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雲岡 李康秊[1858~1908]은 군사 운용과 전술의 전문가인 무관으로서 민비 시해 사건과 단발령을 계기로 倡義 擧兵한 의병장이다. 그는 경상북도 문경 태생이지만 제천으로 柳麟錫[1842~1915]을 찾아가 그의 문인이 되는 동시에 유인석 의병 부대의 유격대장으로 활약하였다. 또 李恒老[1792~1868]의 『華西集』 간행에도 적극 관여하는 등 학문 연찬에도 힘을 썼으니, 그의 강력한 무장 항쟁은 위정척사론의 이념적 토대 위에서 이루어진 것이다. 이강년은 의병장으로서는 보기 드물게 다수의 詩文을 남기고 있고 그것들의 상당수는 그의 투쟁과 밀접한 관련이 있다. 「聞國變世禍, 漸至板蕩, 不勝憤激, 仍賦一律.」은 거병 즈음의 근심과 두려움, 육체적 고통과 투쟁의 의지가 진솔하게 토로된 작품이다. 「被擒時口號」는 적에게 체포되는 절망적 상황에서도 의연한 결기를 보여준다. 또 「囚在日憲兵所口號」는 헌병소에 구금되어 있으면서 쓴 시로, 구차히 살아남지 않을 것이며 죽어서도 항쟁하겠다는 결연한 의지를 보여준다. 「告訣八域同志」는 옥중에서 전국의 동지들에게 영결을 고하는 글로, 거병의 계기, 무장 항쟁 기간, 戰績, 체포당한 경위, 사형에 직면한 심정, 투쟁의 이념을 기술하고 있다. 이 글에서 이강년은 반역자들이 충신과 선량한 사람들을 무고하게 살해하는 상황에서 양심의 격동을 참을 수 없었던 것이 거병의 원인이라고 밝혔다. 그리고 13년간 2차례 기병하였고 전투 횟수는 30여회, 전적은 왜적 100여명을 죽인 것이라고 하였다. 이강년은 인륜이 사라진 상황에 대하여 심각한 위기의식을 가지고 있었고, 양심에 격동되어 거병하였으며, 존화양이의 의리를 위해 殉死한다는 자부심을 가지고 있었으며, 남은 동지들에게 綱常을 돈독히 하라고 당부하였다. 이것이 이강년이 지닌 위정척사 의식이다. 『雲岡遺稿』에는 15편의 檄文類가 전한다. 그의 격문은 선명한 위정척사의 이념을 기반으로 삼고 있다. 그것들은 군사와 무기, 군자금 조달을 독려하는 격문, 伊藤博文을 통렬히 꾸짖는 격문, 일제의 앞잡이로 온갖 간악한 짓을 일삼는 一進會를 준엄히 꾸짖은 효유문, 각국의 영사관에 일제의 침탈을 고발하고 조국 해방의 타당성을 알리는 통고문, 군대의 기율을 알려 경계하는 글이다. 그중에서 募兵을 목적으로 하는 것이 격문으로서 전형성 갖는다. Ungang(雲岡) Lee Kang-nyeon(李康秊)[1858~1908] was an expert in military operations and tactics as a military officer and he was a the righteous Armies general who raised an army in the cause of justice for Queen Min’s assassination and the ordinance prohibiting topknots. Although he was born in Mungyeong, Gyeongsangbuk-do, he went to Jecheon to visit Yoo In-seok (柳麟錫)[1842~1915] to become his literary man and also served as a captain of Yoo In-seok’s righteous army. He also worked hard at study including being actively involved in the publication of Lee Hang-ro(李恒老)[1792~1868]’s 『Hwaseojib(華西集)』, so Lee Kang-nyeon’s strong armed resistance was based on the ideological basis of Wijung Chuksa(Protect Righteousness and Expel wickedness, 衛正斥邪). Lee Kang-nyeon leaves a large number of poetry and prose as a rare case for the righteous Armies general, and many of them are closely related to his struggle. 「He heard the nation change and the world dizzy, so gradually became confused, and he did not stand the enragement and wrote a poem(聞國變世禍, 漸至板蕩, 不勝憤激, 仍賦一律.)」 is a work in which worries, fears, physical pain and the will of struggle are truly expressed around the time of raising an army. 「Poetry when he was arrested by an enemy(被擒時口號)」 shows a resolute impetuousness even in the desperate situation of being arrested by an enemy. In addition, 「Poetry while he was imprisoned in Japanese military police station(囚在日憲兵所口號)」 is a poem written while in a military police station, it shows his determined will to struggle even if he dies and not to survive wretchedly. 「Tell all over the country comrades before his death(告訣八域同志)」 is written in the prison to bid his last farewell to comrades from all over the country, it describes the cause of raising an army, the period of armed struggle, the record of struggle, the arrested situation, the feeling faced by the death penalty, and the ideology of struggle. In this article, he said that the cause of raising an army was that he could not stand the turbulence of conscience at a time when traitors were killing faithful and good people for no reason. He also said that he raised an army twice in 13 years, fought about 30 times, and killed more than 100 Japanese invaders. Lee Kang-nyeon had a serious sense of crisis about the situation in which humanity had disappeared, and he raised an army by being turbulent of conscience. Also, he was proud of dying for his country for the loyalty of Johnhwa Yangi(Revere China and expel the foreigners, 尊華攘夷) and he asked the remaining comrades to strengthen moral principles. This is the his consciousness of Wijung Chuksa(Protect Righteousness and Expel wickedness, 衛正斥邪). In 『Ungang-yugo(雲岡遺稿)』, 15 manifestos are presented. His manifestos are based on clear ideology of Wijung Chuksa(Protect Righteousness and Expel wickedness, 衛正斥邪). They are the manifestos of encouraging military, weapons and military funds, of scolding Ito Hirobumi(伊藤博文) severely, the persuasion of criticizing sharply Iljinhoe(一進會) which had done all kinds of atrocities as informer of Japan, the notification of accusing Japanese invasion and informing the validity of liberation to consular offices of each country, and the article of informing the discipline of the army. Among them, for the purpose of recruiting the army has typicality as a manifesto.
