he made an effort to cultivate his morals and manage the family. Lee Jae-ui was taught chinese literature by Nam, you-do and the confucian scriptures by Ryu, Jung-mo in early years. During adult ages, he was a disciple of Park, yoon-won and Song, hwan-ki who are prominent scholars of confucianism. And then he promoted a friendship with lung, Jaw-meun Ann, ho Kim, young Sim, Ryu Song, Myung-hee lung, Yak-yong etc., they are his senior scholars. Whang, Gi-chun and Hong, Jik-pil, Lee, Man-jung and Sim, Du-young are Lee Jae-ui's best friends, First of all, he was known by lung, Yak-yong's argument parter of human nature. We hope that Lee Jae-ui's literature and thought is studied deeply sooner or later.
The purpose of this study is to elucidate Jung-Hwan Lee's life and the process of completing book, Taekriji(擇里志, A classical cultural geography of the Korean settlement). The conclusion of the study is summarized as follows. 1. Jung-Hwan Lee's career can be divided into two periods, before and after the time when he was involved in Sinimoksa)(辛壬獄事, party strife in Sinchuk year( 1721) and Imin year(1722)) and banished to a distant island. Coming of the Lees of Yeoju, one of noble families, he had talent for poetry and prose in his childhood. At the early age of 24, he passed Kwago(科擧, the highest-level state examination to recruit ranking officials during Josun Dynasty) and began government service. During the service, he formed and led a circle of literary men. With In-Bok Lee and Kwang-un O, he played an important role in a progressive group in Namin, one of political parties in the Josun Dynasty. Meanwhile, Jung-Hwan Lee had an interest in geomancy from his twenties and explored the mountains in Gyeonggi-do, Hwanghae-do, and Chungcheong-do to find a good graveyard for several months with a geomancer, Ho-Ryong Mok. His friendship with Ho-Ryong Mok, which was considered as conspiracy against the king, caused him to be arrested and tried as suspect. His survey expenence of various places with Ho-Ryong Mok as well as excellent talent for poetry and prose can be said to be an important basis of his writing Taekriji later. The latter half of Jung-Hwan Lee's life was the time of frustration and adversity, for about 30 years when he lost his government position, retired from the world, and led a wandering life. Although struggling with adversity, he left a masterpiece of Taekriji through exploring the whole country. He explored 6 Provinces in Josun personally except Jeonra-do. His personal exploration made him "have a sharp eye for geographical phenomena". Through his exploring the whole country, Jung-Hwan Lee found a new Taekriji. 2. Ik Lee, Seong-Kwan Mok, Hoe-Kyeong Mok, Bong-Hwan Lee, and Eon-Yu Jeong who wrote prefaces and epilogues to Taekrij were Jung-Hwan Lee's contemporaries. Closely related by mamage, they had a similar appreciative eye for things, and in addition, all of them suffered from a party strife directly or indirectly except Eon-Yu Jeong. That's why they understood each other and had the consciousness of kind. Ik Lee, a cousin of jung-Hwan Lee's grandfather, was his senior in the family and academic stay. Jung-Hwan Lee frequently corresponded with him. Seong-Kwan Mok was a nephew of jung-Hwan Lee's wife, and Hoe- Kyeong Mok was the person who wrote down the achievements of Cheon-Im Mok, jung-Hwan's brother-in-law and Seong-Kwan Mok's life history. Bong-Hwan Lee could have been jung-I-Iwan Lee's cousin, but became his distant relative since his father, Yeon-Hyu had been adopted. jung-I-Iwan Lee's grandmother was a daughter of Man-I-Iwa jeong, one of the jeongs of Dongrae, who came from the same family as Eon-Yu Jeong. Those who wrote prefaces and epilogues to Taekriji were jung-Hwan Lee's relatives as above. 3. Five persons who wrote prefaces and epilogues helped Taeknji be known to the world, but Ik Lee played a distinguished part. It is considered that writing Taekriji began at least after April of the 25th year of king Y oungjo (1749). Taekriji is believed to have been completed in a relatively short time and at the last phase of jung-Hwan Lee's life. Prefaces and epilogues to Taekriji were written sometime between the 28th year of king Youngjo (1752) and the 29th year of king Youngjo (1753). Accordingly, we may say Taekriji is had been completed by that time. However, there are two views of what year "the beginning of early summer in Baekyang year" in the epilogue written by jung-Hwan Lee himself means: some believe it is Sinmi year and others Gapsul year. Sinmi year is the 27th year of king Youngjo (1751) and Gapsul year is the 30th year of king Youngjo (1754). If jung-Hwan Lee l
