신라 (新羅) 선덕왕대의 정치적 추이와 그 성격

신정훈(Jung Hoon Shin) 대구사학회 2001 대구사학 Vol.65 No.1

In this study, I have observed the political change and the character in the era of King Sunduk, Shills. King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) led military forces with Kim Kyung-sin and murdered King Hyegong(惠恭王) and then acceded to the throne. However, description of 『Sindnagseo』(新唐書) Shillajeon(新羅傳) are focused related with the accession to the throne background of King Sunduk. This description have divided the nobility of Shills into the first Gol(第1骨) and the second Gol(第2骨). The first Gol is the best nobility who married with royalty, and the second Gol could be regarded as Jin-gol(眞骨) because Jaesang(宰相) or Shijung(侍中) were inaugurated as the first Gol. I want to try to inspect the positions of King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang), Kim Joo-won(金周元), King Wonsung(Kim Kyung-shin) following the division of the first Gol and the second Gol of 『Sindnagseo』 Shinlajeon. King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) was a grandson of King Sungduk(聖德王) and a nephew of King Kyungduk(景德王), so he could be regarded as the first Gol. And Kim Joo-won was the 6th scion of King Taejong mooyeol(太宗武烈王), so he could be regarded as the first Gol. And family of King Wonsung(Kim Kyung-shin) was Naemul`s line, and inaugurated as Ichan,(伊滄) Jabghan (市干) in the middle period of the Shills, but they were not related to royalty directly after the era of King Moonmu(文武王). Therefore King Wonsung(王聖王)(Kim Kyung-shin) could be regarded as the second Gol. However, King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) and King Wonsung(Kim Kyung-shin) had participated in a rebellion repression of Jeejung(志貞) and murder of king Hyegong in conjunction with military forces. We can know the reason that the throne factorial was operated to Kim Yang-sang(金良相). Kim Yang-sang had led military forces but he stood on advantageous situation as throne factorial comparing with Kim Kyung-shin,(金敬信) the second Gol. While, let`s take a look at relation between Kim Yang-sang and Kim Joo-won. In the Micklle middle period of the Shilla, Mooyeol`s line have only kingship. As the Mooyeol`s line, Kim Joo-won might be advantageous to acceded to the throne. But military contribution of Kim Yang-sang was operated advantageously to acceded to the throne at Emergency situation that rebellion repression of Jeejung and muder of King Hyegong comparing with Kim Joo-won. After enthronement of King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang), management of the political situation was formed focus on King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) and Kim Kyung-shin and I think there was participation of Kim Joo-won. It seems like Kim Kyung-shin led military forces with Kim Yang-sang in the era of King Hyegong as Byunburyung(兵部令), and then repressed rebellion force. And he successively filled Byunburyung as sandaedung(上大等) after enthronement of King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) in my opinion. However, in process of the name recovery of all the governmemt officials at King Hyegong 12th years, Byunburyung had recovered a situation as military commander. Being due to this, power of effect of Kim Kyung-shin to military was rather strong, in my opinion. I think inspection of troops by King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) was operated to restrain the Kim Kyung-shin force and to hold military command by king finally. But Kim Kyung-shin force stood as Sangdaedung already based on original forces. Therefore, intention king holds military command and restrain Kim Kyung-shin force through inspection of troops had big symbol function was not effective. However, Kim Kyung-shin had acceded to the throne as the second Gol repressing Kim Joo-won as the first Gol, so there was need of reasonability of throne factorial. King Wonsung (元聖王) (Kim Kyung-shin) tried to show the legitimacy of king force showing he received a revelation of God through dream so could be a king. Also, King Wonsung(Kim Kyung-shin) had tried to find justness of accede to the throne relating heavy rain with a revelation of God through the heavy rain tale.

牛河梁 유적 Z-1 M4호 석관묘와 솔 섬 폐석관묘의 비교와 의미

신정훈(Shin, Jung-Hoon) 인천대학교 인문학연구소 2009 인문학연구 Vol.12 No.-

百濟 枕流王ㆍ辰斯王代의 정국과 高句麗의 동향

신정훈(Shin, Jung-Hoon) 백산학회 2011 白山學報 Vol.- No.90

In the time of the Goguryo, the second year of King Gogukyang, took the possession of Yodong and Hyunto with forty thousand troops. At that time, one of the enemies of Goguryo, Baekje, was in political difficulty. There was acceptance and disagreement about Buddhism in King Chimryu between 384 A.D. and 385 A.D. Goguryo tried to advance to Yodong and Hyunto by using of instability of the political situation of Baekje. Goguryo and Baekje felt in rival relationship after the death of King Gogukwon during the battle in 371 A.D. Between 384 A.D. and 385 A.D. Goguryo had enough power to invade Baekje. Goguryo, however, took Yodong and Hyunto. The reason of the dispute in the area of North China, Goguryo concluded that it was easier to take Yodong and Hyunto rather than invading Baekje. The second reason of the occupation of Yodong, there was a plenty of natural resources such as iron. Goguryo also thought that they had superior power on military and economy against Baekje. Goguryo, however, was taken away Yodong and Hyunto by Later-Yan in nobember of 385 A.D. This means that Goguryo had not established the superiority in the against Later-Yan in the military power. Meanwhile, Goguryo hold Silsung as a hostage in spring of 392 A.D. Silsung was royal family in Silla. Soon Goguryo made massive attacks on Baekje. Goguryo took 10 castles from Baekje. Through friendly relationship with Silla, Goguryo concentrated on attacking Baekje. The crown prince of King Chimryu in Baekje was Ashin. King Jinsa, however, occupied the place of the throne in 385 A.D. King Jinsa was uncle of Ashin. King Jinsa built forts to prevent the Goguryo from entering into Baekje in 386 A.D. King Jinsa also took a castle of Dogon in Goguryo. Soon those political military success, however, fell into downturn. King Jinsa rebuilt the royal chambers in 391 A.D. He dug a pond and made a mountain. The subjects in Baekje had to offer organized labor. Therefore King Jinsa lost the support of the public. Moreover Ashin became a grown-up man in 391 A.D. Ashin gathered support against King Jinsa in those days. Baekje was deprived of 10 castles by Goguryo troops in 392 A.D. Moreover Baekje lost a castle of Goanmi in strategic point. Goguryo prevailed over Baekje in the military power. The victory of Goguryo was due to the political instability in Baekje.