Sukhi Kang(1934-) is composer of the modern music who is well known for his sound aesthetics, which represents “Sukhi Kang’s sound.” He specially emphasizes the well counted musical form and structure, where emotional expression is completely ruled out. His controls upon the using tones are especially strict. There are no repetitions of special tones, such as the highest and lowest tone, as well as adjacent tones. That’s because these tones determinate the contour of the complete piece. Sukhi Kang places his concerns on the characteristics of individual pieces especially on their creativity and uniqueness. On the basis of his sound aesthetics this research of his recent piece titled <Octagon>(2012) for 8 players, commissioned by EIT(Ensemble Interactive Tokyo), focuses on the asymmetrical aspects, where his favorite numbers 2, 3, 4, 8, 12, 59 are mentioned. For the proof of the asymmetry, simple geometrical figures are used, such as two squares, one triangle and one pentagon to create an octagon.
This paper focuses on introducing three different English translations of “Yellow Birds Song” which was published in the early 20th Century. It compares three different translations, explains the differences of the background stories fromthe original content, and discusses the translators’ ideologies in translation and the purpose of Korean poem translations. The three translators are James S. Gale, a Canadian missionary, Joan S. Grigsby, a Scot poet, and Younghill Kang, Korean-American novelist. They translated the poemof “Yellow Birds Song” which was written in 17 BC by King Yuri of Koguryo, and they cited the translated poeminto the book ofHistory of the Korean People(1928, a book of history),The Orchid Door(1935, a book of poetry), andThe Grass Roof(1931, novel) respectively. They each used the same poembut written in different languages. These different original poems influenced their translations. Gale used the poemwritten in Chinese, Grigsby used the English translation by Gale, and Kang used the Korean song. Gale’s translation is similar to Chinese poem. Grigsby’s translation is free style because she couldn’t understand the original content and tried to adjust to the western style. Kang’s translation is close to the original Korean song. These three translations are different because of their different ideologies in translation. First, Gale put an importance in Korean literature and understanding ofWestern readers. Thus, he tried to be faithful to the original and at the same time, compose his translation as an English poem. Second, Grigsby didn’t even try to translate close to original content, because she felt that characteristics of Korean literature was not important in translation. She thought literal translation of Korean poems couldn’t appeal to average western readers. Third, Kang did his best to be faithful to the original Korean song because he thought Korean songs had ardent sense. These translators translated the background story of the book of SamKookSaKi(三國史記) differently because they have different purpose of Korean poem translations. First, Gale tried to provide the story in detail, and added his opinions as a missionary and historian because he wanted to introduce Korea as a country with a long history and rich literature. Second, Grigsy summarized the story very succinctly because she focused on the ancient beauty of Korean poems rather than the long history, Third, Kang changed whole story in his novel because he tried to show the harsh reality of those days when it was under the Japanese control. His translation of Korean song expresses their pride and deep grief over the country lost.
