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        1920년대 통영지역 청년운동과 ‘김기정 징토운동’

        김상환(Kim, Sang-Hwan) 부산경남사학회 2014 역사와 경계 Vol.91 No.-

        본 논문은 3.1운동 이후 통영청년단을 비롯한 청년운동의 발전과정을 살펴보고, 그 과정에서 나타난 ‘김기정 징토운동’이 통영지역에서 항일운동으로까지 전화되어가는 과정을 검토해보았다. 1919년 7월 창립된 통영청년단은 지역사회운동과 항일운동의 중심이었다. 통영청년단의 멤버들은 다수의 다른 청년단체에 복수의 멤버십으로 가담하기도 했으며, 시대의 조류와 중앙의 청년단체들의 변화에 부응하면서 발전해 갔다. 즉 1925년에는 통영지역에도 ‘정의단’, ‘거화동맹’, ‘안우회’, ‘사과실탄티’ 같은 사상단체도 만들어 지고, 청년조직들도 청년동맹으로 변화되어 가기도 했던 것이다. 김기정 사건에서도 이들은 함께 ‘민정회’를 출범시켜 한시적인 임무수행을 위해 ‘특별위원회’의 위상을 부여하였다. 각 청년조직들이 이렇게 별도의 조직을 만들어가면서 개별단체들이 한계를 극복해 나갔다. 김기정 징토운동은 경상남도 도 평의회에서의 김기정의 발언이 단초가 되었고, 통영 사상단체의 효시인 ‘정의단’에서 활동한 김원석의 징토문 살포로 촉발되었다. 게다가 경찰 출신자들의 모임이자 친일 단체인 ‘삼구회’라는 친일조직에 대한 통영민들의 반감으로 항일의식은 더욱 고취되었다. 김원석의 전격구속에 이은 3월 25일의 보고대회가 진행되어 김기정에 대한 징토운동운동이 확산되어가는 시점에 김기정이 관선 도 평의원으로 재임 된다든지, 5월 9일 앞의 보고대회 집행위원 11인을 추가 구속함으로써 사건은 증폭되었다. 3월 15일부터 시작된 이 운동은 동년 5월 15일까지 두 차례에 걸쳐 도합 33인이 구속되고 김기정이 공직에서 사퇴함으로 마무리 되었다. 이 운동을 주도한 것은 ‘통영청년단’을 비롯한 지역의 청년조직이었다. 이 운동이 두 달 동안 지속되어 목적을 달성할 수 있었던 것은 전적으로 통영지역민의 일치단결된 항일의식과 민족반역자에 대한 분노였다. 통영지역의 김기정 징토운동은 지역을 넘어 전국으로, 해외로까지 알려져 일제의 식민지 지배정책 가운데 내선일체에 대한 허구를 공격하고, 부일협력자에 대한 경종을 울려주었다. This thesis examines Tongyeong Youth Union as well as the youth’s movement after the 3·1 Independence Movement. Also, the thesis has identified the process in which the ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ has evolved into an anti-Japanese movement. The Tongyeong Youth Union which was established in July 1919, was the center of the regional society movement and the anti-Japanese movement. The members of Tongyeong Youth Union participated simultaneously in other numerous youth associations and continued developing after adapting to and fulfilling the changes which the central youth organizations underwent with the tides of the times. In other words, an organization advocating a particular system of ideology emerged in Tongyeong 1925, such as ‘Jeongeuidan’, ‘Geohwa-alliance’, ‘Ahnwoohwae’, ‘Sagwasiltanti’ and other organizations. Moreover, youth organizations transformed into youth alliances. Also in the ‘Ki-jeong Kim Incident’, the youths established the ‘Minjeonghwae’ and for carrying out temporary duties, they also appointed the status of special commission. Each and every youth organization established these separate organizations, which supported independent organizations to overcome limits. The ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ was triggered by Won-seok Kim (an individual who had participated in the ‘Jeongeuidan (the first ideology organization in Tongyeong))’s Punish-Movement and also by Ki-jeong Kim’s remark during the Gyeongsangnam-do provincial council. Furthermore, the pro-Japanese organization ‘Samgoohwae’, consisting of personnel with backgrounds as policemen and in pro-Japanese organization, had forced the people of Tongyeong to foster a sense of rebellion towards the Japanese during this organization’s development. Following the imprisonment of Won-seok Kim, a briefing conference had been held on the 25th of March when ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ was expanding. This period marked a point when Ki-jeong Kim was to be repositioned for office by the government as a provincial councillor, and marked the amplification of the incidence when 11 more member of the executive committee (briefing conference) were imprisoned on the 9th of May. This movement, which started on the 15th of March, resulted in 33 total individuals being imprisoned until the 15th of May and ended with Ki-jeong Kim’s resignation from public office. Those who led this movement were nonetheless, the Tongyeong Youth Union and the region’s youth organizations. The reasons as to how this movement continued for two months were down to the unanimity of Tongyeong residents’ anti-Japanese sentiment and the rage felt towards traitors. The ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ of the Tongyeong region spread across the nation to overseas, which attached the fabrication of the ‘Naeseon Ilche (‘Korea and Japan are One’ policy) which was part of Japan’s policy of domination. Lastly, it sounded the alarm for those who acted for the Japanese domination over Korea; traitors.