This study focuses on how General Lee achieved continuous victories in the beginning of Japanese invasion. Unlike previous studies that focused on the victory factors on the water, this study focuses on analyses of General Lee’s combat preparation and emphasized combat capability during initial stages of battles, which defeated Japanese forces. The background of General Lee’s substantial war preparation came from the battle of Japanese invasion led by Hong-Yang in the Year of Jeong-Hae (1587). By developing the foundation for discipline and commanding system based on the past experience, Lee focused on creative, yet stuck to the basic war-preparation. One of Lee’s creative works was that he collected information of Japanese combat style to create his battle strategies: to deny enemy"s climbing up the warship, but to be close enough to target enemy ships with turtle ships, and to inspect the war preparations. For the war preparations, Lee inspected ships, various weapons, and defense system on the field. But most importantly, Lee’s victorious background originated from his nationally scaled propulsion for increasing the number of war-ships, development of cannons specially designed for battles against Japanese forces. When the actual Lim-Gin Japanese invasion occurred, Lee was fully prepared to go to the war against Japan by utilizing the effective reporting system, which reached to Right naval HQ located in Jeon-Ra provinces, observatory posts, and central government in a very short time. Lee also prepared for all possible routes of Japanese incomings and settled his navy on sea of Gyeong-Sang waiting for the imminent battle command from the government. In order to execute Command & Control system in the battle at the sea of Gyeong-Sang, Lee required strict command system, and hierarchy with Won-Gyun and Uk-Gi Lee’s fleet, which allowed well-coordinated strategic system. Also, strategy integrated intelligence, maneuver, fires, and force protections against Japanese Force. First, spot the enemy, approach with fleets during earl dawn when security is assured, then charge with turtle ships and full-on assailment of cannons with Pan-Ok ships to defeat Japanese Navy. After such strategy, Lee quickly ran away from the battle scene in order to prepare for the possible ambush attacks and buy some maintenance time for his navy. In summary, Lee achieved the victory via analyzing Japanese Navy’s current status, geography, water current, surround and attack strategy, ambush attacks, and effective maneuvers, which integrated with turtle ships and navy’s fire power. He also inspected his forces, fleets, and other weapons to sustain his combat capabilities. He distributed loots from the battles to his soldiers to alleviate their fear and fatigue. The most important victory factor would be Lee’s victory oriented leadership. His leadership highlighted field focused operations, principles, executions, and keen discernment, which contributed to flexible strategies, all with courage, fairness, people and his navy. In order to win the war, combat capability had to be performed at its best, and Lee’s victories at the initial battles exemplify preparation for the war and successful coordination of combat capability with his leadership in the naval battles.
