西巖 金有聲의 繪畵 硏究

김나영 동국대학교 2011 국내석사

Kim Yu-seong(1725-?) is a painter in Royal Painting Institute during the King Young Jo in late Joseon who visited Japan as a delegate in the Envoy to Japan. He participated in the 11th Envoy in the Year of Gyemi(癸未,1763) among 12 Envoys sent by Joseon Dynasty. It is considered as one the most crucial Envoys in exchanging paintings and artists between Joseon and Japan. Activities of Kim Yu-seong can be found in the records of the Envoy as follows. He reproduced the map of Japan, painted landscape and received 5 sets of silver letters as a prize from the Shogun in a talent screening. He collaborated with a painter Byeon Bak, inofficial participant of the Envoy, and most of his currently remaining paintings were made during his visit in Japan based on the official stamps stating Joseon, painting of Joseon or painting of Small China. Various subject matters were used in his paintings and landscape in particular was most frequently used. He adopted popular landscape painting methods of actual facts(眞景) and the Southern Chinese(南宗衋風)School. Here, it is significant that he showed Japanese beautiful scenery of Joseon through paintings of Geum Gang mountain(金剛山) and Nak Santemple(洛山寺). On the other hand, he adopted a conventional painting method of the mid Joseon in his paintings of Four Gracious Plants and Birds & Flowers. He made paintings following a traditional method and simultaneously reflecting a trend of his era. Moreover, he used the same subject matter in several paintings distinguished by different compositions and perspectives. He repeated painting several pieces by using the method from the paintings upon request in Japan. Regarding portraits, paintings of the historical characters and of the religious characters are known today. The former had a feature of recording, which implies that painters were influenced by the ideology and style of the Southern Chinese School. The latter was a popular subject matter for painters in Envoys in general, which implies that it was suitable for the taste of Japanese. Furthermore, the painting of Cloud and Dragon by Kim Yu-seong is known today. It is influenced by the Japanese style, however, it shows his talents of mastering diverse expressions of the same subject and sophisticated rendering. Another implication of his paintings is the significance of exchanging paintings between Korea and Japan. Compared with China and Korea, Japan was introduced to paintings by the learned men relatively late, thus painters from Joseon enormously intrigued Japanese painters of the Southern School. Ikeno Taiga(池大雅) for instance wrote a letter to Kim asking about real scenery landscape paintings and techniques of the great Chinese artists. Kimura Kenkado(木村蒹葭堂) of the Osaka School actively communicated and debated with artists of Joseon. Kenkado possessed 10 paintings of Kim and Seojicheop(栖志帖) in which poetry of a clerical staff Seong Dae-joong was included. Identical paintings of Kim before and after the Envoy experience are also found in Seojicheop. Some of Kenkado's paintings are similar to those in Seojicheop which implies the influence of Kim on his paintings. However the Japanese Southern School is defined in a broad term and it is necessary to conduct an elaborate research on the influence of Kim. Kim's paintings might have been introduced to Kenkado in his study Gyeom Ga Dang where many learned men gathered, wrote poems and appreciated paintings. The significance of Kim Yu-seong's works lies in providing cultural meaning based on compliments by Japanese learned men and presenting specific paintings of Joseon introduced to Japan in the late 18th century. Furthermore the 11th Envoy to Japan in which Kim participated was the last trip to the heartland of Japan such as Edo so that it was the last direct exchange between painters of Joseon and Japan. This study examined the characteristics of the paintings by Kim Yu-seong who was the member of the Royal Painting Institute. It also examined the exchange between painters of Korea and Japan based on the exchange with the Japanese Southern School during Kim's visit as a delegate. The significance of this study lies in collecting previous studies on Kim's paintings and providing data. Further studies are encouraged to investigate in detail the exchange of paintings between Korea and Japan based on the understanding of Kim's works. Such studies can shed light on the cultural exchange in East Asia of the 18th century.

조선시대 부안김씨가의 재산형성과 분재 양상 연구

김영준 전북대학교 일반대학원 2019 국내박사

The writer took a diachronic view of the process of wealth amassment and the method of division of property based on Uban Buan Kim’s family’s records of property inheritance and property-related documents that were produced between the 16th and 18th centuries. In the 16th century, Uban Buan Kim’s family was followed by Kim Seokpil-Kim Gae-Kim Gyeongsun. Kim Seokpil is a figure who increased the price by passing the state examination in the early 16th century. He, at the same time, laid the foundation of the family fortune. His son, Kim Gae, built a tile-roofed house in Imsil, and also reclaimed about 100 islands by building up brick walls rivers nearby the wasteland. Kim Gyeongsun expanded its scale by purchasing and reclaiming the land nearby by building up brick walls in Yongdam, the upper region of the Guem River. Also, about 30 gyeol(結) of mud flats in Julpo, Buan were received and operated as a farmland and sea farm by building an embankment. In the 16th century, Uban Buan Kim’s family formed its property through reclamation. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in the 17th century, Kim Hongwon sent Uigok(義穀) to the King’s temporary quarters, and during the second invasion, he carried out active civilian army activities and entered into politics by successfully defeating the Japanese army in places including Sunchang and Suncheon. Kim Hongwon did not neglect his efforts to protect and increase his family’s property. After the Japanese Invasion, he actively attempted to restore the lost Imsil and Yongdam-hyeon farms, and purchased the large tracts of land in Uban-dong in 1634. At this time, he laid the foundation in Uban-dong for generations. The division of property was Namnyeopyeonggyunbunjep(男女平均分執) Kim Myeongyeol and Kim Beon established the principle of division of property. According to the clan rules, the memorial service was performed by sons, and daughters who did not participate in the memorial service were given only 1/3 of the property for sons. In addition, the land in Uban-dong was inherited only to sons to promote the formation of lineage village. In other words, the wealth and memorial services were concentrated on sons. Meanwhile, the means of increasing property has been changed from reclamation to purchase. After Kim Beon, the lineage of Uban Buan Kim’s family continued with the foster son Kim Sujong(Banggil)-Kim Deukmun-Kim Jeongha. Although the legitimacy of the family was maintained through this process, it caused the problem that the family’s property or personal connections were not fully conveyed to future generations. Kim Deukmun’s Uban-dong property that was divided by ancestors has been reassembled as he inherited the property from both his foster and biological fathers. Kim Jeongha is a descendent of Sajikgongpa. When he was ostracized by his relatives, his hometown moved to Ongjeong-ri. Later, his descendants experienced issues related to return of purchase as they moved back to Uban-dong. At that time, the wealth inheritance was concentrated on the eldest son, and after Kim Jeongha, the method that the property was controlled by the eldest son had been confirmed. Such the wealth amassment and division of property by Uban Buan Kim’s family could ascertain the fact that they made constant efforts to maintain their status and economic power of rural noble family. It is expected that such an analysis provides more access to the actual society of the day.

(A) search for dark matter with NaI(Tl) crystal of the KIMS-NaI

김경원 Seoul National University 2016 국내박사

A number of astrophysical observations provide evidences that the dominant matter in the universe is non-baryonic dark matter. Weakly interacting massive particles (WIMPs) are strong candidates of dark matter supported by many astronomical observations as well as theoretical predictions. Numerous direct searches of WIMP dark matter have been performed by using various detection techniques. KIMS-NaI experiment is working on the direct detection of WIMPs through weak interactions with nuclei in a NaI(Tl) crystal. KIMS-NaI collaboration installed the first NaI(Tl) crystals in Yangyang underground laboratory in 2014 and crystal R&D and data taking are underway since then. The experiment uses pulse shape discrimination (PSD) between WIMP nuclear recoil signals and backgrounds for WIMP search. This thesis describes the PSD analysis study using NaI(Tl) crystal having high light yield. The measurements of the pulse shape produced by neutrons and gamma rays in a NaI(Tl) crystal are presented and the analyses of underground data from the first two NaI(Tl) crystals based on this measurements are described. The understandings of the results from the PSD analysis are discussed and the preliminary limit using 667.16 kg days of data is described.