      • Do Firms Rebalance Capital Structure? Evidence from Korean Retail Firms

        Kim,Sang-Su,Lee,Jeong-Hwan 한국유통과학회 2019 KODISA ICBE (International Conference on Business Vol.2019 No.-

        The existence of capital structure adjustment costs affects the test of the trade-off theory of capital structure significantly. We analyze whether there exist economically significant capital adjustment costs for the Korean retail firms. We use the duration model of Leary and Roberts (2005) to estimate the hazard rate of capital structure adjustments. The publicly traded retail firms listed in the KOSPI and KOSDAQ markets are analyzed from 2000 to 2016. Our empirical analysis finds infrequent capital structure adjustments for the Korean retail firms, which is in line with the U.S. evidence. However, our duration analysis argues that the role of fixed adjustment cost is important in the determination of capital structure adjustments, unlike the existing studies emphasizing both of fixed and convex cost components. This paper confirms the existence of capital structure adjustment costs for the Korean retail firms. However, our results argue for the significance of fixed adjustment costs in capital structure adjustments, inconsistent with the existing studies.

      • Interspecific and Intraspecific Variation in Pollen Grains of Quercus Subgenus Lepidobalanus Endl. in Korea

        Kim,Sang-Yong,Kim,Kae hwan 한국자원식물학회 2002 Plant Resources Vol.5 No.1

        Palynological characters such as pollen grain polar axis length (PL), pollen equatorial diameter (ED), colpus length, colpus width, and P/E ratio of six species of Quercus subgenus Lepidobalanus Endl. from Korea were studied. A significant interspecific variation, unequal distances between the species, and various degree of intraspecific variations were found. The taxonomic value of the pollen morphology parameters measured was found to vary according to species. These results suggest a possible relationship between parameters measured and ploidy level of the Quercus species studied.

      • An Improved Speech Processing Strategy for Cochlear Implants Based on an Active Nonlinear Filterbank Model of the Biological Cochlea

        Kim $^$, Kyung Hwan,Choi, Sung Jin,Kim, Jin Ho,Kim, Doo Hee IEEE 2009 IEEE Transactions on Biomedical Engineering Vol.56 No.3

        <P>The purpose of this study was to improve the speech processing strategy for cochlear implants (CIs) based on a nonlinear time-varying filter model of a biological cochlea. The level-dependent frequency response characteristic of the basilar membrane is known to produce robust formant representation and speech perception in noise. A dual resonance nonlinear (DRNL) model was adopted because it is simpler than other adaptive nonlinear models of the basilar membrane and can be readily incorporated into the CI speech processor. Spectral analysis showed that formant information is more saliently represented at the output of the proposed CI speech processor compared to the conventional strategy in noisy conditions. Acoustic simulation and hearing experiments showed that the DRNL-based nonlinear strategy improves speech performance in a speech-spectrum-shaped noise.</P>

