환경분석기반 한옥 시공 시뮬레이션에 관한 연구

김미경(Mi Kyoung Kim),전한종(Han Jong Jun) (사)한국CDE학회 2011 한국 CAD/CAM 학회 학술발표회 논문집 Vol.2011 No.1

Han-ok has a long history and cultural traditions. It has green and healthy and culture but high construction costs, thermal insulation performance of residential and vulnerable to fires and have a weakness for maintenance. However, modernized resident housing, Han-ok is required to improve in terms of environmental aspect due to its weakness for insulating and inconvenience for modern era. Also Han-Ok"s building is criticized as a huge dependence on subjective building experiences. This is pointed to be the biggest problem, Han-ok has. Traditionally it does not have a scientific and specific manual for construction. In this research, process simulation was adopted to develop Han-Ok"s environmental improvements. In terms of LCC(Life Cycle Cost) aspect, however, Han-Ok"s environmental characteristics are examined to suggest an appropriate Han-Ok construction method. Also the result of this research would be utilized to base the information database for efficient constructing and its management in new Han-Ok constructing industry.

漢代 莫府의 機能

金翰奎 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1984 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.44 No.-

This paper was prepared as part of an effort to understand the changes of the power structure during the Han dynasty. I think it will be possible to find the structural principles of the Han state from the relationship between the Imperial power and the Mu-fu, because the Mu-fu had sometimes participated in Imperial power as a part and occasionally as an opposition. Hence, the character of the state was changed. Until now few scholars have been concerned about the Mu-fu, so it has scarcely been researched. Therefore, in this paper, I tried to gain some basic information about the historical meaning and function of the Mu-fu. The findings about the Mu-fu in the Han dynasty, found in such historical records as 'Shi-chi'(史記), ?Han-su'(漢書), ?Hou-han-su'(後漢書), ?San-kuo-chi'(三國志), and so on, are as follows: (1) The Mu-fu fundamentally means an assistant means supporting the military activities of the Chiang-chun(將軍; general). That is to say, it was an administrative office which had taken charge of such affairs as application of the martial law or the military command, supplying provisions, and appointing officers. (2) The second function of the Mu-fu was that of participant in the second role of the Chiang-chun, namely assistance to the throne. So it was a political organization that framed the state policies and offered political ideas to the Ching-chun. (3) The third responsibility of the Mu-fu was the election of the bureaucracies. The Mu-fu of the Chiang-chun in the Han employed a special system, recommending the governmental bureaucracies to the Emperor. (4) The fourth function of the Mu-fu was that of central power machinery of the independent government established by the Ching-chun. In this case, the Chiang-chun was one member of the bureaucracy in theory, but an independent power in fact. Through understanding those meanings and functions of the Mu-fu, we can measure the differences between the Imperial power and the power of the Chiang-chun-mu-fu(將軍幕府). Especially through seizing the developmental steps of those functions and meanings, we can understand the change of course in the power structure. The first function of the Mu-fu was originated in the anti-Ch'in(秦) period, the second function in the pose-Han-Wu-ti(漢武帝)period, the third in the early Later Han (後漢) dynasty, the fourth in the end of the Later Han dynasty. These developmental steps show us that the self-regulative power of the Mu-fu had been strengthened. On the other hand, the unificative power of the Han state had been disrupted according to the conditions of the time. In conclusion, the Mu-fu in the Han dynasty was a contradictory being that had been a part of the state power-and concurrently disrupted it.

환경분석기반 한옥 시공 시뮬레이션에 관한 연구

김미경(Mi Kyoung Kim),전한종(Han Jong Jun) (사)한국CDE학회 2011 한국CDE학회 논문집 Vol.16 No.4

Han-ok has a long history and cultural traditions. It has green and healthy and culture but high construction costs, thermal insulation performance of residential and vulnerable to fires and have a weakness for maintenance. However, modernized resident housing, Han-ok is required to improve in terms of environmental aspect due to its weakness for insulating and inconvenience for modern era. Also Han-Ok"s building is criticized as a huge dependence on subjective building experiences. This is pointed to be the biggest problem, Han-ok has. Traditionally it does not have a scientific and specific manual for construction. In this research, process simulation was adopted to develop Han-Ok"s environmental improvements. In terms of LCC (Life Cycle Cost) aspect, however, Han-Ok"s environmental characteristics are examined to suggest an appropriate Han-Ok construction method. Also the result of this research would be utilized to base the information database for efficient constructing and its management in new Han-Ok constructing industry.