본고는 당대 문단의 중심에 있었던 月沙 李廷龜(1564~1635) 가계의 일원인 東里 李殷相(1617~1678)의 詩文學을 고구하였다. 그의 시에 드러나는 중요한 특성들은 그만의 것이 아니라 이정귀 가계의 문학이 공유하는 것들이다. 본고는 이 점에 유의하면서 가계문학의 특성과 그만이 지녔던 차별성을 살펴보았다. 이정귀 가계는 산수 자연에 대한 갈망과 탐닉이 남달랐다. 이은상은 선대의 경험을 공유하고자 금강산 유람을 시도하였으며, 이정귀가 그랬던 것처럼 악공을 대동하여 산에 올랐다. 장문의 시 제목을 통하여 운문과 산문을 복합적으로 활용하는 가계의 전통을 계승하였다. 또한, 윗세대와 달리 다양한 詞牌를 활용하는 詞를 창작해 문학적 역량을 과시하였다. 그의 이러한 행보는 그만의 특성이 아니라 가계문학의 계승이라는 측면에서 바라볼 때 온전한 이해가 가능하다. 이정귀 가계문학은 ‘學唐’의 범주 안에 있었으며, 구성원의 시풍도 유사한 성격을 지니고 있다. 평어에 개별적 차이가 있지만, 이정귀의 ‘豪放’ ‘飄逸’에서 크게 벗어나지 않았다. 이은상의 경우 ‘豪健’이라는 평을 받았는데, 이정귀의 ‘豪放’보다 좀 더 정제된 면모에서 나온 평가이다. 16세기에서 17세기로 넘어가는 시기의 시단은 ‘學唐’의 테두리에서 벗어나지 않으면서 시적 수준을 높이려는 노력을 기울였다. 이은상의 시문학에서 ‘漢魏盛唐’을 주창한 鄭斗卿이나 金得臣처럼 적극적인 변화의 모습을 찾기는 어렵다. 그러나 가계문학의 전승속에서 이은상이 詞를 창작하고 시 구성의 치밀성 등 다양한 변화를 추구하려는 모습은 발견되었다. 김창협은 이은상의 시문학에 대하여 “율시에 뛰어나서 입을 열면 문장이 되었다”며 천부적인 재능에서 나온 口占과 口號를 높이 평가하였다. 이것은 즉흥적 감성을 담보로 한 문학의 진정성이 기반이 된 것으로 즉 백악시단의 ‘眞詩 追求’ 정신과 맞닿아 있다고 할 수 있다. 본고는 가계문학이라는 범주의 부여가 가능한지 확인하기 위해 詩語를 통하여 자카드 분석을 시도한 결과, 그 유사성을 확인하였다. 이는 이정귀에서 이은상이 활동하던 시기까지 이정귀의 가계문학에 큰 변화가 일지 않았다는 증거이다. 題材의 측면에서 논한다면 이은상의 시문학은 당대의 시인들과 다른 어떤 특수성을 갖고 있다고 말하기는 어렵다. 하지만 당대 문단의 중심인물로 활약한 이정귀 가계문학의 성향을 확인한다는 점에서 의미가 있다. 그리고 그가 물색의 탐닉에 몰두하여 ‘物色分留’라는 시어를 애호한 점은 현장체험을 중시하였던 가계의 전통을 계승하고 윗세대에서 표현하지 못한 새로운 시의 창작을 추구하였다는 실례이다. 처참했던 壬丙兩亂의 고통 속에서 헤어지는 한을 시에 담았던 윗세대와 달리 이별의 순간을 ‘浮生聚散’의 관점으로 詩想을 써내려간 이은상에게서 세상을 대하는 세대 간의 차이를 발견할 수 있다. 내재된 감성의 표현으로 達觀의 境地를 보여주는 시가 많은 것도 그의 차별적인 지점이다. 아울러 이은상의 시문학은 김상헌 가계와의 문학적 교류와 상호 영향을 고려해 볼 때, 18세기 문학의 새로운 면모를 만들고자 활약한 백악시단의 탄생에 일조했으리라 가늠할 수 있다. This paper studied the poetic literature of Dong-ri(東里) Lee Eun-sang(李殷相). He is a member of the Li Jung-gul family. The Li Jung-gu family shares literary characteristics. their literature transmits literary tradition faithfully and it should be focused that they have similar tendency. Lee Jung-gui’s family had a longing and indulgence for arithmetic. Lee attempted to tour Mt. Kumgangsan to share the experiences of his ancestors. The family tradition was inherited through the title of the long sentence, which is a combination of verse and prose. Unlike the older generation, he also created Sa(詞) that utilize various Sa(詞) to show off their literary capabilities. His behavior is fully understood in terms of inheritance of family literature. Lee Jung-Gui’s family literature has a similar style. Although there are individual differences in flatfish, they do not deviate significantly from Lee Jung-Gui’s ‘Ho bang(豪放)’ and ‘飄逸(Pyoil)’. Lee Eun Sang received the reputation of ‘豪健(Ho geon)’, which comes from a more refined aspect than Lee’s free style. In the transition from the 16th to the 17th centuries, poetical circles endeavored to raise the poetic level without leaving the borders of ‘Hakdang(學唐)’. In the poetry of Lee Eun-sang, it is difficult to find positive changes such as Jeong, Du-gyeong(鄭斗卿) and Kim, Deuk-sin(金得臣) which advocated ‘Han-Wi-Seongdang(漢魏盛唐)’. However, even in the tradition of family literature, the movement of change to raise the level through the creation of a book and pursuing the preciseness of the composition of poetry is sensed. Kim Chang-hyup said that Lee Sang-sang’s poetry is “excellent and bizarre unless he intentions.” The authenticity of improvised sentiment was highly valued because it touched spirit of the Baekaksidan(白岳詩壇). Compared with other members of Lee Jung-gui’s family through the poetic diction, it is clear that they are in an influence relationship, but his distinctiveness can be seen in the words of his own particular favorite, ‘scenery(物色)’ and ‘transient life(浮生)’. According to the jacquard analysis, Lee Eun-sang and Lee Myung-han are the most similar. However, there is little variation except Lee Seok-hyung, which has a big difference in time. It is clear that there is a similarity in the use of Shea. This proves that the changes in Family literature were not significant until at least Lee’s time. Lee’s poetry is hardly considered to have any specificity different from the poets of his time. However, there is a clear significance in that it shows the propensity of the Lee Jung-gui family that was at the center of the passage. And his devotion to the indulgence of nature and his love of the ‘mulsaegbunlyu(物色分留)’ is an example of his pursuit of a new poetic attempt that the older generation did not express. Unlike