김정희파의 한중회화교류와 19세기 조선의 화단

김현권 高麗大學校 大學院 2010 국내박사

김정희 가문인 경주김씨 大橋金門은 영조 연간에 반탕평세력으로 활동하였다. 이후 김정희가 속한 김한신계는 영조의 부마집안이 된 뒤로는 중도성향을 보이다가 正祖 연간에 탕평세력으로 활동하였고 京華士族화 되었다. 그리고 순조 연간 초에는 시파로 활동하였다. 이러한 김한신계의 정치적 입장 및 활동과 함께 친부 김노경이 당대 장서가였다는 김정희 家의 학문적 환경은 김정희에게 경화학계의 사상과 학예를 익히게끔 하여, 자연스럽게 청의 학예경향에 관심을 가지게 하였으며, 연행을 하게 되는 환경을 조성해 주었다. 정조 연간에는 청대 건가 연간의 학예 경향이 유입되고 있었는데, 주로 浙西지역이 중심이 된 부류와 북경의 翁方綱이 중심이 된 부류의 경향이다. 본 논문에서는 전자를 浙西 중심의 학예교류망으로, 후자를 翁方綱 중심의 학예교류망으로 지칭하였다. 이러한 청대의 두 부류가 이끈 학문과 문학은 조선 성리학 및 고문과 갈등을 일으키게 되었다. 이로써 정조 연간에는 조선 성리학에 대한 계승과 변화라는 상반된 견해가 발생하였고 이는 곧 학문과 예술에서 漢宋절충론의 논의를 불러왔다. 그럼에도 당시는 주자학과 醇正한 古文이 우위를 점하고 있었다. 김정희는 북학파와 달리 정조 연간의 주된 흐름과 새로운 청의 경향을 절충하였다. 한편 서화분야에서는 실경산수화가 지속되는 가운데 董其昌 같은 명말 청초의 서화풍이 성행하였으며, 청대의 서화 경향이 유입되고 있었다. 대체로 두 회화경향은 학문과 문학분야의 경우만큼 상반된 성격을 갖고 있지 않았기에 드러날 정도의 갈등이 존재하지 않았다. 그리고 이때에는 사군자의 상징성이 부각되어 단란이 유행하였다. 김정희는 그의 초기 회화에서 이러한 정조연간의 회화 경향을 잇음이 확인된다. 즉, 김정희가 보여준 경향은 정조 연간의 경향과 상치되는 것이 아니었다. 그러므로 김정희는 기존의 회화 경향을 이으면서도 새로운 회화의 경향이 보합되는 방향을 제시할 수 있었다. 이는 그가 제주 해배시기에 정립한 ‘황한소경도’와 ‘추사란’이다. 그렇다면 청대의 회화경향이 언제부터 조선에 유입되었으며 김정희가 어떻게 인지하였는가를 파악할 필요가 생긴다. 본 논문에서 김정희파의 한중회화교류를 세 부분으로 구분하였다. 즉, 김정희 전배, 김정희를 포함한 일가와 문우, 그리고 김정희의 문하이다. 김정희에게 지적 자산을 제공한 前輩의 문인은 노론이 주를 이루는 정조대에 형성된 탕평세력이었다. 주요 인물은 북학파인 홍대용 · 박지원 · 박제가 · 유득공 · 이덕무와 조수삼 및 강세황이다. 박제가를 포함한 이들 전배 중에 현재까지 김정희의 스승에 해당되는 문인은 확인되지 않았다. 김정희에게 있어서 스승은 정조 연간에 조성된 경화지역의 학예 경향이라고 할 수 있다. 특히 北學派는 청대 학예와 회화의 소개를, 강세황은 당시의 서화 경향을 주도하였다. 김정희가 이를 받아들이는 경로는 박제가의 경우처럼 직접적인 교유에 의한 경우도 있으나 그들의 후손들과 교유하면서 이루어진 측면 역시 간과할 수 없다. 이렇게 김정희가 수용한 정조 연간의 회화 경향은 그의 회화 및 회화 경향의 기저에 자리 잡았다. 김정희의 전배는 연행 등을 통해 浙西 혹은 翁方綱 중심의 학예교류망 내의 문사와 교유하면서 회화교류를 하였다. 이를 통해 吳派 등의 明代 遺風을 간직한 화풍, 曾鯨의 인물화풍, 揚州畵派, 婁東畵派, 指頭畫法, 蘇軾과 관련된 서화를 조선에 소개하였다. 그러나 정작 북학파가 자신들이 소개한 청 회화를 바라보는 관점은 상당히 18세기 조선의 회화경향에 근거를 두고 있다. 즉, 그들의 한중회화교류는 청의 회화 경향에 대한 충분한 이해에 기초하지 않았던 것이다. 오히려 그들은 교유 속에 생성된 작품들을 청 문인과 맺었던 지교의 상징물이라는 측면으로만 판단하는 경향이 강하였다. 그러면서 조금씩 청대 회화 경향을 인식해 갔으며 김정희일가와 문우의 한중회화교류가 시작되는 기반을 마련해주었다. 김정희일가와 문우는 전배보다 훨씬 蔚興한 한중회화교류를 전개하였다. 그들은 내부적으로 북학파 중에서 연암파를 이었으며, 외부적으로는 절서와 翁方綱 중심 학예교류망 내의 문사들과 교유하였는데, 좀 더 翁方綱 중심의 교류망 속 문사들과 친교하는 경향을 보였다. 김정희는 북학파와 달리 이미 연행이전부터 청의 학예 경향을 숙지하고 있었다 그리고 그는 상당한 목적과 의도를 품고 연행하였다. 그래서 김정희는 翁方綱과 교유를 갖고자 노력하였고 이로써 이루어진 두 문사의 교유는 19세기 초의 조선 서화계에 상당한 반향을 일으켰다. 김정희 일가와 문우의 한중회화교류에는 북학파가 소개한 청의 회화 경향을 지속하면서도, 朱鶴年 등의 서옥도류 소개, 吳嵩梁과 교유로 인한 梅龕圖 형식의 산수화 발생, 양주화파 등의 사군자화풍 수용, 여성화가 작품의 유입이라는 새로운 측면이 보인다. 그리고 소식을 비롯한 제현화상이 수용되었는데, ‘崇蘇熱’이라는 문화 현상에 수반된 것이다. 그리고 청조 문사와 소조를 교환하는 가운데 서로를 소식의 모습에 비교하였는데, 이는 이후에 일어날 蘇軾像와 小照의 조형적 결합을 예고하였다. 한편 이들의 교유는 북학파와는 달리 회화교환이 눈에 띄게 증가하였다. 김정희, 申緯, 洪顯周는 화가로서 청 문사의 그림 부탁에 응하였다. 그리고 조희룡 등의 작품을 북경에 소개하는 등, 동등할 정도의 한중회화교류를 하였다. 이는 한중회화교류의 정점이라고 할 수 있다. 김정희와 문우들은 자신들이 행한 한중회화교류의 성과를 화론과 회화에 적용하였는데, 특히 김정희가 주도하였다. 김정희는 翁方綱 詩論의 구도를 화론에 적용하였다. 그리고 청대화론을 수용하여 學畵과정을 宗祖, 祖印, 嫡傳이라는 단계의 門徑論을 정립하였다. 즉, 산수화에서는 당송대 王維 등의 화가가 종조라면 黃公望과 倪瓚을 조인이며, 董其昌, 四王畵派, 累東畵派 등은 적전이다. 묵란화에서는 鄭思肖가 종조라면 趙孟頫가 조인에 해당되고, 명청대의 陳元素와 鄭燮은 적전에 포함되는 인물이다. 그리고 各論에서는 청대 화론을 수용하여 산수화에서 枯筆淡墨과 積墨을, 묵란화에서 三傳法과 左筆法이라는 필묵론을 주요 화론으로 삼았다. 물론 그는 18세기 후반에 성립된 문인화관을 자신의 화론상 기저에 놓고 있었다. 김정희일가와 문우는 북학파와는 비교가 되지 않을 정도로 다양한 畵目과 많은 회화를 조선에 유입시켰다. 그렇지만 상당히 조선내의 경향에 기초하여 청의 회화 경향을 받아들였다. 김정희는 산수화에서 소슬한 정경을 표현한 그림을 선호하였는데, 이를 ‘黃寒小景圖’로 정의할 수 있다. 이는 18세기 조선의 화단에 성행하였던 문인화에 기초하면서 절서지역 문인화의 구성과 사왕화풍의 필묵법을 가미한 유형이다. 김정희가 청대 회화 경향을 가장 적극적으로 수용한 화목은 묵란화이다. 그는 연행 직후부터 翁方綱의 벗인 錢載의 묵란화에 애착을 보였으며 1830년대에는 鄭燮 등의 양주화파의 작품을 수장하고자 지속적으로 노력하였다. 그는 정조 연간의 묵란 형식인 단란에 이러한 성과를 적용하여 “秋史蘭”이라는 自家蘭法을 성립시켰다. 김정희의 산수화와 묵란화법은 그의 문우인 김유근과 권돈인에게 영향을 주었다. 그들은 김정희의 평생 지우였으며 회화경향을 공유하였으므로 이들을 추사화파의 일원으로 구분할 수 있다. 김정희 일가와 문우가 남긴 한중회화교류의 성과는 김정희의 제자인 이상적과 그의 직제자이자 김정희의 말년 제자인 오경석과 김석준이 한중회화교류를 하는데 기초가 되었다. 김정희문하의 한중회화교류는 다양성 측면에서 유래가 없을 정도이다. 그들은 추사 문하로서 김정희의 한중회화교류의 경향을 계승하면서도 전방위적인 회화교류를 하였다. 그렇지만 그 교류는 자신들의 회화적 성향에 기인하기 보다는 역관이라는 신분으로 다양한 청 문사들과 교유를 하였기 때문에 발생된 측면이 강하다. 그들이 만난 청의 문사들은 여전히 절서지역과 翁方綱이 중심된 교류망내의 문사가 주류를 이루고 있다. 그렇지만 후반으로 갈수록 그 교류망내에 속하지 않은 문사들과도 교유하였는데, 특히 오경석은 후자의 문사들과 자주 어울렸다. 그 이유는 아편 전쟁과 중영전쟁 등으로 중국이 식민지화되어가는 상황과 관련된다. 지역과 인맥 관계로 맺어진 학예교류망은 전통적 질서의 붕괴 속에서 효과적인 네트워크가 아니었다. 그 자리에는 다양한 지역 출신들로 구성되며 절서지역과 翁方綱의 후계 문인들의 일부가 합류한 양무파이다. 이상적은 스승의 회화교류를 계승하면서 새로운 청대의 화풍을 조선에 유입시켰다. 우선 그는 화려하고 감각적인 청대 閑談圖류와 雅會圖류를 조선에 소개하였다. 그 대부분은 吳儁이라는 화가의 작품이다. 한편 이상적은 청대 문인화가로 병칭되며 상해화단 관련된 湯貽汾과 戴熙 등의 화가와 墨緣을 갖거나 작품의 실견하였으며, 程庭鷺와 程祖慶 같은 松壺畵派와 교유, 怪石화가인 周棠과 교유, 여성화가 작품의 유입 등, 그는 청대의 여러 화풍을 조선에 소개하는 첨병같은 역할을 하였다. 그리고 소식상 관련 판본류와 위본류를 소개하여 김정희파를 중심으로 소식상이 제작되는데 일조하였다. 이상적은 화가가 아니었으므로 청 화가들과는 주로 서예 교환을 하였다. 그는 이와중에 조선 화가의 작품을 청에 소개하였는데, 특히 김정희 작품의 소개는 북경의 청 문사들이 김정희를 경모하는데 기여하였다. 오경석과 김석준은 김정희의 말년제자였기에 스승의 영향이 강하게 나타나지 않는다. 그들은 程祖慶 및 孔憲彛 등과 회화교류를 하는 등, 이상적이 만난 청 문사들과 지속적으로 교유하였고, 한편으로는 양무파 등과 새롭게 교유하는데 주로 오경석에 해당된다. 오경석의 한중회화교류에서는 劉銓福이나 張世準같은 양무파와 회화교류, 상해화단에서 활동한 화가들과 첫 교유를 특징으로 꼽을 수 있다. 또한 그는 화가였기에 청 문사나 화가들과 회화 교환을 하였으며 자신이 그린 묵매화와 산수화를 선물하였다. 특히 그의 매화 그림은 청 문사들이 임모하였으며 張世準의 매화화풍에 영향을 주었다. 이 현상은 김정희 전배부터 있어왔던 조선회화의 소개와 임모를 넘어 화풍을 수용한 것으로, 동등하리만치 이어져 온 한중회화교류의 성과를 보여주는 예가 된다. 오경석은 상당히 청대 회화 경향을 숙지하였고 이를 적극적으로 수용하는 자세를 보였다. 그는 청에서 가장 성행한 사왕화풍을 수용하고자 하였고 나아가 당시에 활동한 청 화가의 작품 매입에 적극적이었다. 그의 성향과 행동은 이후 개화기 화단에 청대 사왕화풍을 비롯한 상해화단의 회화경향이 급속도로 유입되는 현상에 일조하였다. 이렇게 추사 문하에 의해 많고도 다양한 청의 회화 경향이 조선에 소개되었으나 정작 당시 화단은 상당히 무던한 반응을 보였다. 왜냐하면 이들이 활동하였을 1850년대는 이른바 김정희의 영향이 강하였던 시기이기 때문이다. 김정희파의 한중회화교류 성과와 김정희와 문우가 펼친 화론과 회화는 19세기 후반에 변화를 가져왔다. 그 변화 중에 추사화파가 개창되었다는 점은 주목해야 한다. 현재까지 추사화파에 속한 화가는 허련, 조희룡, 전기, 유재소, 이하응이다. 이들이 추사화파가 된 시기는 차이가 나지만 1850년대에는 모두 추사화파로 활동하며 당시 화단을 움직였다. 그들은 김정희가 제주 해배 직후에 제시한 ‘황한소경도’와 ‘추사란’에 기초한 작품을 제작하였으며 방완당산수화를 남기기도 하였다. 더군다나 이 시기는 이른바 ‘阮堂바람’이라고 할 정도로 김정희의 영향이 강하였던 때이므로, 추사화파뿐만 아니라 당시 화가들은 유입된 청의 회화 경향에 대한 관심보다 김정희의 말과 글에 더욱 집중하였다. 즉 그의 회화관에 따라 화단이 움직였다. 김정희가 규정한 산수화에서 “황한소경도”와 묵란화에서 “추사란”은 당시 화가들이 채택해야 할 규정이자 선본이었다. 황한소경도류는 허련, 전기, 유재소, 이한철, 홍현보 등이 이어갔으며, 추사란은 조희룡과 이하응을 중심으로 19세기 후반의 화단을 풍미하였다. 김정희파의 한중회화교류의 성과와 김정희의 회화관은 19세기 후반의 화단에 새로운 형식과 화풍의 회화가 제작되게 하였다. 우선 산수화에서는 한중회화교류의 결과로서 청대 아집도 형식의 수용, 梅龕圖에서 파생된 萬梅書屋圖의 유행을 꼽을 수 있다. 다음은 김정희의 회화관에 따른 것으로, 1860년대가 되어야 시작된 사왕계열 산수화풍의 수용, 천지석벽도 형식의 산수화 제작을 들 수 있다. 사군자화에서는 王冕의 묵매화에서 시작되었고 양주화파가 주로 그린 만매화풍의 영향, 조선 묵죽화 전통의 지속 속에 양주화파 묵죽화풍의 수용, 자연 환경조건으로 인한 분란의 유행과 유입된 군란을 비롯한 청대 묵란 형식의 조형적 이해, 회화 작품 속 괴석의 강조, 청대 화훼화의 유입으로 정리할 수 있다. 제현화상과 소조의 제작 역시 지속되었다. 그중에 소식상은 진상의 여부에 상관없이 소식이라는 본연의 의미에 충실하면 된다는 인식이 만연하게 되어 판본과 위본이 적극적으로 임모되었다. 한편 소식상을 비롯한 제현화상의 모티프를 소조에 응용하려는 방식이 결실을 맺어 문인화상에 사용되었다. 이 방식은 조선에서만 나타나는 독특한 현상이다. 조선이라는 사회에서 초상화는 常數적 상징물이었다. 소식상을 비롯한 제현화상의 모티프가 소조에 이용된 것은 주인공을 소식 등의 제현과 동일하게 바라보기 위함인 것이다. 이상과 같이 김정희파의 한중회화교류는 19세기 화단에 많은 변화를 일으키게 한 가장 중요한 요인이었다. 김정희파가 그럴 수 있었던 점은 김정희의 회화와 회화관 때문이었다. 그는 시대의 기준에 적당하게 기초하였고 시대의 요구를 정확하게 이해하였으며, 시대의 바람을 적절하게 실현하였던 문인화가이자 이론가였다. Daegyo Kim Mun(大橋金門) from Gyeongju Kim Family which was well known as Kim Jeonghee's family was originally against Tangpyeong(impartiality policy) party during the reign of King Yeongjo. Since then, the family was divided into Kim Hanrok School and Kim Hanshin School who took different political paths. Kim Jeonghee belonged to the latter group, which was turned into pro-Tangpyeong party and Gyeonghwasajok(high class families resided in Seoul or Gyeonggi area for generations) during King Jeongjo's reign. In addition, Kim Hanshin School joined the Shipa(時派, Party of Expediency) during the earlier days of King Sunjo. Meanwhile, Kim Hanrok School was forced to leave out of the major academic groups or political community and ended up as Sarim(士林) in Hoseo region. Due to high profile of Kim Hanshin School in politics and academically affluent family including his father, Kim Nokyeong who was a famous book collector, Kim Jeonghee easily learned philosophy and arts about the Gyeonghwa academic circle while having an interest in the trend of Qing dynasty, and was finally dispatched to China as an envoy. Therefore, Kim Jeonghee's way of judging and accepting the artistic trend in the Kyeonghwa region laid an important foundation for exercising his influence to lead the Korean artists' community in the 19th century. In addition, the arts trend during the period of Qianlong and Jiaqing(乾嘉) of the Qing Dynasty which was introduced to Joseon back then should be discussed. Key scholars during that period were divided into two groups: one is around Western Zhejiang(浙西) region and the other was around Weng Fanggang(翁方綱) in Beijing. In this study, the former is called as the exchange network in arts and science focusing the Western Zhejiang region and the latter is designated as the exchange network around Weng Fanggang. At the end of 18th century, these two groups' literature and studies were introduced to Joseon, which not only caused conflicts but also sought balance with Joseon Neo-Confucianism. During the reign of King Jeongjo, scholars and theorists had directly-opposed ideas of inheritance and transition to Joseon Neo-Confucianism, which brought a discussion about seeking a compromise in the field of arts and studies