본 연구는 강규찬(姜奎燦) 목사의 설교 “愛의 讚頌”을 통해 ‘사랑의 그리스도인상’을 분석하는 데 목적을 둔다. 그는 고린도전서 12장 31절 말씀을 본문으로 설정하여 이 글을 작성했다. 본 연구에서는 강규찬의 ‘사랑의 그리스도인상’을 분석하기 위하여 1922년 『宗敎界諸名士講演集』에 수록된 “愛의 讚頌”을 고찰했다. 제3장에서는 강규찬이 생각한 그리스도인의 지고의 과업으로서의 사랑의 기초적 원리가 무엇인지에 대해 살폈으며, 그 원리들로서 ① 기독교의 정체성, ② 실천적 은사를 위한 인프라, ③ 사랑의 본질적인 속성(불변성과 영구성) 등에 대해 논했다. 제4장에서는 사랑을 터득하기 위한 실제적 방법들에 대해 다루었으며, 그 예로 ① 사랑의 결핍 자인식(自認識), ② 실천적 경험을 통한 체득, ③ 맘몬이즘 타파, ④ 영원한 하나님 나라에 대한 소망 등에 주안점을 두어 살펴보았다. 강규찬은 투철한 믿음으로 그리스도인의 사랑과 실천과의 조화 및 그리스도인의 사랑과 은사의 일치를 강조했다. 부연하여, 본 연구자는 향후 강규찬과 관련된 연구가 확장되어 이 주제 외에도 ‘애국적 그리스도인상,’ ‘참교역자상,’ ‘영적 은사의 실천’ 등 다양한 연구로 연계될 수 있기를 기대해본다. This study aims to analyze Rev. Gyu-Chan Kang’s ‘the image of Christian of Love’ in his sermon “Praise of Love.” This text is based in 1 Corinthians 12:31. In order to analyze Kang’s ‘the image of Christian of Love,’ I searched for this text which was published in Jonggyogyeoi Jemyeongsa Gangyeonjip(1922). In chapter 3, I attempted to explain Kang’s basic principle of love as the greatest Christian task such as ① the identity of Christianity, ② the infrastructure for practical gifts, ③ the essential attributes of love(immutability and permanence), and so on. In chapter 4, I concentrated on real good way to learn love such as ① the self-awareness of scarcity of love, ② the acquirement by practical experience, ③ the destruction of mammonism, ④ the hope of the eternal kingdom of God, and so forth. Kang laid great emphasis on the consistency of Christian love and its practice, and the unity of Christian love and gifts with a steady faith. In addition, I suggest future extensions of this research into Gyu-Chan Kang’s other themes such as ‘the image of Christian as a true patriot,’ ‘the image of a true teacher,’ ‘practice of the spiritual gifts’, and so on.
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The author presented a new method of intermaxillary fixation namely Kang s wiring The Kang s wiring has been already utilized to the mandibular fracture cases and obtained succesful result in General Hospital, klang, Ma!aysiar and paik Hospital, Inje Medical College Seoul. The author found the kang s wiring has proved it s efficiency and simplicity through his clinical experiences. The new wiring also caused less periodontal problem throughout the period of treatment compare than any other method.
The present study examined whether Kang's (1999) model of the relationships among language learning strategy use and language proficiency for the Asian students could e applied to a more heterogeneous group. In Kang's study, he collected information of language learning strategies of 957 foreign students learning English as a second language in American colleges through a questionnaire. He also measured the subjects' language proficiency with the Institutional Testing Program TOEFL(Test of English as a Foreign Language). This study analyzed the same data with out the limitation of cultural identity. Structural equation modeling was used to model the relationships among strategy use and language proficiency, Then, the model of the present study was descriptively compared with Kang's (1999) model for the Asian students. The overall flow of the relationship paths appeared to vary very little across the two models, which would have indicated that the generalizability of Kang's (1999) model could be extended more than originally examined. (156)
현재의 우리들에게 유림(儒林), 즉 선비들이란 급변하는 시대의 흐름에 편입되지 못하고 이미 퇴색되어버린 보수적 가치관을 지닌 구시대적인 집단으로 인식되고 있는 것이 사실이다. 그러나 이러한 인식의 이면에는 일제강점기와 새로운 국가의 건설과정에서 살아남기 위하여 체제에 알맞게 변형된 집단들이 스스로의 필요에 의해 보수로 자처하자 유림집단은 사회이념을 재편성하는 스펙트럼 속에서 제대로 자리잡지 못하고 결국 튕겨져 나가버린 당대 지식인들의 슬픈 자학의 감정이 내포되어 있다. 어쩌면 그들은 올바르게 빛을 투영해내지 못하는 일그러진 스펙트럼의 틀을 스스로 벗어남으로써 세간의 혼탁함을 피하고 스스로 유가(儒家)의 순수성을 지키려 했던 것인지도 모른다. 이에 본고에서는 강우지방(江右地方)의 대표적인 유림으로 한말~일제강점기의 시기에 그 정체성을 잃지 않고 망국의 신하로서, 당대의 지식인으로서 올곧게 행동하였던 대눌(大訥) 노상익(盧相益)의 생애와 그의 항일정신에 대하여 살펴봄으로써 앞서 언급한 유림(儒林)의 시대인식에 대한 잘못된 통념들을 바로잡아보고자 한다. 이를 위하여 우선 대눌의 학문적 근원인 강우지방(江右地方) 유림(儒林)의 면면을 살펴보고 망국의 지식계층으로서 왕조의 멸망과 일본의 강제병합에 대항했던 유림(儒林)집단의 행동들을 분석해 볼 것이다. 