      • SCOPUSKCI등재

        피하조직 삭제술과 CO2 레이저를 이용한 액취증 수술의 임상적 고찰

        김상백 ( Sang Baik Kim ),김일환 ( Il Hwan Kim ) 대한피부과학회 2002 大韓皮膚科學會誌 Vol.40 No.12

        N/A Background : Axillary osmidrosis is a distressing problem characterized by and unpleasant odor, profuse sweating, and occasionally staining of clothes that may handicap those affected socially, psychologically and in the work place. Various types of surgical procedures have been developed for the treatment of axillary osmidrosis. However, it is still not clear whether which type of surgery can provide the best long-term results. Objective : We evaluated the long-term(more than 2 years) follow-up resole of subcutaneous tissue remover and Carbon Dioxide(CO_2) laser for surgical treatment(Kim`s operative method) of axillary osmidrosis retrospectively. Methods : The number of patients who had been surgically operated wase 132 and among them, 62 patients were interviewed by telephone. The degree of recurrence, scar, satisfaction, the causes of dissatisfaction, and recommendation were evaluated. Results : Thirty-eight of tile 62 patients(61.3%) had no recurrence, Twenty-one patients(33.9%) of the 62 patients had rarely scar, Forty-five patients(72.6%) had a feeling of satisfaction. Conclusion : This combined method has the advantages of a high success rate, low complication rate and Ina scarring for the treatment of axillary osmidrosis baaed on the long-term evaluation. (Korean J Dermatol 2002;40(12) : 1474-1480)

      • KCI등재

        The prediction of the tooth size in the mixed dentition for Korean

        Moon, Sung-Hwan,Kim, Seong-Oh,Yu, Hyung-Seong,Choi, Byung-Jai,Choi, Hyung-Jun,Lee, Jae-Ho 大韓小兒齒科學會 2006 大韓小兒齒科學會誌 Vol.33 No.2

        이번 연구의 목적은 혼합치열기 아동에서 미맹출된 견치와 소구치의 크기를 예측하는데 있어서 한국인에 맞는 방정식을 만들기 위함이다. 미맹출 치아의 크기를 예측하는 것은 혼합치열기 교정 진단과 치료계획 수립에 있어서 매우 중요하다. 미맹출된 견치와 소구치 크기를 예측하는 방법은 몇가지가 있지만 그중에서도 가장 흔하게 쓰이는 것이 모이어의 예측표와 다나카와 존스턴의 방정식이 있다. 하지만 그것들은 백인을 위해서 제작된 것이고 치아 크기는 인종에 따라서 다르다고 알려져 있다. 이번 연구에서는 치아크기를 측정하여 하악 영구 절치의 크기 합과 견치 및 소구치의 크기 합 사이의 상관관계를 구하고 회귀방정식을 이용해서 한국인에 맞는 예측표를 만들었다. 연세대학교 치과대학에 재학중인 178명의 한국 학생(남 108명, 여 70명, 평균연령 21.63)을 대상으로 실험하였다. 영구치의 근원심 폭경을 석고모형상에서 calipers를 이용해서 측정하였다. 성별간의 치아 크기는 차이가 있었다(p<0.05). Correlation coefficient는 0.57에서 0.64의 범위였고, standard errors of the estimates 는 여성에서 0.6으로써 남성보다 우수하였다. r^(2)값은 0.27에서 0.41의 범위를 나타내었다. Estimating the size of unerupted teeth is an essential aspect of orthodontic diagnosis and treatment planning in the mixed dentition. Several methods were introduced and used for the prediction. The most common methods among these would be Moyers probability chart and Tanaka and Johnston equations. These are currently used widely, but they were developed for Caucasians. Because there are clear racial differences in teeth size, the objectives of this study were to produce correlation coefficients between the combined mesiodistal widths of the permanent mandibular incisors and those of the canines and premolars for each quadrant, and prediction tables with regression equations, specifically for Korean. 178 young adults (70 women, 108 men, mean age 21.63 years) were selected from the College of Dentistry, Yonsei University, Seoul, Korea. The mesiodistal crown diameters of the permanent teeth were measured with calipers. Significant sexual dimorphism was found in tooth sizes. The correlation coefficients between the total mesiodistal width of the mandibular permanent incisors and those of the maxillary and mandibular canines and premolars were found to be between 0.52 and 0.64. The standard error of the estimatation was better (0.60) for women and the r^(2) values ranged from 0.27 to 0.41 for both sexes, Prediction tables were prepared for Korean. This study showed larger canine and premolar diameters than Tanaka and Johnston's and Moyers' studies which might be due to the racial differences. Further investigations with a larger sample size will be needed for more representative data on the Korean population.