between Han and Song Dynasty. Nevertheless, orthodox Neo-Confucianism and pure archaic texts had been in dominant positions in that debate. Kim following Bukhakpa(北學派: the Northern Learning School) had never accepted Mo Qiling(毛奇齡) who were against the Zhu Xi school of Neo-Confucianism and never stopped sharpening his criticism to the Wang Yangming school. When it comes to literary works, he was quite critical to Ars Poetica of Yuan Mei(袁枚). This stance was hardly different with the main trend during the reign of KIng Jeongjo. On the contrary, the situation was different in the paintings. Under the trend of the real scenery landscape paintings, the popular style of painting was influenced from the late Ming and the early Qing times, for example, Tung Chichang(董其昌), as the trend of paintings and calligraphic works from Qing dynasty was introduced to Joseon. The less distinction between the existing painting style of Joseon and the newly made style of Qing than that of thoughts and literature rarely showed any explicit conflicts. Chusa carried on Tung's style which was popular in the era of King Jeongjo and showed the trend of short orchids painting focused on symbolism of orchid. Through literature or Kim's earlier works, it can be seen that he followed the trend of painting during King Jeongjo's reign such as copying art books or pieces of real scenery landscape paintings. His style was not in discord with the trend back then. That is why he could suggest the direction to balance the new trend while maintaining the existing painting style. Hwanghansogyeokdo and Chusa Ran(ink orchid painting) which were made during the period of Kim's exile in Jeju are good examples. Hence, it shall be discussed when the trend of Qing painting was introduced to Joseon and how it was perceived by Kim Jeonghee. In this study, exchanges of painting trend between Korea and China established by Kim Jeonghee school will be classified into three parts; seniors of Chusa, his family including himself and fellow literati, and his disciples. Kim's senior painters opened doors to exchange painting styles between the two countries, while Kim's family and colleagues were at the peak. Then, his disciples wrapped up the old exchanges and started a new interchange between Korea and China. Kim Jeonghee had been associated with mostly Noron(Old Doctrine faction) literati who supported Tangpyeong policy during the reign of King Jeongjo. Most of them were named as Bukhakpa including Hong Daeyong, Bak Jiwon, Bak Jega, Yu Deukgong, Yi Deokmoo, Jo Susam, and Gang Sehwang, although no mentor of Chusa has yet confirmed. The master of Kim Jeonghee might be the trend of arts and science in Seoul and Gyeonggi area, which was formed during the King Jeongjo's times. Bukhakpa introduced arts and paintings from Qing dynasty while Gang Sehwang played a pivotal role in leading the trend of paintings. Kim learned this trend through not only a direct companionship such as Park Jega but also social intercourses with associates' off springs. This artistic trend during the reign of King Jeongjo built up an underlying foundation for Kim Jeonghee's own trend in paintings. Senior scholars of Kim Jeonghee associated and exchanged painting styles with literati network of Western Zhejiang(浙西) region and Weng Fanggang as Joseon's envoy mission to Qing. Through these social interchanges, they introduced landscape paintings showing the custom of Ming dynasty, portrait paintings from ZengZing(曾鯨) painting skills, Yangzhouhakpa School(揚州畵派), Loudong School(婁東畵派), Finger Painting(指頭畫法), and calligraphy as well as paintings related to Su Shi(蘇軾). The view, however, that Bukhakpa had on Qing dynasty paintings was based on the trend in Joseon dynasty in the 18th century. It meant that they didn't use their complete understanding on the trend of Qing dynasty paintings when they exchanged paintings between the two countries. Rather, they considered their art works made through an intercourse with Qing literati as symbolic art pieces of their companionship. Then, as they had been aware of Qing's painting style, they laid a stepping stone to exchange paintings of Kim Jeonghee's family and his literary colleagues between Korea and China. The Chusa family and his fellow literati developed exchange of paintings in a far more aggressive way. They internally followed Yeonampa faction of Bukhakpa, while they were externally associated with literati of Western Zhejiang region and Weng Fanggang group. Unlike Yeonampa school, they had a tendency to establish a close relationship with Weng Fanggang group. Kim Jeonghee was a bit distinct from Bukhakpa and had already been familiar with Qing's artistic trend before being dispatched to China. Furthermore, he went to Qing with a clear sense of purpose, while Bukhakpa went to China without any intentions. Thus, Kim tried to build a strong relationship with Weng Fanggang, which created a great sensation in calligraphy and paintings of Joseon during the early 19th century. Through envoy mission and exchange of paintings, the Kim family and his fellow literati introduced new aspects such as Seookdo(書屋圖: painting of reading in a cottage) type of paintings such as Zhu Heinan(朱鶴年), production of Maegamdo(梅龕圖: Tabernacle with plum blossom tree) style landscape painting thanks to social intercourse with Wu Songliang(吳嵩梁), embracement of painting style of Sagunja(four gracious plants) like Yangjuhakpa, and influx of women painters, while keeping painting style of Qing dynasty brought by Bukhakpa. The acceptance of sage's images such as Su Shi was accompanied with the cultural fever to respect him. Moreover, exchanges of self portraits with the Qing literati had allowed to compare pictures of Su Shi to forecast a formative combination between self-portraits and Su Shi's image. Unlike Bukhakpa, Kim Jeonghee was fully aware of the artistic trends of Qing dynasty even before he was sent to China. Under this circumstance, he left Joseon in October, 1809 head to Qing, which was a huge turning point in his artworks and studies. He met Weng Fanggang(翁方綱) and Ruan Yuan(阮元) in Beijing, while relationship with Weng Fanggagn brought various changes in Kim's literature and paintings. Since then, keeping to travel to China, Kim Jeonghee and his family continued to carry on a variety of artistic trend started by Kim. On the contrary of Bukhakpa, the Chusa family and fellow literati exchanged a huge amount of paintings. Kim Jeonghee, Shin Wi, and Hong Hyeonju were willing to comply with Qing literati who asked for paintings and gave them as gifts. Furthermore, they presented some paintings drawn by Jo Heeryong to Beijing, which made their profiles raise to an almost equal level. This was when exchanges of paintings between the two countries reached its peak in the history of Joseon painting. Kim Jeonghee and his colleagues applied their achievement to the theory of the painting as well as their paintings. Kim himself accepted the theory of Qing literature and painting. Among them, the theory of Poetry by Weng Fanggang was a basis to make a foundation for Kim Jeonghee's theory of art as well as his theory of the painting. Based on these studies, Kim set up the art learning process as follows; firstly Qing painters including Huang Gong-wang(黃公望) and Ni Zan(倪瓚) were seen as the essence of literary paintings(祖印) in a field of landscape paintings, while Dong Qi-chang(董其昌) and Four Wangs(四王) were considered as the legitimate lineage(嫡傳). In case of ink orchid painting, if Zheng Sixiao(鄭思肖) was seen as the origin(Jongjo), Zhao Mengfu(趙孟頫) could be put into the essence and Zheng Xie(鄭燮) or Qian Zai(錢載) would be categorized as the legitimate lineage. This is called as Kim's theory of doorway(門經論). In the particulars, he took the painting theory of Qing dynasty to make the major theory of 'dry brushstroke-light ink(枯筆淡墨)' and 'accumulated ink(積墨)' in a field of landscape painting as well as the theory of brush and Chinese ink called 'Method of three twists(三傳法) and 'Method of left-handed writing(左筆法)' in ink orchid paintings. However, the spirit of literati painting established in the late 18th century had been underlain his own theory of painting. Kim Jeonghee, his fellow painters, and his family introduced various kinds of paintings to Joseon and its amount was incomparably more than that of Bukhakpa. Meanwhile, those that firmly upheld the tradition in the Joseon painting community had accepted the trend of Qing paintings on a basis of their own traditional trend. Kim favored paintings carrying bleak landscapes, which can be defined as Hwanghansokyeongdo(黃寒小景圖, landscape of dreary winter). This type of painting was based on literary painting which was popular in Joseon during the 18th century and was combined with the formation of literary painting from