the poems of the older generations, who suffered through the experience of Im Byung-ran, being optimistic even in the moment of parting from the perspective of ‘busaengchwisan(浮生聚散)’ reveals a difference in the gaze for the world. Many poems that show the stage of ‘dalgwan(達觀)’ are also different points from those of family literature. Lee’s poetry is intact in the category of Lee Jung-gui’s family literature. His traits are mostly influenced by family literature. However, it also reveals the attempts of differentiation, such as the creation of her own poem and poem. Lee Jung-gui’s family literature favored improvisation and sincerity rather than hanging on the table. I valued the inspiration that comes directly from the landscape. This is in line with the spirit of ‘jinsichugu(眞詩追求)’ as mentioned earlier. The Lee Jung-Gwi family grew their literary capacity through continuous exchanges with the Kim Sang-Hun family. Lee Eun-sang’s position in the two-family exchange suggests that it played a role as a medium for the birth of the Baekaksidan, which contributed to creating a new face in the 18th century.
본 연구의 목적은 가족기업의 핵심역량 축적과정을 살펴보고 성공적인 가업승계의 중요성을 논의하는 것이다. 이를 위해 가족기업의 경쟁우위를 설명한 Miller and Le Breton-Miller (2005)의 4C(Continuity, Community, Connection, Command)모델을 기반으로 3대에 걸친 성공적인 가업승계를 기반으로 한 에스엘의 핵심역량 축적과정을 조사했다. 국내 자동차부품회사인 에스엘의 성장과정에 관한 2차 자료를 분석하고, 대표이사와의 심층인터뷰를 통해 그 연관성을 구체적으로 살펴보았다. 분석결과 창업자 가족이 공유한 가치관과 비전, 노하우, 경험 등은 장기적인 지향성을 가지고 지속적으로 핵심역량을 개발하는데 큰 역할을 하였다. 또한 신뢰의 가치관이라는 사회적 자본을 효과적으로 전달받은, 다음 세대의 후계자는 가족 가치관을 토대로 대외 네트워크를 더욱 견고히 하고 지속적으로 발전시켰다. 에스엘은 성공적인 가업승계로 소유와 지배구조를 집중화 할 수 있었고, 이에 따라 외부 이해관계자들의 압력 없이, 가족 내부 조화를 통해 독립적이고 과감한 의사결정이 가능하였다. 이는 가족기업의 경우 고유한 공동체적 문화와 신뢰에 기반 한 외부 네트워크 형성을 통해 경쟁력 구축에 힘쓸 필요가 있으며, 일반기업의 경우에도 공동체 적 조직문화와 중장기적 관점의 외부 협력관계가 기업의 영속성 유지에 중요하다는 시사점을 제공한다. 또한 가엽승계가 기업경쟁력의 유지와 세대 간 이전에 중요한 기능을 함에 따라 이에 대한 적절한 정책적 배려가 필요하다. The purpose of this study is to examine the process of accumulating com-petences and competitiveness by family companies, and discuss the importance of successful succession of a family business. The core competence accumulation process and competitiveness sources of SL, which is based on successful succession of the family business for three generations, was examined based on the 4C (Continuity, Community, Connection, Command) model of Miller and Le Breton-Miller (2005), which explains the competitive superiority of family companies. Secondary data on the growth process of SL, a domestic auto-mobile parts company, was analyzed and their strategic implications were examined in detail through an in-depth interview with the CEO. The 4C factors, which are antecedent variables of a successful family business, played an important role on the growth process of SL. The continuity factor existed through continuous research and development that focuses on and invests in improving technology quality such as mold pro-duction, lamp production, sash production, and design automation. 2 to 3 percent of the sales amount each year was spent on research and development, regardless of the condition of the economy. As a result, the intellectual property of the company reached 1,108 items (583 applications, 440 registered properties, 47 in review, 38 trademarks) by 2006. From a long-term perspective, the company is improving their technical power to an international standard through technical investments. The continuity of investments in research and development is apparent through three generations, and it can be said that this reflects the characteristics of family business management that shares a goal, and confirms and develops the core capacities of the company. The factor of community started with the "people first" business, management philosophy of the late presi-dent, Hae-joon Lee. Then, it expanded to "human respect" during the president Choong-kon Lee`s generation, and to "ethical management" for the CEO Sung-yup Lee`s generation. The sense of community was revealed to be in the form of a community corporate culture based on a good welfare system for employees and com-munity