한국복음주의신학의 어제와 오늘

김영한(Yung han Kim) 혜암신학연구소 2014 신학과교회 Vol.2 No.-

1920년대 당시 프린스턴신학교에서의 보수파와 진보파 사이의 신학논쟁이 10년 후인 1930년대 한국교회에서 부분적이긴 하나 재현되었다. 1930년대 한국장로교 안에 일어난 신학 논쟁이란 정통주의 신학자 박형룡이 김재준의 신정통주의 신학을 자유주의 신학이라고 비판한 데서 야기되었다. 초창기 한국신학형성기의 신학논쟁을 오늘의 관점에서 보면 자유주의와 신정통주의 사이의 구분이 명확히 되지 못하고 혼동되었다. 죽산은 북장로교 선교사들을 통하여 한국장로교와 평양신학에 뿌리 내린 정통주의를 지키는 것을 사명으로 생각했다. 장공은 “신앙 양심의 자유로운 신학”의 입장에서 학문의 자유로운 연구와 성경적 복음적 신앙을 조화시켜나가는 온건한 신정통주의 신학의 입장을 추구하였다. 장공이 죽산의 비판을 받게 된 데는 단지 죽산의 근본주의적 성경관과 전투적 복음주의 사고에만 기인하는 것으로만 볼 수 없고 장공의 정통신학과 선교사들에 대한 혐오증과 강한 비판에도 기인한다. 김재준이 정통주의를 거부한 것은 기독교 근본진리의 부정이 아니라 통조림 같이 폐쇄된 보수주의적 사고방식에 대한 거부였다. 장공은 자유주의 신학을 추구한 것이 아니라 정통주의적 폐쇄주의에서 벗어나 개방적인 입장과 양심의 자유를 존중하는 태도에서 기독교 진리를 추구하고자 했다. 죽산은 후기에 들어 분리적이고 폐쇄적인 신근본주의로 나아갔다. 죽산과 장공의 공통점은 복음적 신앙이다. 차이는 죽산의 정통신앙 존중과 장공의 학문의 자유 존중에 있다. 양자의 차이는 오늘날에는 보다 넓은 복음적 신앙 안에서 극복될 수 있다. The theological controversy between conservatⅣes and liberals in the Princeton Seminary in the 1920s repeated in the Korean church, though partly, in the 1930s. This controversy occurred due to the incidents that Park Hyungryong accused Kim Jaejoon’s neoorthodoxism of liberal theology. According to the recent Ⅵew of this incident, the distinction between liberals and neo-orthodoxy was not clear and confused. However, Park thought it was his mission to keep the orthodoxy, which had been planted by missionaries in the Korean church. On the other hand, Kim sought the neo-orthodoxy harmonizing the freedom of research with Biblical faith in terms of open theology based on the conscience of faith. Park’s criticism on Kim was not only due to Park’s fundamentalist Ⅵew of Bible and combat evangelicalism, but also due to Kim’s hostile attitude and criticism on missionaries and orthodox practices. Kim’s refusal of the orthodoxy was not the rejection of Christian basic truth, but of the “canned, closed” mentality of conservatism. He intended to seek the Christian truth with the attitude of respecting the freedom of conscience and that of surpassing the orthodox closedness. Park fell into the separated and closed neo-fundamentalism in the later period. What Park and Kim have in common is the evangelical faith. The difference between them is that Park respects the orthodox faith while Kim the academic freedom. Such a difference is believed to be overcome today in the spectrum of the broad evangelical faith.