western Zhejiang region as well as the theory of brush and ink of Sawang(四王: Four Wangs) painting trend. . It was the Ink orchid painting that Kim Jeonghee passionately accommodated the trend of Qing painting. Since he came back from China, Kim showed a deep affection for ink orchid paintings by Qian Zai(錢載), a friend of Weng Fang-gang and continuously collected art books of Yangjuhakpa including Zheng Xie(鄭燮). Based upon this effort, Kim accomplished his own way to draw orchid called Chusa Ran(秋史蘭). As for his colleague painters, Kim Yugeun and Gwon Donin were influenced by Kim Jeonghee's painting style, they could be classified as Chusa School. The fruitful outcome from exchanges of paintings between Korea and China by the Kim family and Chusa's fellow painters established a foundation for Yi Sangjeok, one of Kim's pupils, and Oh Kyeongseok and Kim Seokjun, who were Yi's pupil as well as Kim's disciples in his late years. Kim's disciples achieved unprecedented success in diverse exchanges between Korea and China. As Chusa's disciples, they not only carried on the trend of exchanges between the two countries but approached in a very holistic way. However, it was not because of their painting styles but because of their positions as envoys, which gave them much chance to associate a host of Qing literati. Their intercourse mostly took place inside the network of western Zhejiang region and Weng Fanggang group. But, later, they started to build a relationship with literati outside that network. In particular, Oh Kyeongseok had a great relationship with them, which was partly because China was colonized due to the Opium War and China-UK War. Academic network of arts formed under regional and personal connections was no more effective in the middle of collapse of existing social orders and traditions. Thus, the network was replaced with people from a variety of provinces and some successors of western Zhejiang region and Weng Fanggang group, which was named as Yangmupa school. While inheriting his master's exchange trend of paintings, Yi Sangjeok introduced a new Qing painting style. First of all, he showed off splendid and sensuous styles including Handamdo(閑談圖, leisurely conversation painting) and Ahhoido(雅會圖, elegant assembly), which were mostly painted by Oh Jun(吳儁). Meanwhile, Yi Sangjeok was also ranked as one of Qing literary painters and established a social intercourse with Tang Yifen(湯貽汾) and witnessed artworks from Dai Xi(戴熙). In addition, he had a cultural relationship with Songhu school(松壺畵派) including Cheng Tinglu(程庭鷺) and Cheng Zuqing(程祖慶) as well as Zhou Tang(周棠), an artist painting oddly shaped rocks, and influx of women painters' works, while playing a pioneer to introduce various painting trend of Qing dynasty. Yi brought printed books and fabricated editions related to Su Shi's image and helped Kim Jeonghee school to produce Su Shi's images. Since Yi Sangjeok was not a painter, he usually exchanged his calligraphy works with Qing artists. He introduced many artworks by Joseon painters to Qing to make its literati admire Chusa's works. As Oh Kyeongseok and Kim Seokjun were Chusa's pupils at the end of his life, they were relatively less affected from their master. Besides, they traveled to Qing at the late 19th century, so literati who they established relationships were different those of their master's. Oh, therefore, could lay a new framework in the history of painting exchanges between Korea and China. They exchanged paintings with Cheng Zuqing and Gong Heoni(孔憲彛) who had met Yi Sangjeok, while Oh Kyeongseok built a new social intercourse with Yangmupa. Oh exchanged paintings with Yangmupa including Liu Quanfu(劉銓福) and Zhang Shizhun(張世準), while setting up relationships with painters from Shanghai for the first time. Since he was a painter, he was able to exchange paintings with Qing artists, giving his own plum blossom tree or landscape paintings as gifts. His plum blossom painting was copied by Qing painters, especially having influence on Zhang Shizhun. This shows how artistic exchanges between the two countries had developed beyond just introduction and copy of artworks for Qing artists to accommodate Joseon painting style, finally reaching an equal level of the two nations. Oh Gyeongseok was well aware of Qing painting trend and accepted it in a very aggressive way. He tried to the most popular Sawang painting style and was eager to collect Qing paintings. His active propensity and practice contributed to a rapid influx of Shanghai painting trend as well as Qing's Sawang painting style during the late enlightening period. Nonetheless, there is no enthusiastic reaction among Joseon artists about Qing painting styles introduced by Chusa's disciples, since they were highly affected by Kim Jeonghee's style in the 1950s. The result from exchange of paintings between the two countries and the theory of paintings and art works produced by Chusa and his fellow literati brought changes in the late 19th century. The most noteworthy change was that Chusa school newly built its firm groundwork. Among them were Huh Ryun, Jo Heeryong, Jeon Gi, Yu Jaeso, and Lee Haeung. The time when they were included into Chusa school would be somewhat different, but they were key figures who exercised their leverage as Chusa school in the 1850s. After Kim painted Hwanghansogyeokdo and Chusa Ran right after being released from an exile in Jeju Island, they produced following paintings such as Bangwandangsansuhwa(landscape painting). Both the trend of Qing paintings and its drawings introduced thanks to Chusa as envoy mission were selected to be included or to be excluded according to standards made by Kim Jeonghee in the middle and late 19th century. During this period, Chusa's opinion carried a lot of clout, even his influence was called as "Wandang(阮堂) Power". Therefore, painters not to mention Chusa school painters were keenly interested in his words or letters more than the trend of Qing painting. The art community only followed Kim's viewpoint on artworks. Hwanghansokyeongdo from landscape paintings and Chusa Ran from Ink Orchid paintings defined by Kim Jeonghee were example models that artists should follow. Hwanghansokyeongdo type of painting was succeeded by Huh Ryun, Jeon Gi, Yu Jaeso, Yi Hancheol, and Hong Hyeonbo, while ink orchids were flourished by Jo Heeryong and Lee Haeung in the middle and late 19th century Kim's achievement in exchange of paintings between the two nations and his view on drawings made it possible to bring new format and style of paintings to Joseon in the late 19th century. In terms of landscape painting, exchange of painting styles between Korean and China resulted in an acceptance of Ajipdo(雅集圖, painting of literary gathering) from Qing dynasty and a huge popularity of Manmaeseookdo(萬梅書屋圖: painting of Plum Blossoms and cottage) stemmed from Maegamdo(梅龕圖: Tabernacle with plum blossom tree). Kim's viewpoint on paintings let it happen to accept Four Wangs style landscape paintings and to paint Cheonjiseokbyeokdo(天池石壁圖) style of landscape drawings. For Sagunja paintings, ink painting of plum blossom by Wang Mian(王冕) was first introduced and full plum blossom(萬梅花) style painted by Yangjuhwapa had an effect on Joseon painters. As they maintained the tradition of Joseon ink painting of bamboo, literary painters accommodated Yangjuhwapa painting style and understand a formative shape of ink orchid painting during Qing dynasty including orchids entering Korea and popular dwarf orchid due to natural environment. In addition, oddly shaped stones in the paintings were especially highlighted, while flower paintings of Qing were introduced. Both sage's image and plastic arts were continuously released. In terms of Su Shi's image, most of people thought it didn't matter whether the image was genuine or not as long as it showed Su Shi's image. Therefore, a huge amount of copied or fabricated edition of Su Shi's image were made. As the method to apply the motif of sage's image to the plastic arts had succeeded, it was used to build the portraits of literary artists, which was seen as a unique phenomenon in Joseon. Portraits in Joseon society was an invariable symbol. The reason that motif of Sage's image including Su Shi was used to make the plastic arts was that people wanted to be regarded as sages such as Su Shi. Therefore, exchanges of painting styles between Korea and China established by Kim Jeonghee school could be the most important factor to bring changes to art community in the 19th century, which was attributed to Chusa's paintings and his point of view on artworks. While his standards were properly founded on the criteria of those times, he was a literary painter as well as scholar who had a clear understanding about demands of the era and accomplished them.