awareness. Diverse benefits including a housing support system, housing fund support system, child-ren`s education fee support system, scholarship system, and company clubs support system were used to make people feel like "the company and I are one" and work with a sense of ownership. The fact that there has not been one conflict between labor and management since 1968, when the labor union was first established, is especially a noteworthy point. The business management based on "people first" stresses the responsibility and roles of employees and reflects the belief that a workplace should not simply be a place to make a living, but a part of life where you can cultivate character and fulfill your role as a member of society. The connection factor appears as continuous partnerships and networks with domestic and international parts suppliers and technologically advanced companies. The late honorary chairman Hae-joon Lee maintained partnerships and networks with Hyundai Motor Company and Daewoo Motors. Then, chairman Choong-kon Lee expanded the network to include KIA and Ssangyong Motors and maintained long-term relationships with domestic automobile makers. In addition, the company is maintaining cooperative relations with the Japanese company Stanley and German company Hella, and has started dealing with the U.S. company GM, too. CEO Sung-yup Lee`s generation improved the company`s relationship with GM and made the achievement of re-ceiving the QSTP Award (an award GM gives to selected skilled companies out of all the parts companies in the world) from GM for 14 consecutive years (1997-2010), solidifying its position as a skilled partner of GM. SL is also advancing into China through collaborations with the local branch to extract new cooperative relations. The value of "trust" is the motivation that helped SL maintain and strengthen relationships and networks. This value started with the founder of the company and was handed down to chairman Choon-kon Lee and CEO Sung-yup Lee, and worked as a core factor to strengthen external cooperative relationships. The factor of command is apparent from the decisions of business managers who take on a challenge, structural management that includes an endless will for innovation, and leadership. When the late honorary chairman Hae-joon Lee could not cultivate a road for the automobile parts industry because of smuggled goods, he recognized the importance of the automobile parts industry and folded his bicycle parts business, which was number one in the market at the time, without hesitation thanks to his owner-focused independent and bold decision-making skills. In the mid-1990s, when most automobile production companies experienced difficulties because of the economic crisis where Korea was dependent on the IMF, and the aftershocks of restructuring affected automobile parts manufacturing companies, chairman Choong-kon Lee considered the crisis an opportunity and acquired and merged with Seogu Industry (currently known as SL Litech), Oriental Construction and Poongi Building (currently known as SL Seo Bong Co., Ltd. Shiheung factory), creating a turning point to develop further after the crisis. CEO Sung-yup Lee pursues continuous innovation including a corporate culture that places importance on learning and admitting mistakes, change of the structural system to a project based system, and a human resources system that focuses on human resources management, and is emphasizing corporate changes according to the situation of the times. An examination of the SL core competence accumulation process based on the 4C model shows that it is establishing positive relationships and continuity based on connection and trust, leading to a cooperation sys-tem based on the value of trust. It also establishes a positive relationship with command focusing on a com-munity structure culture, which leads to structure capacity based on community culture. The factors of con-nection and community were found to be especially strong at SL. The factor of connection was a core growth motivation, influenced by the