漢江下流部 水害輕減을 爲한 調査 硏究

金漢星,高在雄,李相鎔,玄義泰,柳興根 건국대학교 1974 學術誌 Vol.17 No.1

The effect of reducing flood magnitudes, flood stages, and flood damage by upstream reservoir regulation are investigated in this study. The analytical procedures which has been established newly, are treated through this study for 7 index stations and same numbr of reaches. The method of this study could be expressed briefly as following procedures. Using stage-frequency relations and the potential damage survey data, damage-frequency relations are established, and from this, average annual flood damages computed. By holding out portions of the floods with various amounts of flood control storage in 6 reservoirs in the basin, routing were made to establish modified stage-frequency relations. From damage frequency relation, average annual damages are computed with and without condition of each control volume. The study result are concluded as follows; (1) The relationtship of corresponding water level between nearby stations are useful tools to adjust error of the data due to observation error and change of the gaging location. (2) The number of records about 10 years could not be applied for the statistical methods of flood frequency analysis. (3) The regional skew factors are recommended to apply flood frequency study by the log-Pearson Type III method. (4) The effect of damage reductions are greatly affectedin accordance with the routed flood. Therefore application of the Typical Tributary Contribution Flood are reasonable for this type of study. (5) In the North Han, effect of damage reduction due to the lacation of control point are gradually increased from upstream to downward until the confluence of North and South Han. (6) In the South Han, control effect are increased from Chungju to Yeoju where the maximum effect are analyzed and then decrease gradually until the confluence. (7) Better hydrologic and topographic combinations for the flood control are existed in South Han to compare with North Han in this study results.

냉전체제와 내셔널 시네마의 혼종적 원천

김한상(Kim Han Sang) 한국영화학회 2011 영화연구 Vol.0 No.47

As is generally discussed, issues of "Korean cinema" as the national cinema have provoked controversies in diverse aspects. This concept remains an object hardly to define or draw boundary amid diverse controversies. In this article, I examine this indefinability of Korean national cinema by dwelling upon specific objects from the period of reconstruction after the Korean War. I give attention to the specific time in which the dimension of the state-building and the nation-building became combined, and to the fact that there existed long-lasting heterogeneity and hybridity in this process. Kim Ki-Young's films show how such characters appear on the sphere of the cinema. His public information films are under the legacy of American war films. Both of his two short documentaries I am a Truck (1954) and Diary of Three Sailors(1955) show unique presentation styles originated from the WWII films made by the US Army. However they also contain self-conscious moments when the director refuses to be identified as mere a successor of American documentaries. There are not only the processes of translation, adaptation and mimicry, but also obviously self-conscious expressions in order to overcome the one-sided reception. Kim’s first commercial film Boxes of Death(1955) also contains certain aspects that those are showing. This film, which is an anti-communist thriller, shows much influence from the Hollywood, while it also shows a connection with the tradition from the others, mainly European auteurism and the legacy of Japanese colony. However the most important point is that there is standing presence of America and the USIS in the identity of Kim Ki-Young and his film. This film is a product of the Liberty Production which was a local branch of the US Information Agency, and this fact was significant among discourses in Korean cinema at that time. Seen in this light, Kim Ki-Young, as well as many other film makers at that time, was placed in a highly complicated status. External agencies like the USIS continuously intervened in the lives of Korean film makers for bloc-building, and those film makers also actively engaged with these agencies to learn and use their rich resources. The hybridity in the process of the subject formation in Korean national cinema was one characteristic in common to many film makers at that time.

고온에서 HAN 계열 추진제 액적의 거동에 대한 연구

황창환(Chang Hwan Hwang),백승욱(Seung Wook Baek),한조영(Cho Young Han),김수겸(Su Kyum Kim),전형열(Hyung Yeol Jeon) 한국연소학회 2012 KOSCOSYMPOSIUM논문집 Vol.- No.45

The droplet behavior of 83.9 wt.% HAN water solution was investigated experimentally with various ambient temperature and nitrogen environment. At the initial stage of evaporation under thermal decomposition temperature of HAN, gradual decreasing of droplet diameter was observed. After that, the droplet started to expand due to the internal pressure build up by water nucleation inside the droplet. The micro explosion was observed at higher temperature than the decomposition temperature of HAN and the remaining droplet showed similar behavior of single composition droplet. The decreasing rate was augmented as the ambient temperature increasing.

Diagnostic usefulness of a T cell-based assay for latent tuberculosis infection in kidney transplant candidates before transplantation

Kim, S.-H.,Lee, S.-O.,Park, I.-A.,Park, S.J.,Choi, S.-H.,Kim, Y.S.,Woo, J.H.,Park, S.-K.,Park, J.S.,Kim, S.C.,Han, D.J. Blackwell Publishing Inc 2010 Transplant infectious disease Vol.12 No.2