檀園 金弘道의 花鳥畵 硏究

김민정 이화여자대학교 1999 국내석사

檀園 金弘道(1745-1806)는 풍속화와 진경산수화는 물론 도석인물화와 화조화 등다양한 장르에서 최고의 기량을 발휘한 화원화가다. 그러나 지금까지 그에 대한연구가 일부 장르에 국한되거나 생애 중심으로 다루어져 화조화가로서의 뛰어난업적이 제대로 평가되지 않았다. 그러므로, 본 연구를 통해 김홍도 화조화의 작품세계를 구체적으로 부각시켜 보았다. 김홍도의 화조화가 탄생하게 된 배경에는 조선 후기에 유행한 진경산수화와 주변인물들의 취향이 적지 않은 영향을 미쳤던 것으로 보인다. 조선 후기에 새롭게흥기된 天機論 등의 영향으로 탄생한 진경산수화는 김홍도가 화조화에 寫景的 요소를 가미하는데 중요한 요인이 되었다. 그리고 작품의 주된 수요자였던 正祖와姜世晃, 呂巷文人, 白塔詩派의 인사들은 김홍도가 전통적인 틀 안에서 독자적인화풍으로 변모하는데 큰 영향을 주었던 것으로 생각된다. 김홍도는 畵幅形態에 따라서 각기 다른 畵風을 구사하였는데, 이는 화면의 크기와 형태에 따라 수요자들의 요구가 달랐기 때문으로 보인다. 大幅의 화면에 그려진 작품은 주로 장식을 목적으로 했기 때문에 대부분 상징성을 지닌 꽃과 새가전통적인 구도로 그려졌다. 그러나 小幅의 경우 감상을 목적으로 하므로 寫景的인 요소와 김홍도의 독자적인 화법이 잘 나타나 있다. 扇面의 화조화는 긴 題詩를곁들인 문인화풍으로 그려졌는데, 이는 김홍도의 작품을 부채에 받아서 사용할 정도의 인물이면 당시 문인취향의 그림을 선호하던 계층이었을 것이기 때문이라고생각된다. 김홍도는 당시 사람들이 주변에서 흔히 볼 수 있던 꽃과 새를 화제로 택하여전통에 얽매이지 않는 구도로 자유롭게 구사하였다. 그 중 그의 독자적인 화법이가장 돋보이는 곳은 세부적인 표현기법 즉 필법과 묵법 그리고 설채법이라 할수 있을 것이다. 그는 탄력 있고 긴장감 있는 필치를 사용하였고, 묵법과 설채법은 이러한 필선의 아름다움을 가리지 않는 한도 내에서 사용되었다. 따라서, 강한묵점을 악센트로 사용하기도 했지만 대체로 부드럽게 변하는 담묵의 효과적인 운용이 그의 묵법의 특징이라고 하겠다. 설채법도 진한 광물성 안료보다 먹과 어우러지는 담채의 운용이 돋보인다. 이러한 작품분석을 통하여 김홍도의 화조화에 나타나는 특징을 다섯 가지로 정리하였다. 첫째, 다양한 화풍을 배우고 익혀서 독자적인 화풍으로 소화하고 재창조하였다. 둘째, 그의 작품에 그려진 새에게서는 풍부한 운동감이 느껴진다. 셋째, 작은 화면에 그려진 경우에도 넓은 공간감이 느껴진다. 김홍도는 공간을확장시키기 위하여 화면 밖으로 날아가는 새를 삽입하거나 화면에 큰 흐름을 만드는 곡선으로 시선을 유도하기도 하고, 중경 너머로 시선을 끌어내거나 부감시를 사용하여 먼 거리에서 조망하기도 하고, 혹은 화면에서풍부한 대기감이 느껴지도록 표현하는 등 다양한 방법을 시도하였다. 넷째, 그림을 통하여 청각적 이미지가 느껴지도록 하였는데, 이러한 특징은 주로 까치와 꾀꼬리를 화제로 삼은 작품에서 잘 나타난다. 다섯째, 사실적으로 표현하고자 하였다. 김홍도의 화조화는 현재 전하는 작품이 많지 않고 진위여부도 정확하지 않아본고에서는 그의 진작임이 거의 확실시되는 작품을 중심으로 서술하였으므로, 같은 작품이 중복 설명되는 아쉬움이 있었다. 한정된 수의 작품으로 양식을 분석하고 유형별 분류를 시도하는 데서 오는 한계가 있었지만, 그의 대표작을 자세히 살펴봄으로써 좀 더 다양하고 폭넓은 연구로 진전시킬 수 있는 하나의 초석을 마련했다고 생각한다. 김홍도의 화조화에 대한 연구는 그동안 다소 편협하게 평가된김홍도의 회화세계를 보다 폭넓고 총체적으로 이해하는데 도움이 되리라고 본다. Kim Hong-do(1745-1806) was a talented court painter in diverse genres including folk paintings, true-view landscape paintings, paintings of Taoist and Buddhist figures, and even bird and flower paintings. However, studies on Kim Hong-do have so far been concentrated on only specific genres or centered around his biography. Thus, this thesis discusses and focuses specifically on Kim Hong-do's bird and flower paintings. It can be assumed that the popularity of true-view landscape paintings and the preference of his patrons and friends have considerably contributed to the outcome of Kim Hong-do's bird and flower paintings. True-view landscape paintings which was influenced by the late Choson's popularity of the theories of the profound secrets of Nature(天機), became an important factor in the realistic aspects of Kim Hong-do's bird and flower paintings. King Chong-jo (正祖), Kang Se-hwang(姜世晃), scholarly middle class(呂巷文人), Paek-tap poetry groups(白塔詩派) who were the main demanders of Kim's works also seem to have had considerable influence over Kim's characteristic painting style under a traditional form. Kim Hong-do's painting style seems to differ according to the size of the paintings and this seems to be due to the different demands. On big screens, as they were mostly used as decoration, the paintings depicted symbolic birds and flowers in traditional composition. However, small screens were mostly painted for appreciation and thus reflected Kim Hong-do's characterisitic painting style. Fan Paintings with birds and flowers often accompanied colophon poems, were executed in the scholar-literati manner. Thus those who used fans painted by Kim Hong-do must have come from a class of people who appreciated the paintings of the scholar-literati culture. Kim Hong-do chose to compose his bird and flower paintings in a free manner unbound from tradition. Of his characteristic painting styles, the most noticeable point can be perceived as his detailed brushwork, and in his use of ink and color. Kim's brushwork was flexible and strained, and this brushwork did not drown his beautiful strokes. Thus, though strong ink spots were used as accents, soft strokes of light ink were successfully employed. In his use of color, instead of strong mineral colors Kim used light colors which harmonized well with ink. Five characteristics can be derived from close analysis of Kim Hong-do's works. Firstly, Kim learned and accepted many different styles and recreated them into his own distinct characteristic. Secondly, movement can be perceived from the birds on his paintings. Thirdly, even in small screens we can see wide distances. In order to extend the atmosphere in the painting, Kim Hong-do employed various methods such as including birds flying out of the painting, or excluding delineating the near distance and described the view from the middle to the far distance, and at other times, painting views from high levels. Fourthly, some paintings, particularly those depicting magpies and nightingales, Kim depended on the use of hearing. Finally, Kim tried to express his works realistically. There are not many extant bird and flower paintings by Kim Hong-do and among those which remain their authenticity remains to be resolved. However, this thesis discusses Kim's indisputable original works which brings about the discussion of repetitive works. Although there may be a limit in differentiating stylistic differences among a limited number of works, I believe this thesis sets out to introduce a foundation for a diverse and in depth study if his representational works. I hope that this may contribute to a better understanding of Kim Hong-do's painting world which has so far been prejudiced through the study of his bird and flower paintings.