key values of family. SL reveals its growth motivation to be "unification of all employees," shares the goals and visions of family with its employees, and offers a variety of different benefits. The active will of employees to participate in this community is seen to be the background behind big accomplishments such as innovations in the field, which are still being pursued. Successful succession of the family company and family business management are strengths that lie in the center of the motivation that allowed SL to continue to grow for three generations, starting with the founder, the late honorary chairman Hae-joon Lee, who provided a foundation of growth with values of trust and peo-ple first, moving on to the second generation chairman Choong-kon Lee, who accomplished a rapid development of the company based on technological developments and respect for people, and finally through to the third generation CEO Sung-yup Lee, who is making efforts for globalization and innovation based on ethical management and change. This shows that the values of trust set by the founder have continued on for a long time, through his son, chairman Choong-kon Lee, and grandson, CEO Sung-yup Lee. Chairman Lee, CEO Lee and executive director Lee Seung-hoon are learning corporate culture and management know-how through a great will to participate and actual participation in management. SL was able to gain competitiveness and continuously reach excellent management performance through cooperation based on the value of trust and structural management that focuses on community culture. As a result of analyzing the company through the 4C model and conducting in-depth interviews with man-agement, it can be said that the values, vision, know-how and experience the founder shared with his family largely contributed to continuous development of core competence with a long-term goal. This in turn had a positive effect on establishment of a corporate community based on trust. By inducing loyalty, participation, and focus on employees in the organizational structure with something more than just financial incentives, the core values of the company are relayed through generations and play an important role in maintaining the community, and also emotionally motivating members of the community. Another point is that the successor who effectively received the social capital of trust as a value, strengthened and continued to develop the ex-ternal network based on the family values. The value of "trust" started by the founder played a key role in strengthening external cooperative relations as it was succeeded through generations. This had a positive ef-fect on connection based on the value of trust, and especially decisively contributed to maintaining close rela-tions of cooperation in the external network and long-term cooperative relationships. SL was able to focus the possession and domination structure through successful succession of the family business, and make in-dependent bold decisions through internal harmony of the family, without pressure from people involved externally. The results above lead to the following points of discussion regarding corporate management. From a busi-ness management perspective, first, a family company needs to establish an external network based on a unique community culture and trust to work on establishing competitiveness. Second, there is a need to reflect the fact that a community-like structural culture and external cooperative relations from a mid- to 0long-term perspective have an important effect on maintenance of corporate continuity, even for companies that are not family businesses, on business management. Third, there is a need to focus on the fact that a structural man-agement method that uses values such as community help secure continuity of a company. From a policy per-spective, since succession of a family business can be not succession of wealth but succession of accumulated technological core competence and good management philosophy and know-how, it is important for improve-ing national competitiveness, to maintain corporate competitiveness, and transfer the competitiveness between generations. Therefore, there is a need for appropriate policies that support the successful transgenerational succession of family businesses.