<P>S.-H. Kim, S.-O. Lee, I.-A. Park, S.J. Park, S.-H. Choi, Y.S. Kim, J.H. Woo, S.-K. Park, J.S. Park, S.C. Kim, D.J. Han. Diagnostic usefulness of a T cell-based assay for latent tuberculosis infection in kidney transplant candidates before transplantation.Transpl Infect Dis 2010: <B>12:</B> 113–119. All rights reserved</P><P>Background</P><P>The presence of latent tuberculosis (TB) infection (LTBI) should be evaluated before kidney transplantation. Although a new T cell-based assay for diagnosing LTBI gave promising results, this assay has not yet been compared with the tuberculin skin test (TST) for diagnosing LTBI in renal transplant candidates before transplantation.</P><P>Patients and methods</P><P>All adult patients admitted to a single institute for renal transplantation over a 1-year period were prospectively enrolled. A clinically predictive risk of LTBI was defined as: (i) recent close contact with a person with pulmonary TB; (ii) abnormal chest radiography; (iii) a history of untreated or inadequately treated TB; or (iv) a new infection (i.e., a recent conversion of TST).</P><P>Results</P><P>Of 209 renal recipients, 47 (22%) had a positive TST≥5 mm, 21 (10%) had a positive TST≥10 mm, 65 (30%) had a positive T-SPOT.<I>TB</I> test, and 25 (12%) had an indeterminate T-SPOT.<I>TB</I> test. The induration size of TST was significantly associated with a high positivity rate on T-SPOT.<I>TB</I> (<I>P</I><0.001). Agreement between T-SPOT.<I>TB</I> test and TST≥10 mm was fair (<I>k</I>=0.24, 95% confidence interval 0.11–0.36). However, neither univariate nor multivariate analysis showed any association between the clinical risk for LTBI and positivity on T-SPOT.<I>TB</I> or TST.</P><P>Conclusion</P><P>T-SPOT.<I>TB</I> test was more frequently positive than TST in renal transplant candidates. However, further longitudinal studies are awaited to determine whether the ability of T-SPOT.<I>TB</I> assay to detect LTBI in renal transplant recipients can better predict the development of TB than can TST after transplantation.</P>

고구려의 건국과 현도군

김성한 ( Kim Sung-han ) 호남사학회 2021 역사학연구 Vol.84 No.-

前漢 武帝는 고조선을 멸망시키고 1년 뒤인 기원전 107년에 沃沮城을 치소로 하여 玄菟郡을 설치하고, (제1현도군), 沃沮와 濊貊 지역을 그 영역으로 했다. 기원전 75년 직전 遼東의 烏桓이 반란을 일으키자, 前漢은 三輔 및 郡國의 불량소년과 죄지은 관리를 징발하여 遼東에 주둔하게 하고 遼東에 玄菟城을 쌓고 현도군을 옮겨와 (제2현도군) 烏桓의 침입에 대비했다. 제2현도군은 토착세력인 句驪가 위치한 지역에 자리했기 때문에 句驪의 이름을 따서 그 지역을 句驪縣이라 하고 郡의 治所로 삼았다. 토착세력인 句驪는 前 漢으로부터 처음에는 縣級인 ‘侯’로 대우받았다가, 桓帝 때 烏桓이 투항하자 그 공로를 인정받아 桓帝의 뒤를 이은 元帝 建昭 2년(B.C. 37)에 郡級인 ‘王’으로 승격된 것으로 보인다. 『三國史記』에서 고구려가 기원전 37년에 건국된 것으로 표방한 것도 이 때문이었을 것이다. 이때 句驪는 前漢으로부터 ‘高’를 姓으로 사여 받아 국호를 句驪에서 高句驪로 변경했을 것이며, 前漢은 高句驪王에게 그 신분에 걸맞게 鼓吹伎人과 朝服을 사여했던 것이다. 이때 玄菟郡의 句驪縣도 高句 驪縣으로 명칭이 변경되어, 전한 말기의 상황을 전하는 『漢書』 地理志에 高句驪로 기재되었던 것이다. 그 뒤 고구려는 新나라를 건국한 王莽이 자신을 징발하여 匈奴를 정벌하려 하자, 기원후 12년 무렵 이에 반항하여 제2현도군의 경계를 벗어나 자립했다. 新나라의 뒤를 이은 後漢은 자립한 高句驪와 관계를 유지하기 위해 ‘王’의 호칭을 인정하고 제2현도군의 동쪽 경계에 幘溝漊라는 작은 城을 쌓아 高句驪로 하여금 歲時에 朝服과 衣幘을 가져가게 했던 것이다. e year after destroying Gojoseon, in 107 BC, Emperor Wu of the Western Han Dynasty, established Hyeondo (Xuantu) Commandery (First Hyeondo Commandery) with Okjeo Fortress as its ruling place, and put Okjeo and Yemaek under its jurisdiction. Shortly before 75 BC, when the Wuhuan of Liaodong revolted, the Western Han drafted delinquent youths and criminal officials from the metropolitan and provincial areas into the army and stationed them in Liaodong. It also relocated Hyeondo Commandery to Liadong (Second Hyeondo Commandery), with the construction of Hyeondo Fortress there to prepare against the invasion of the Wuhuan. As the Second Hyeondo Commandery was located in the area where the Guryeo, the indigenous tribe, resided, the area was named Guryeo County after this tribe and made the ruling place of the commandery. Guryeo was initially treated as a “hu,” which was equivalent to a county, by the Western Han, but as the Wuhuan surrendered during the reign of Emperor Huan, it was promoted to a “wang” (principality) that corresponded to a commandery in recognition of its contribution to the victory in 37 BC (second year of Jianzhao) during the reign of Emperor Yuan who succeeded Emperor Huan. This may be the reason why it is recorded in Samguk Sagi (History of the Three Kingdoms) that Goguryeo was founded in 37 BC. Around this time, the Guryeo was given “Go as their surname from the Western Han and changed their country’s name from Guryeo to Goguryeo, with musicians and performers granted by the emperor in celebration or its elevated status. At this time, the name of Guryeo County in Hyeondo Commandery was also changed to Goguryeo County, which appears in the “Treatise on Geography of the Book of Han that describes the situation of the late Western Han. Then, when Wang Mang, the founder of the Xin Dynasty, tried to subjugate the Xiongnu by mobilizing the people of Goguryeo, it rose up against the policy around 12 AD and became independent outside the boundaries of the Second Hyeondo Commandery. The Later Han Dynasty that succeeded the Xin Dynasty, recognized the title of wang” to maintain relations with the independent Goguryeo, and built a small fortress called Chaekguro Fortress on the eastern border of the Second Hyeondo Commandery where it bestowed o&cial uniforms, clothes and headwears on the people of Goguryeo at special occasions.