金鍾瑛의 寫意的 彫刻美學 硏究

김수진 성균관대학교 일반대학원 2022 국내박사

This thesis studied the sculpture of Woosung Kim Chong-Yung (又誠 金鍾瑛, 1915∼1982), who pioneered modern Korean abstract sculpture through the Spontaneously Expressed Art category of East Asian aesthetics. The purpose of this study is to clarify the meaning of Abstractness filled in Kim Chong-Yung’s abstract sculpture through East Asian aesthetics. For such purpose, Kim’s art spirit and abstract sculpture were examined through such conceptual words of East Asian aesthetics as Literati Sculpture (文人彫刻), Spontaneously Expressed Sculpture (寫意的 彫刻), Mindful Sculpture (心刻), Sculpture not for Sculpture Itself (不刻之刻), Overcoming Shapes to Obtain Will (得意忘象). Kim Chong-Yung was an abstract sculptor highly knowledgeable of philosophical thoughts and art trends of the East and the West, and his work boundary was wide through various fields including Calligraphy and Painting (書畵), drawing and sculpture as well, so that he should be studied in various aspects. However, the existing studies tend to be mainly focusing on the aspect of pattern history that his work is modernism style abstract sculpture along with the discussion of the Western abstract art introduced into Korean art fields in the 1950s and 1960s. In this study, therefore, Kim’s abstract sculpture was rethought of through the category of East Asian aesthetics related to the art spirit of Spontaneous Expression to clarify the meaning of abstractness of the art spirit and works sought by Kim at the dimension different from the Western thoughts of abstractness. East Asian art put its ultimate goal on the spirituality of Spontaneous Expression that the artists’ mindful meaning such as their personalities, characteristics and spirituality would be signified and expressed through the content of their works. Focusing on the fact that such tendency of abstractness was based on such aesthetic viewpoint of East Asian art, this thesis analyzed the art spirit and representative abstract sculpture that Kim had sought out based on the aesthetic thoughts of Spontaneous Expression. First of all, Kim’s art spirit towards Spontaneous Expression was looked into in terms of the beauty of personality that sculptors show themselves by their sculpture works (刻如其人). What Kim tried to realize through his sculpture works were the lives and art spirits sought out by the literati who tried to reach the state of Piety (愼獨) and Just Will (意) making their will sincere (誠意). Such Kim’s identity as an artist was thought of in the aspect that he was a literati sculptor. This thesis judges that Kim’s abstract sculpture was converted into Spontaneously Expressed Sculpture in the aspect that he tried to overcome shapes towards spirituality while he seemed to seek out both shapes and spirit. Based on such judgment, this thesis was made in the viewpoint of the theory that calligraphy and sculpture are same (書刻一體論) based on the art spirit that the meaning of the Aesthetics of Spontaneously Expressed Sculpture is the art that paints the mind (心畵). This thesis, therefore, suggested the symbolic proposition of Mindful Sculpture (心刻) that reflects the expression of the subject’s Mindful Will (心意) in discussion of Kim’s abstract sculpture. Kim’s philosophical thoughts of Materials (物) was looked into to study the aspect of Spontaneous Expression that cannot be explained by the Western thoughts of abstractness because the concept of Spontaneous Expression was formed when abstract sculpture met the thinking system of Taoism. Then, such Spontaneous Expression of his was analyzed also through the East Asian thought of vitality and the spirituality of Sculpture not for Sculpture Itself (不刻之刻). In such Spontaneously Expressed Sculpture Aesthetics, this thesis noted that Kim clarified his way for another dimension of state (超詣) overcoming the shape (象外) and overcoming the language (言外), and investigated that he reflected such sculpture art of humanistic sculpture into sculpture genre to elicit a creative sculpture aesthetics of Spontaneously Expressed Abstract Sculpture. As indicated above, this thesis focused the modern sculpture genre on the Aesthetics of Kim Chong-Yung’s Spontaneously Expressed Sculpture especially in order to newly interpret such aesthetics in the perspective of East Asian aesthetics. The significance of this thesis can be found in the point that this study sought out the possibility of creation of a new sculpture language that can be read out of the aesthetic view of East Asian aesthetics. 본 논문은 한국 현대 추상조각의 선구자로 일컬어지는 우성 김종영(又誠 金鍾瑛, 1915∼1982)의 추상조각을 동양미학의 ‘사의(寫意)’적 미학 범주를 통해 연구한 것이다. 이 연구의 목적은 김종영 추상조각에 담긴 ‘추상성’의 의미를 동양미학의 구체적인 범주를 통해 규명하는 데 있다. 이를 위해 ‘문인조각(文人彫刻)’, ‘사의적(寫意的) 조각’, ‘심각(心刻)’, ‘불각지각(不刻之刻)’, ‘득의망상(得意忘象)’ 같은 동양미학의 개념어를 통해 작가의 예술정신과 추상조각을 조명하였다. 김종영은 추상조각가로서 위상이 확고하지만, 동서양의 철학적 사유와 미술 경향에 정통하였고, 조각뿐만 아니라 서화(書畵)와 드로잉 등 장르의 경계를 넘나드는 작업의 영역이 방대하기 때문에 포괄적인 차원의 연구가 요구된다. 그러나 기존의 연구는 주로 1950〜1960년대 한국화단에 유입된 서양의 추상미술 논의와 맞물려 모더니즘적 추상조각이라는 양식사적인 측면을 중심으로 서술된 경향이 있다. 이에 본 논문은 ‘사의’의 예술정신과 관련된 동양미학의 범주를 통해 작가의 추상조각을 재고찰함으로써 작가가 지향한 예술정신과 작품에 담긴 추상성의 의미를 서양의 추상 관념과는 다른 차원에서 규명하였다. 동양예술은 창작 주체의 인격과 기질 그리고 정신성 같은 ‘내재적 뜻[心意]’이 작품의 내용으로서 의미화되고 표출된다는 차원의 ‘사의’라는 정신성에 궁극적인 예술적 지향점을 두었다. 본 논문은 김종영 작품에서 추상적 경향성이 이러한 동양예술의 심미관을 바탕으로 한다는 사실에 주목하고, ‘사의’의 미학적 사유를 근거로 작가가 지향한 예술정신과 대표 추상조각을 분석하였다. 내용의 전개에 있어 먼저 작가의 ‘사의’ 지향적 예술정신을 ‘각여기인(刻如其人)’적 인격미라는 측면에서 살펴보았다. 김종영은 성의(誠意)를 실천하고 신독(愼獨)과 뜻[意]에 따르는 문인들이 추구했던 삶과 예술정신을 자신의 조각작품을 통해 구현하고자 했는데, 이러한 작가의 정체성을 ‘문인조각가’라는 측면에서 고찰하였다. 본 논문은 김종영의 추상조각이 형신겸비(形神兼備)적 경향에서 초형사(超形似)적 관점을 견지한다는 차원에서 ‘사의적 조각’으로 전향(轉向)된다고 판단하였다. 이와 관련해 ‘사의적 조각미학’의 의미를 서예의 ‘마음을 그리는 예술[心畵]’이라는 예술정신을 근거로 ‘서각일체론(書刻一體論)’적 관점에서 서술하였다. 이에 따라 김종영 추상조각을 논함에 있어 주체의 ‘내재적 뜻[心意]’의 표현이라는 의미가 투영된 ‘심각(心刻)’이라는 상징적인 명제를 제시하였다. 추상조각이 도가의 형이상학적 사유체계와 만나면서 서양의 추상 관념과는 다른 사의성에 대한 탐색은 작가의 ‘물(物)’에 대한 철학적 사유를 살펴보고, 동양의 ‘생명성’ 사유와 ‘불각지각’의 정신성을 통해 고찰하였다. 이에 김종영의 ‘사의적 조각미학’의 특징은 상외(象外)와 언외(言外)의 경계에서 초예(超詣)적 심미관을 지향한다는 점을 밝히고, ‘인문적 조각’이라는 조예를 조각 장르에 투영하여 ‘사의적 추상조각’이라는 창의적인 조각미학을 이끌어냈다는 사실을 규명하였다. 이상 본 바와 같이 본 논문은 현대조각 장르를 金鍾瑛의 寫意的 彫刻美學에 초점을 맞추되 특히 동양미학의 관점에서 새롭게 해석한 것이다. 이 같은 연구를 통해 회화 중심으로 논의된 기존의 연구에서 나아가 동양미학의 심미관으로부터 읽어낼 수 있는 새로운 ‘조각 언어’의 창출 가능성을 모색한 점에서 논문의 의의를 찾을수 있을 것이다.