이러한 과정을 통하여 강우지역 성재(性齊) 허전(許傳)의 학맥을 계승하였던 대눌(大訥)의 사상적 근원을 분석하고 이것이 그의 전 생애를 통하여 어떻게 투영되고 나타났는지를 알아보고자 한다. It is true that the Confucian scholars, i.e. classical scholars are regarded as old group with conservative value who failed to incorporate themselves into the rapid changing flow of the time. It is partly because of the Confucian scholar group made their own choice as they failed to settle in a social and ideological spectrum when some transformed argued their conservatism according to the need of the time to survive during the Japanese occupation period and during the construction of a new country. Rather, it may be safe to say that they intended to keep their purity by escaping from the corrupt frame in the process of reconstructing of wrong ideologies from its beginning. Accordingly, this study would like to examine the life and anti-Japanese movement of Daenul Noh Sang Ik who was the representative scholar in Kang-wu-ji-bang(江右地方), endeavored to keep identity as a subordinate of the fallen country during the late Joseon and the Japanese occupation and also as an intellect of the time in order to correct wrong concepts toward the aforesaid Confucian scholars. For this, it firstly examined the figures of Confucian scholars in Kang-Wu-ji-bang, the academic source of Daenul, and also investigated the behavior of Confucian group who resisted the destruction of a dynasty and the coercive merger by Japan. As such, it analyzed ideological origin of Daenul who succeeded Seongje((性齊)) Heo Jeon((許傳)) in Kang-wu-ji-bang, and examined how it was reflected in his whole life.
The present study examined whether Kang's (1999) model of the relationships among language learning strategy use and language proficiency for the Asian students could be applied to a more heterogeneous group. In Kang's study, he collected information of language learning strategies of 957 foreign students learning English as a second language in American colleges through a questionnaire. He also measured the subjects' language proficiency with the Institutional Testing Program TOEFL (Test of English as a Foreign Language). This study analyzed the same data without the limitation of cultural identity. Structural equation modeling was used to model the relationships among strategy use and language proficiency. Then, the model of the present study was descriptively compared with Kang's (1999) model for the Asian students. The overall flow of the relationship paths appeared to vary very little across the two models, which would have indicated that the generalizability of Kang's (1999) model could be extended more than originally examined. (156)
This study aimed at looking into Kang Hui-maeing's office life for the understanding of the early Joseon society dominated by yangban(two upper classes). Through reviewing on his life we can interpret constant factors to make his way in office life in Joseon as well as variable ones. He was out of top drawer, a nephew of King Sejong's wife and got the first position in the civil service examination come up 1447, King Sejong's 29th year. He enjoyed a success career during King Sejo's ruling period(1455~1468) and reached the peak point when King Seongjong rose. He started office life in 24 years old and got a dangsanggwan position, the major third rank, 10 years later. He took office as the minister of the Ceremonies Board in 1466, King Sejo's 12th ruling year. He died at 1483 with two titles as a meritorious retainers without taking the position for state councilor. Key point of his success was to have taken good results, ranked the first class, in the successive two tests by King Sejo for inservice officers. This enabled hime to get dangsoangwan and panseo post. He was a ceremony and writing expert whom the dynasty need for establishing confucian state and keeping stable relations with Ming China. He went through almost all posts in the Ceremonies Board from jwarang(assistant section chief) to panseo (Minister). He had his son got to married to a grand daughter of Sin Sukju, first class meritorious retainer. It helped him to get the meritorious title. He participated in discussion sessions with the king Seong Jong as a Gyeongyeongwan holding additional posts and meritorious retainer. Seongjong left his first son who acceded to the throne later in Kang's care for several years and nominated him for Yijo-panseo positon, Minister of Personnel. His success story shows that in Joseon society a person could not success depending solely on one's family. For successful office life it requires to be a fine writer and to get a special status like a meritorious title.
A cytotoxic sesquiterpene against L1210 and HL-60 cells was isolated from Angelicae Koreanae Radix (buk-kang-hwal). The component was identified as bisabolangelone by means of chemical and physical methods. The ED_50 values of it were 1.20 ㎍/㎖ against L1210 cells and 2.30 ㎍/㎖ against HL-60 cells. Bisabolangelone was found in buk-kang-hwal but not in kang-hwal.