      • KCI등재후보

        고려 말 李中仁의 활동과 교유 관계

        김성환(Kim, Sung-hwan) 포은학회 2011 포은학연구 Vol.8 No.-

        이중인(1315~?)과 관련한 자료는 1705년 13대손 이세회가 지은 〈고려구 성부원군이공묘표음기〉가 전부이다. 그는 판도판서인 이광시와 덕양부부인 행주기씨의 아들이자 대제학 全信의 사위로 아들 사영과 사위ㆍ사이를 두었다. 그의 이름은 李冲仁 또는 李沖仁으로 기록되기도 했다. 그는 부음을 통해 관직에 나갔을 것으로 추측되는데, 관력으로는 1339년(충숙왕 복위8)~1340년(충혜왕 복위 1)을 전후하여 중서성지인, 1350년대 후반부터 1362년 이후까지의 통직랑, 홍복도감판관 등이 확인된다. 최종 관직이 문하시중이었다는 《기년동사약》의 기록을 염두에 둘 때, 훨씬 다양한 관직과 활동을 역임했을 것으로 추측되지만, 확인할 수 없다. 그가 판관을 역임한 홍복도감이 어떤 성격의 관부였는지 명확하지 않다. 홍복도감이 소속된 전의시가 왕실의 제사를 주관하고 왕의 묘호와 시호의 제정을 주관하는 관청으로 전의시판사는 불교와 유교의 제례가 어우러져 진행되는 예제에 밝아야만 임용될 수 있는 자리였고, 홍법도감판관 역시 마찬가지였을 것이다. 이것은 그가 국휼의 예제는 물론 성리학적인 의식에도 관통하고 있었음을 의미한다. 원나라에 사신을 다녀오기도 하면서 성리학을 수용했던 부친 이광시의 가르침을 염두에 둘 수 있는 부분이다. 이중인은 부친과 장인이 교유했던 백이정ㆍ김제안ㆍ김륜ㆍ이제현 등 유학자 그룹들을 선배로, 김득배ㆍ한방신 등을 자신과 함께 관직 활동을 했던 동료로, 이색을 자신의 후배이자 아들의 선생으로, 아들과 동년이었던 정몽주ㆍ임박ㆍ문익점ㆍ김군정ㆍ이존오ㆍ유원ㆍ곽추 등 신흥사대부들과 다양하게 교류하였다. 특히 그는 이색보다 14년, 정몽주보다 23년 연배였다. 이색은 그의 장자이자 자신의 성균관 생도였던 이사영의 학문을 칭송하였고, 이숭인 역시 이사영과의 관계가 특별했다. 이사영ㆍ이사위 형제를 포함하여 이색ㆍ한수ㆍ이집ㆍ이숭인ㆍ정몽주ㆍ정추ㆍ박진록ㆍ이무방ㆍ이종학ㆍ김구용 등은 나이ㆍ관직에 관계없이 교류하며 시국에 대한 토론과 대책을 논의하기도 하였다. 이런 관계에서 이들은 자연스럽게 이중인의 집을 드나들었고, 개인적으로는 벗의 부친이나[정몽주], 제자의 부친으로[이색], 공적으로는 조정의 선배이자 尊丈으로서 이중인을 접했을 것이다. 그리고 자연스레 신왕조의 개창을 준비하는 이성계ㆍ정도전ㆍ조준 등에 맞서 개혁을 통한 고려의 보지와 부흥을 위해 고민하고 노력하였다. 이런 측면에서 이중인이 “어려서부터 학업과 뛰어난 업적으로 일대종장이 되어 포은과 목은이 어려서부터 학문을 종유하였고, 조선에서 80의 나이를 넘긴 그에게 구성부원군에 추봉하자 받지 않고 “본래 전조의 사람으로 스스로를 다스리는 것이 지켜야 할 뜻이거늘 어찌 달라질 수 있을 것인가”라고 하며 정충대절을 지켰다는 《기년동사약》의 서술은 후손의 평가라 하더라도 일정한 의미가 있다고 할 것이다. The whole of written material dealing with Yi Jung-in(1315~?) is encompassed in his epitaph written by his descent Yi Se-hwe in 1705. He was the son of Yi Gwang-si, former Pando-Panseo(Minister of formalities) and Haengju Gi as well as the son-in-law of Jeon Sin of former Daejaehak(Minister of Education). is name has also been recorded as Yi Chung-in(李冲仁) and Yi Chung-in(李沖仁). His government service can be guessed at by reading his obituary. He has been confirmed as serving in 1339 to 1340 as the Jungseoseong-jiin and Tongjik-rang from the latter half of 1350 to after 1362, in addition to other posts such as Hongbokdogam-Pangwan. When considering the record of Gineondongsaryak written during his last post of Munha-sijung, one can surmise that he had quite a few postings and activities in succession, but this cannot be confirmed. Just what type of character was reflected in Hongbokdogam inspiring him to serve in these successive his positions remains unclear. Falling under the heading of Hongbokdogam , Jeonuisi was part of a