新羅 下代 王位繼承과 金忠恭의 葛文王 追封

김동윤 동국대학교 2009 국내석사

The 42nd King Heungduck(興德王) of the Silla(新羅) dies and Jae-ryoong(悌隆) who is Hun-jung's(憲貞) son accedes to the throne as the King Heekang(僖康王). From the record in the year of the King Heekang's(僖康王) enthronement, 'Galmunwang Choong-Gong'(葛文王 忠恭) is his father-in-law. All the while, 'Galmunwang'(葛文王) has been nearly recognized to be lapsed after the honoring as the Great King of Yong-choon(龍春). This study would consider why Kim Choong-Gong(金忠恭) was had as 'Galmunwang'(葛文王), and whether it was continuous with the King Minae's(閔哀王) enthronement. The King Sunduck(宣德王) after the King Haekong(惠恭王) was on the throne for six years. Kim Kyung-Sin(金敬信) who was the then Sangdaedeung(上大等) and Chajae(次 宰)outstrips Kim Joo-Won(金周元) who was the prime successor to the throne and ascends a throne as the King Wonsung(元聖王). The King Wonsung(元聖王) would like to establish the foundation of descendants' monopoly on the throne, as succession to the throne hardens during the reign of himself. In this foundation, two genealogies centering around his two sons, In-gyem(仁謙) and Ye-young(禮英), established. Among them, the Ingyem faction continuously monopolized the throne after the King Wonsung(元聖王). But Sandaedeung(上大等) Kim Choong-Gong(金忠恭) who is recognized as the prime successor in the reign of the King Heungduck(興德王) died, and after several years, the King Heungduck(興德王) died without nominating of a successor, too. People of Ye-young(禮英) faction who had been isolated stood at the forefront of succession to the throne after the King Heungduck's(興德王) death. Kim Myung(金明) who is Kim Choong-Gong's(金忠恭) son is to be respectful to Jae-ryoong(悌隆) who is his brother-in-law. 'Galmunwang'(葛文王) system has had a different type and a role according to time. At the time of Isageum(尼師今), it might be born by necessity in the absorption process of peripheral powers for territorial expansion. After 5 century, the record is shown that 'Galmunwang'(葛文王) might be proclaimed his lifetime, generally the role of 'Galmunwang'(葛文王) might reveal legitimacy of succession to the throne in the process of Kim's descent to the throne. In connection with succession to the throne, in the reign of the King Jinheung(眞興王), the Crown Prince system began. But because of a successor's sudden death, it didn't get accomplished well then. From the reign of the King Muyeol(武烈王) that changed the Royal line, the Crown Prince system got accomplished again, royal authority had some stability, relatively being continued smoothly. Because of the King Wonsung's(元聖王) enthronement, the Royal line changed again, but he also got accomplished the system that continued in Royal family of the reign of the King Jinheung(眞興王). Kim Choon-Choo(金春秋) who had good influence by diplomacy toward Tang(唐) got the King Jinduck(眞德王) to have as Galmunwang(葛文王) of his father, Yong Chun(龍春). But the nobility didn't admit that, and also after the King Jinduck's(眞德王) death, Sandaedeung(上大等) Al-Chun(閼川) came first. Kim Choon-Choo's(金春秋) father has again as the Great King 'Moon-heung'(文興) who was 'Galmunwang'(葛文王) by his son, ascending a throne as the King Muyeol(武烈王). This measure had Ohmyoje(五廟制) in mind, and existing 'Galmunwang'(葛文王) system faces a difficulty for keeping it. With beginning of the honoring as the Great King, Ohmyoje(五廟制) was formalization gradually, then Ohmyoje(五廟制) formed as Jehuohmyo(諸侯五廟), not to be respectful to an Emperor like Tang(唐) but to raise the King's pertinent family line in Silla(新羅), because of legitimacy of succession to the throne. Consequently, operation of the Crown Prince and the honoring as the Great King system might keep under operation of 'Galmunwang'(葛文王) system itself that had played the part of succession to the throne before solidarity. The King Heekang(僖康王) keeps to bounds the honoring as the Great King of his father, his father-in-law, Kim Choong-Gong(金忠恭) has as 'Galmunwang'(葛文王), because he was aware of Choong Kong faction. Of course he appointed Kim Myoung(金明) who made a great contribution to enthronement as Sandaedeung(上大等). But Woo-Jing(祐徵) who is Gyun-Jung's(均貞) son and the surviving power of Kyun Jung faction run away into Cheonghaejin(청해진) and Kim Myoung(金明) and the power of Choong-Gong(金忠恭) faction were in a hurry for organization of Royal family centering around them. After all the King Heekang(僖康王) killed himself, Kim Myoung(金明) accedes to the throne as the King Minae(閔哀王). As the King Minae(閔哀王)'s father has again as the Great King 'Sunkang(宣康)' who was 'Galmunwang'(葛文王) by his son, the King Minae(閔哀王) reaffirms his legitimacy. Kim Myoung(金明) has had already ability for being King. He got the King Heekang(僖康王) to have as 'Galmunwang'(葛文王) of his father, the case is the same with the King Muyeol's(武烈王) one before enthronement. The honoring as Galmunwang(葛文王) of Kim Choong-Gong(金忠恭) is to secure Kim Myoung's(金明) legitimacy for his succession to the throne by the King Heekang(僖康王), and this record shows 'Galmunwang'(葛文王) system still was used for legitimacy guarantee of succession to the throne, even in the late Silla(新羅) when the honoring as the Great King and the Crown Prince system got settled.