김기림 초기 시 연구

김한성(Kim, Han Sung) 한국현대문학회 2013 한국현대문학연구 Vol.0 No.40

동시대의 비평가와 후대의 연구자가 입을 모아 지적하였듯이, 김기림 텍스트에서 일본 모더니즘의 흔적은 분명 발견된다. 하지만 그는 일본 모더니즘의 흔적을 영미 모더니즘으로 곧 대체한다. 해방 후 기존의 비평을 편집한 선집 『시론』(1947)에서 일본 문인들의 이름은 해방기의 민족주의 정황상 지워지며, 해방 후 출간된 시집 『바다와 나비』(1946)와 『새노래』(1948)에서도 일본 모더니즘 색채가 가미된 시는 제외되었다. 이 글은 일본대학에서 1차 유학(1926-1929)을 마친 김기림의 시 「슈르-레알리스트」(1930.9.30), 「시론」(1931.1.16), 「첫사랑」(1934.1) 세 편을 독해하여, 김기림 텍스트가 일본 모더니즘의 자장에서 벗어나 영미 모더니즘으로 전환하는 순간을 추적해 본다. 일본을 매개로 한 모더니즘의 굴절된 수용에서 직수입의 길로 나아가는 과정에서 한국 모더니즘 문학의 이론적 지도자를 꿈꾸는 저자의 욕망을 읽을 수 있다. This paper sheds light on the transition from the indirect reception of French surrealism via Japanese surrealism to the direct and immediate reception of English modernism in Kirim Kim’s early poetic works. I compare Kim’s poems with contemporary Japanese and Western ones and explore how Kim’s poems are intertextualized with them. The trace of Japanese surrealism shows in his early poems such as “Surrealist,” “Poetics,” and “The First love,” and his essays in some degree, but becomes lost when he applied T. S. Eliot’s literary theory and poetic skills. When he collected his selected poems and critical works after WWII, he erased all Japanese writers’ names in his essays and removed their surrealistic skills in his poems. He desires to liberate his works from the anxiety of Japanese influence and to establish the literary tradition of Korean modernism after the liberation from Japan.