government department concerned with observing the royal family’s ancestra rites as well as the ceremony of assigning names posthumously to deceased kings. Along these lines, the Jeonuisi-pansa was an appointed position conferred only after the applicant underwent an exercise combining Buddhist and Confucian ceremonies. The Hongbokdogam-Pangwan appears to be the same thing. This signifies that he had a deeper than normal understanding of Neo-Confucianism through the national mourning ceremonly. One can keep in mind the teachings of his father, Yi Gwang-shi, who had absorbed Neo-Confucianism from visiting Yuan dynasty envoys. Yi Jung-in came into contact with many people from his elders in Confucian groups such as Baek Yi-jeong, Gim Je-an, Yi Je-hyeon, and others to contemporaries in government posts, such as Gim Duek-bae and Han Bang-sin. He was also involved with Yi Saek as the tutor of the son as well as the son’s contemporaries, Jeong Mong-ju, Mun Ik-jeom, Gim Gun-jeong, Yi Jon-o and others from his son’s friends. He was 14 years older than Yi-saek and 23 years older than Jeong Mong-ju. Yi Saek praised the scholarship of his eldest son, Yi Sa-yeong, a pupil at the same Confucian institute as Yi Saek. Yi Sung-in likewise shared a special relationship with Yi Sa-yeong. Yi Sa-yeong, together with his older brother Yi Sa-wi, associated with people such as Yi Saek, Han Su, Yi Jip, Jeong Mong-ju, Gim Gu-yong, and others without concern for age or rank. Together, they debated the state of political affairs and discussed policies. This type of relationship permitted them to visit Yi Jung-in’s house as they pleased and individually approact him either as a friend’s father or the father of a pupil through seniors of the society. Thus they showed a natural unity of purpose in striving toward the preservation and reconstruction of the Goryeo kingdom through reform while confronting Yi Seong-gye, Jeong Do-jeon, Jo Jun and others who were preparing the way for the rise of a new dynasty. From this perspective, Yi jung-in “became a leader in scholarship through study and great acts, Poeun and Mogeun followed him in scholarship and succeeded him in his position in Guseong-Buwongun after his death at over 80 years of age. With his statement ”How can the original system of the protecting the ruling king’s identity as an original Koryo leader? he made clear that the document Gineondongsaryak which protected the loyalty and constancy still held deep meaning.

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