김대성 가야금작품 연구

김바니 이화여자대학교 2020 국내박사

This research is on composer Kim Dae-sung(김대성; 金大成 1967~)’s works for gayageum and his composing style for the instrument. An active composer of the Korean traditional music, a total of 31 works for the gayageum written by Kim were looked into, and grouped depending on their characteristics. Based on a comprehensive review of the works, 7 pieces(<Ddul-nhuk gah-nun Khum(2010)> for 12-stringed gayageum·<Maheum Maheul(2016)> for 25-stringed gayageum and percussion·<Yeowul(2004)> written for 12-stringed gayageum quartet·<Sahm-mae(2018)> written for gayageum quartet and percussion·<Ha-na eui Kum(2013)> for 18-stringed gayageum and orchestra·<Hoho good(2017)> for four 25-stringed gayageums)were researched and analyzed; the musical characteristics were studied, showing that various subject matters were utilized in the gayageum repertoire in focus. Based on researching and analyzing the musical style of Kim Dae-sung’s Gayageum compositions through how it has been utilized via compositional and performance techniques, the results are following: First, the utilization of subject matters brought a strong traditional musical melody but such program music elements and motives changed depending on its use as a way to express aesthetic consciousness of traditional musical style or as a musical theme intended by the composer. The 5 program music elements — traditional music, aesthetic, reflection of period, nature, and religion — were mostly used as the theme melody in Kim’s compositions. Second, the utilization of mode brought traditional modes such as menaritori, sooshimgatori, yookjabaegitori, pyeongjoseonbeop, gehmyeonjoseonbeop together with Western modes such as atonal mode and church mode. The 12-string gayageum’s progression of melody was utilized with musical scale — especially with atonal mode emphasized; Kim’s such work with mode covers both traditional tone and Western musical elements. Third, the utilization of rhythm altered shamanic music of the Korean east coast — chungbo, baegijang, sajaphuli — and applied them to the rhythm of the gayageum. One of the main rhythmic characteristics of Kim Dae-sung’s works for the Gayageum is the use of polyrhythm. The use of polyrhythm by the gayageum and percussion or between two gayageums created a whole different sound — even creating the gamelan acoustic effect. Fourth, the utilization of performance technique extended traditional performance techniques from 15 to 24, and non-traditional techniques from 5 to 14. The mixed techniques increased from 5 to 14. The usage of traditional techniques in Kim’s entire Gayageum repertoire — for traditional and updated gayageums — was the highest. The hard-pressing technique, which is used for reverberation, was widely used and especially when it was ascending or descending to and from the model tone. Also the ascending and descending reverberation went two, three, four, and five tones both ways. The wide use of traditional performance techniques led to creating musical effects with ornaments when similar melody progressed. Non-traditional techniques included one-handed techniques like harmonics, arpeggio, tremolo, and glissando; two-handed techniques included harmonics and tremolo. Such techniques like beating the instrument were used in chamber or concerto settings — creating an ambiguous tone while another melody was being performed — which then resulted in one natural acoustic effect. The mixed technique combines the two techniques above, which demonstrates traditional and Western musical elements; of the elements, a string-pressing technique with bow scratching the strings, extends the performance techniques of the gayageum with special tool in-use. Furthermore, the string-pressing technique articulated tones that were out of the standard range of tones for the gayageum; this technique allowed for overcoming the fixed-range of the gayageum through use of harmonics and arpeggios. To summarize, the musical characteristics of composer Kim Dae-sung’s works for the gayageum and his current composing style for the instrument are studied in this research. Kim is a tireless advocate for researching the gayageum repertoire. Through his intensive on-site research to really understand various traditional melodies such as folk, shamanic, and pansori, Kim Dae-sung altered the music to make it his own style; this style was then applied to his compositional writing for the gayageum. Some of the key characteristics of Kim’s writing for the gayageum are: one-movement structure, variety of subject matter, tonal variability of mode, and polyrhythm. Traditional performance technique is frequently found in Kim’s music for the gayageum — diversifying how reverberation is expressed in playing. Through Kim Dae-sung’s musical vision and his world as a composer, his research on the gayageum repertoire would be believed to be an important study on the value of the gayageum music. Not to mention it offers a chance to learn about gayageum music at the status quo. It is hoped that more research on other composers would come after this study on Kim Dae-sung’s music, and that Kim’s active composing would continue on. 본고는 작곡가 김대성(金大成 1967~)의 가야금작품 연구를 통해 김대성 가야금작품의 음악적 특징을 고찰하여 그의 작품 경향을 파악하고자 하는 논문이다. 총 31곡의 김대성 가야금작품을 독주곡·중주곡·협주곡 별로 분류하고 작곡자의 작품성향을 파악할 수 있는 작품 선정을 위해 작품 성격을 나타내는 요소의 빈도수·앞서 선정되지 않은 작품·악곡에 편성된 가야금의 종류를 고려하여 총 7곡의 작품을 선정하였다. 선정된 작품은 12현가야금 독주곡 <들녘 가는 꿈(2010)>·25현가야금과 장구를 위한 <마음마을(2016)>·25현가야금과 타악을 위한 <구름 낀 달밤의 바다(2018)>·12현가야금 4중주곡 <여울(2004)>·가야금 4중주와 타악을 위한 <삼매(2018)>·18현가야금과 서양관현악을 위한 <하나의 꿈(2013)>·25현 4대를 위한 가야금 협주곡 <호호굿(2017)>이며 작품에 활용된 소재와 표현방식을 중심으로 분석하여 음악적 특징을 고찰하였으며 그 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 소재의 활용 양상으로는 모든 작품들에서 전통음악적 소재가 강하게 출현하나 표제적 요소 및 동기는 전통음악적 미(美)의식을 표현하는 하나의 음악적 재료로 사용되는지 작곡자가 지향하는 음악의 주제로 표현 되는지에 따라 작품의 주된 성격은 달라졌다. 작품에 반영된 전통음악·심미·자연·종교·시대반영의 소재는 악곡의 표현방식으로 활용되었다. 김대성 가야금작품에서 소재 활용 양상의 특징은 복합적 소재의 활용으로, 작품마다 하나의 소재가 아닌 여러 소재가 혼합되어 나타났다는 점이다. 둘째, 선법의 활용 양상으로는 전통음악의 선법인 메나리토리·수심가토리·육자배기토리·평조선법·계면조선법과 서양음악의 선법인 무조선법·교회선법(Lydian mode·Aeolian mode·Dorian mode)이 악곡별로 활용되었다. 특히 무조음악의 특징을 살려 12음계를 활용한 12현가야금의 선율진행은 전통적인 음색과 서양음악적 요소가 함께 나타났다. 김대성 가야금작품에서 선법 활용 양상의 특징은 선법의 가변음 활용으로, 선법의 구성음에서 반음을 추가하여 가변음으로 나타났다는 점이다. 셋째, 리듬의 활용 양상으로는 동해안 무악장단인 청보장단·배기장장단·사자풀이장단을 변형하여 가야금 리듬에 접목시켰고, 풍물장단인 호호굿장단·영산다드래기장단을 가야금 리듬에 접목시켰다. 김대성 가야금작품에서 리듬 활용 양상의 특징은 폴리리듬의 활용으로, 가야금과 타악기의 폴리리듬 또는 중주가야금의 폴리리듬을 제시하여 하나의 새로운 선율형태로 나타나며 이는 가믈란 음향 효과로 이어지기도 했다. 넷째, 연주법의 활용 양상으로 전통주법(전통가야금으로 전통악곡을 연주시 사용되는 주법)·비전통주법(작곡가의 창작된 악보에 표기되어 있는 주법)·혼합주법(전통주법과 비전통주법이 함께 사용된 주법)이 활용되었다. 전통주법은 최소 15가지에서 최대 24가지가 활용되었으며 비전통주법은 최소 5가지에서 최대 14가지가 활용되었고 혼합주법은 최소 2가지에서 최대 9가지가 활용되었다. 전통가야금과 개량가야금 편성의 모든 작품에서 전통주법의 활용도가 가장 높았고, 특히 여음을 표현하기 위한 누르기주법의 활용도가 다양했다. 여음 표현의 주법은 제시음으로 여음 상행 및 하행하기·제시음에서 여음 상행 및 하행하기·두음 상행 및 하행 연결하기·세음 연결하기·네음 연결하기·다섯음 연결하기 등이 활용되었다. 이러한 전통주법의 다양한 활용은 유사선율 진행시 시김새 변화를 통한 음악적 효과로 이어졌다. 작품에 활용된 비전통주법 중 두드리기나 안족 밖의 음 뜯기와 같이 주법은 중주곡이나 협주곡에 활용되어 다른 선율 진행시 모호한 음정의 선율로 어우러져 하나의 자연적 음향 효과로 나타났다. 작품에 활용된 혼합주법 중 활로 현을 긁으며 누르는주법을 함께 활용하는 주법은 특수도구를 사용함으로써 가야금 주법의 확대 효과로 나타났고, 가야금의 기본 음역대를 벗어난 음정을 누르는주법으로 표현하며 화음 또는 아르페지오를 활용하는 주법은 고정된 음역대를 극복하는 효과를 가져왔다. 이상으로 김대성 가야금작품에 나타난 음악적 특징을 살펴보고 현재 그의 가야금작품경향을 파악하였다. 작곡자 김대성은 가야금작품에 대해 끊임없이 연구하고 있는 작곡가이며 특히 직접적인 현장연구를 토대로 자신이 채보한 토속민요·무속음악·판소리 선율을 변형하여 자신만의 양식으로 가야금작품에 접목시켜 작품활동을 해오고 있다. 김대성 가야금작품의 음악적 특징은 단악장 구조·작품 소재의 복합성·선법의 가변음 활용·폴리리듬의 활용이 있으며 작품에 활용된 연주법 중 전통주법의 높은 활용도로 여음 표현의 다양화를 작품에 반영했다는 점이다. 이러한 김대성의 가야금작품 연구는 작곡가의 음악관과 작품세계를 통한 가야금 음악의 가치를 조명해 보는 중요한 작업이 되었으리라 생각되며 또한 과거 중심이 아닌 가야금 음악의 현 상황을 직시해보는 계기가 되었다고 생각된다. 본 연구는 향후 김대성 작품 및 가야금 창작음악의 연구에 활용될 수 있을 것이라 생각하며 앞으로 김대성의 꾸준한 작품활동과 이에 따른 후속 연구가 이어지길 바란다.

South Korea's sunshine policy, 1998-2002 : domestic imperatives and private interests

김정용 University of Warwick 2002 해외박사

The end of the Cold War has brought both uncertainty and opportunity for states interested in designing their own security policies. Alternative methods, other than military solutions, should be exploited to prevent insecurity and instability. This study is concerned with South Korea's security approach towards North Korea in the post-Cold War era and in particular how South Korea can use non-military tools to prevent military conflict in the Korean Peninsula and to build mutual confidence between the two Koreas in the long-run. This thesis also presents an analysis of both the need and the opportunity for South Korea to adopt a comprehensive economic engagement strategy towards North Korea in the post-Cold War era in order to achieve these goals. It argues that South Korea's implementation of economic engagement with North Korea requires its policy-makers' strong policy-making will for an active and consistent engagement posture. Then, this study demonstrates the important role of President Kim Dae-jung's strong causal beliefs about the necessity of engagement measures to address the post-Cold War North Korean security problems on the Kim Dae-Jung government's policy-making in favour of comprehensive engagement with North Korea. This study presents the model of 'business-track diplomacy' to test a state's utilisation of economic engagement strategy as security policy. This model provides ways to think around security issues and alternative security options which go beyond the traditional military containment approach to security in international relations (IR). Moreover, this study presents a new belief perspective that illuminates the South Korea's North Korea policy-making process, which had previously been dominated by military issues and essentially required an international structure perspective, centred on US influence. Thus, the belief approach contributes to the field of foreign policy analysis (FPA) for South Korea by proving the importance of its decision-makers' policy beliefs and by going beyond the conventional international structure approach.

(The) impact of famine on Kim Jong-Il's control over social and political forces in North-Korea

Kim, Han-suk Graduate School of International Studies, Yonsei U 2001 국내석사

The aim of this paper is to examine the extent to which the famine has affected the social and political landscape of North Korea. Specifically, it deals with the degree of Kim Jong-il's control of the North Korean society. The main argument is that while the famine has had a detrimental effect on the general populace, it was not severe enough to undermine Kim Jong-il's control of the society because the social control mechanisms have continued to function. To this end, several social and political indicators, these being the unauthorized movement of people, private farming and markets, defections, Kim's relationship with the military, and the North Korean foreign policy, have been examined. Kim Jong-il has made minimal changes relative to internal mobility, private enterprise, and foreign policy. He has held fast with regard to the military and numerous defections. While the last six months have been very eventful in terms of social, political, and economic initiatives by both North and South, little of substantive nature has as yet been realized. Certainly this rapprochement would not have occurred in the absence of famine and economic breakdown.