리영희는 자신을 휴머니스트, 인도주의자, 평화주의자, 우상 파괴자라고 말했다. 그리고 그의 이러한 이념적 정체성을 사회 제도로서 표현하면 사회민주주의다. 그는 서유럽, 특히 북유럽의 사회민주주의를 현존하는 가장 인간다운 사회로 규정하는 것 같다. 그리고 그가 사회민주주의를 하나의 모범적 제도로 생각한 데에는 소련 및 동유럽 사회주의 국가들의 붕괴, 중국의 변화, 북한 사회가 갖고 있는 난제들, 미국식 자본주의의 침략적 본성, 남한권력 구조의 비정통성 등 다양한 이유들이 자리잡고 있다. 리영희를 `인간주의적 사회주의자`라고 부른다면, 강조점은 `사회주의`에 있는 것이 아니라 `인간주의`에 있는 것이다. 강조점을 `사회주의`에 두면서 그를 사회주의자라고 비판하는 사람들은 리영희를 일면적으로 보는 것이다. 리영희가 자본주의를 비판하고 있는 것은 사실이지만 그렇다고 해서 그 대안으로서 사회주의를 제시하고 있다고 볼 수는 없다. 리영희의 사상을 인간주의적 사회주의라고 한다면 이는 사회주의가 자본주의보다 더 `인간적`이라는 것이고, `인간적`이라는 것은 자본주의보다 도덕적으로 우월하다는 것이다. 그렇기 때문에 자본주의와 사회주의를 적당히 결합한 사회민주주의가 리영희에게는 바람직한 사회체제로 보였을 것이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 리영희가 사회주의자인가 자본주의자인가 하는 물음에 굳이 대답을 해야 한다면 (리영희는 그러한 물음 자체를 의미 없는 것으로 보고 거부하겠지만) 그는 자본주의자에 가깝다고 할 수 있다. 사회주의는 자본주의보다 도덕적으로 우월하지만 현실적으로는 자본주의(시장경제)를 받아들일 수밖에 없지 않느냐 하는 것이 리영희가 고민 끝에 내린 결론으로 보이기 때문이다. 이것은 인간주의자 리영희로서는 받아들이기 어려운 현실이다. 왜냐하면 시장경제를 축으로 하는 자본주의는 인간의 이기심을 부추기고 이기심에 기초해서 움직이는 체제로서 인간적, 도덕적 타락을 불러일으킬 수 있기 때문이다. 리영희는 이 문제를 `의지의 낙관주의`로 푸는 것 같다. 장기적으로 보면 현재의 세계 질서는 낙관적으로 전망할 수 있으니 열심히 실천해보자는 것이 리영희의 생각인 것 같다. 그렇지만 이러한 주장은 의지보다는 지성을 중시하는 사람들을 만족시키기 어렵다. 리영희는 자본주의와 사회주의의 결합을 지나치게 단순하게 보는 것 같다. 남북한 문제와 관련해서 그가 모델로 삼고 있는 독일 통일의 경우가 대표적인 예이다. 그에 따르면 독일이 평화적으로 통일을 할 수 있었던 이유는 서독에 사회주의적 요소가 존재했기 때문이다. 그러므로 북한은 시장경제를 받아들이고 남한은 사회주의를 받아들이자는 식이다. 그렇지만 남북한은 서독과 동독과는 다른 매우 이질적인 역사과정을 거쳤기 때문에 리영희의 생각에는 한계가 있을 수 있다. 서독이나 동독은 나치 세력을 철저하게 제거하려는 노력을 공유했지만 남북한은 친일파 문제와 관련해서 매우 이질적인 길을 걸어왔다. 북한은 그들을 철저하게 제거했지만 남한에서는 그들이 권력층에 들어갔다. 더욱이 독일 통일은 소유권을 재편하는 문제와 관련해서 적잖은 혼란을 겪은 것으로 안다. 리영희의 대안이 좀더 설득력을 지니려면 남북한이 소유권 문제와 관련하여 어떤 입장을 가져야 하는지 좀더 구체적으로 말할 필요가 있다. 리영희는 구조결정론에서 벗어나자고 Young-hee Lee called himself humanist, humanitarians, pacifist and_iconoclast. And such ideal identities he has may be defined in a word `social democracy.` He seems to define the social democracy of Western Europe, especially Northern European countries as model of ultimate humanistic society. And the reason why he thinks social democracy as an institutional model comes from a variety of contemporary historical phenomena such as collapse of USSR and East European socialistic countries, socioeconomical change of China, difficult problems of North Korean society, aggressive nature of American capitalism, illegitimacy of South Korean regime hierarchy and so forth. If Young-hee Lee is called `a humanistic socialist`, it accentuates his `humanistic` aspects rather than his `socialistic` aspects. Some people focuses more on his `socialistic` aspects and even criticizes him for socialist, but they have one-sided views on Lee. It is true that Lee criticizes capitalism, but it is unreasonable to assert that he proposes socialism as alternative way to overcome capitalism. On the supposition that Lee`s thoughts are oriented to humanistic socialism, it indicates that socialism is more `humane` than capitalism, and the `humane` means that socialism is morally superior to capitalism. Possibly, that is why Lee considered social democracy-as a moderate combination of capitalism and socialism-as advisable social system. Nevertheless, if someone may still give a question about whether Lee is socialist or capitalist, it is recommended to answer that he is closer to capitalist, rather than socialist, although he doesn`t answer to such a question itself he thinks meaningless, because Lee seems to go through his agonized speculations and thereby come to a conclusion that socialism has moral advantages to capitalism, but it is inevitable to accept capitalism(market economy) in our real world. This is a reality that humanist Lee can hardly accept and embrace, because he has been still concerned about potential risk of capitalism that is a system mainly driven by market economy and interacts with human self-interest, which may ultimately result in human and moral corruptions. Lee seems to try to resolve this problem by means of `optimism of the will.` From long-term perspectives, Lee possibly thinks that current world order still has its optimistic future, so we have to do our best to create new world order. However, such an opinion has difficulties in satisfying some people who value intelligence more than will. Lee seems to have too simple views about the combination of capitalism and socialism, and this tendency is well demonstrated by his interests in the reunification of Germany as a benchmark for resolving potential issues between South and North Korea. According to his opinions, East and West Germany could achieve peaceful reunification because of socialistic elements inherent in West Germany. So Lee simply proposes that North Korea should accept market economy, while South Korea should embrace socialism. However, this idea may have limitations, since South and North Korea have undergone very different modern history, contrary to that of West and East Germany. West and East Germany made collaborative efforts to root out Nazis after World War Ⅱ, whereas South and North Korea have walked through very different ways from each other regarding political purge of pro-Japanese group. North Korean regime rooted out pro-Japanese group radically, while South Korean regime absorbed this group into the corridors of power. Besides, German reunification has involved not a few conflicts concerned with the issue about reorganization of property right. In order that Lee`s alternative way become more convincing, it is necessary for him to show more unambiguous standpoint about the issue of property right to South and North Korea. Lee asserts that we have to overcome structural determinism. Here, the structural determinism means a sort of intellectual and ideo
전주이씨 하면 일반적으로 조선의 왕실, 그리고 핵심적인 양반 성관(姓貫)으로 널리 알려져 있다. 하지만 성씨만 보고서 양반으로 분류해버리는 것은 심각한 오류에 빠질 수 있다. 전주이씨 가계 가운데서도, 구체적으로 사료를 검토해보면 일반적으로 중인들이 응시했던 잡과에도 응시해 합격자들이 나오고 있기 때문이다. 이 글에서는 전주이씨 가계의 잡과 합격 현황을 살펴본 다음, 잡과에 진출한 전주이씨 집안에 대하여 주목하고자 한다. 구체적인 사례로서 제2대 임금 정종(定宗)의 제13남 장천군파(長川君派) 이택기 가계를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 잡과에 합격했다는 것은 기술관으로서의 입지를 보장해줄 뿐만 아니라, 고위직 기술관으로 진출할 수 있는 관직의 길을 담보해주는 것이었기 때문이다. 이 같은 검토를 통해서, 같은 성관이라 할지라도 파(派)를 달리하면 그 후손들의 신분과 위상이 미묘하게 달라지게 되었다는 것, 그리고 그것이 왕실의 후손들 가문에서 잡과에 진출해 잡과중인 가계를 형성하게 되는 계기가 되었다는 것을 밝혀낼 수 있었다. 뿐만 아니라 잡과중인 형성 과정에서 전주이씨 가계가 어떤 비중과 위상을 차지하고 있었는지, 그리고 조선 왕실 후손들이 잡과시험을 통해 잡과중인 집안으로 변모하여 생존했다는 것도 알 수 있었다. 그렇기 때문에 조선시대, 특히 후기의 경우, 성관만으로 신분, 양반과 중인 등을 단정지울 수는 없는 것이다. 같은 성관이라 하더라도 파(派)에 따라서 후손들의 신분과 위상이 미묘하게 달라지기도 했기 때문이다. 임진왜란 이후의 사회적 신분과 사회변동에 대해서는 구체적인 사례 연구와 더불어 다양한 측면에서 입체적으로 분석, 확인하는 작업이 필요하다. Jeonju LEE is known as the surname of the royal family and a prominent Yangban class of the Choson Dynasty. However, not all Jeonju Lee’s were Yangbans. After careful examination of historical literature, this report was able identify that even within the in Jeonju LEE family, there were Chungin’s(中人) who successfully passed the Chapkwa(雜科)-proving that it is erroneous to conclude one’s social status with one’s surname. This paper focuses on the Jeonju Lee family that took the Chapkwa. Specifically, this paper investigates Lee Taeg-ki, the 13th son of the King Jung-jong, and his family. Lee Taeg-ki was an official Chinese translator adalso Jangcheongun-pa(長川君派). Passing Chapkwa guarantees not only a position as a government techno-official, but also the route for a high ranking official. This study proves that even family members with the same surname had different social standing and status. Additionally, this paper found the status and importance of Jeonju Lee family in the process of forming Chapkwa-Chungin(雜科中人) and how they survived by becoming a Chapkwa-Chungin family. It is impossible to assume/conclude one’s class(Yangban, Chungin) by one’s surname in the late Choson Dynasty, because social status and social standing of descendants were differentiated by Pa(派). Therefore, in order to truly understand the social standing and social change in late Choson Dynasty, one needs to conduct specific case studies in diverse angles and spectrums.