405년(年)(광개토왕(廣開土王) 14년(年))-407년(年)(광개토왕(廣開土王) 16년(年)) 동아시아의 정세와 고구려(高句麗)의 동향

신정훈 ( Shin Jung-hoon ) 택민국학연구원 2016 국학연구론총 Vol.0 No.18

이 논문은 405년(광개토왕 14년)부터 407년(광개토왕 16년) 무렵까지 고구려의 동향을 동아시아의 정세 속에서 살펴본 것이다. 이 시기에, 동아시아의 국제 정세는 어느 한 세력이 압도적인 우위를 점하지 못했다. 407년에 북중국의 강자인 北魏는 주군인 拓跋珪의 건강상의 문제로 인해 내정이 불안했다. 한편 고구려와 국경을 접한 後燕에서 쿠데타가 일어나, 北燕으로 왕조가 교체되었다. 이러한 북중국에서의 정세 불안은 고구려가 서방에 신경을 쓰지 않고 한반도 방향으로 진출하는 배경이 되었다. 같은 해인 407년에, 高句麗는 한반도 남쪽으로 진출해, 百濟에 대한 공격을 성공시켰다. 한반도에서 新羅는 고구려의 영향권 아래 있었다. 결국 고구려는 한반도에서 확실한 우위를 점할 수 있었다. 이렇게 고구려가 독자적인 세력권을 가질 수 있었던 요인은 무엇인가? 그것은 첫째, 광개토왕 재위기에 일체의 반란이나 민생의 불안이 보여 지지 않는다는 점에 있었다. 두 번째로 고구려와 국경을 접한 후연(북연)과 백제가 약체화된 데에 있었다. 세 번째로 동아시아의 국제정세가 어느 한 나라가 주도권을 가지지 못한 채, 여러 나라가 견제와 공존을 하고 있었기 때문이다. 결국 광개토왕은 내부의 안정 속에서, 국제적인 정세가 고구려에게 유리하게 작용하는 가운데 대외적인 팽창을 할 수 있었던 것이다. The internal affairs of Northern Wei(北魏) was experienced political instability in 407 A. D. And the ruler of Later-Yan(後燕), Moyonghee(慕容熙) was killed by the coup. Later-Yan perished at that time. Following the Later-Yan was Northern-Yan(北燕). At the same time, King Gwanggaeto of Goguryo(高句麗) captured Saguseung(沙溝城), Nuseung(婁城) etc. of Baekje(百濟). Silla (新羅) was under the influence of Goguryo(高句麗). Goguryo(高句麗) finally continued to expand the influence in the Korean peninsula. Goguryo established her own independent sphere of influence at that time. The development of Goguryo came from political stability and public welfare stability. Also checks and coexistences of nations in the East Asian region enabled the expansion of Goguryo.

신라(新羅) 서봉총(瑞鳳총)의 은합(銀盒) 연대(年代)와 그 축조시기(築造時期)에 대한 신검토 -역사적 맥락과 관련하여-

신정훈 ( Jung Hoon Shin ) 택민국학연구원 2014 국학연구론총 Vol.0 No.13

본 논문은 서봉총의 축조시기와 관련하여, 銀盒에 새겨진 延壽라는 연호와 辛卯라는 年干支에 주목하고자 한다. 연수라는 연호는 중국, 일본에서 사용된 예가 없다. 신묘년에 관해서는, 1) 391년(新羅奈勿尼師今36年, 高句麗故國壤王8年). 2) 451년 (新羅訥祗痲立干35年, 高句麗長壽王39年). 3) 511년(新羅智證王12年, 高句麗文咨王20年)으로 보는 견해가 있다. 그런데 1)의 391년은 고구려 고국양왕 8년이었다. 이 때, 고구려는 국가적인 법회를 열었고, 國社(社稷)를 세우고, 宗廟를 수리했다. 이로 보아, 서봉총에 매납된 은합은 고구려의 법회 또는 제사와 관련된 용도로 쓰였을 것이다. 따라서 연수라는 연호는 신묘라는 간지와 연관해 보면, 고구려 고국양왕의 것으로 생각된다. 이 때 고구려는 신라에 대해, 상위국으로 있었다. 이 점은 내 물왕대에 신라가 고구려에게 인질을 보낸 것에서 알 수 있다. 또한 내물왕의 뒤를 이은 실성왕의 즉위에는 고구려세력이 개입되어 있었다. 이러한 시대적 배경으로, 신라 내물왕과 실성왕 무렵에 고구려의 연호인 연수가 새겨진 은합이 서봉총에 매납되었다고 보인다. 그리고 은합에 새겨진 신묘 년이 2) 451년 (신라 눌지마립간35년, 고구려 장수왕 39년)과 3) 511년(신라 지증왕 12년, 고구려 문자왕 20년)이라는 설은 고구려와 신라의 관계로 보아 합리적이지 않다. 왜냐하면 이 때, 고구려와 신라는 적대적인 관계로 변화되어 있었기 때문이다. 이 시기에, 신라는 왕릉급 무덤인 서봉총에 고구려의 연호가 새겨진 은합을 귀중한 유물로 여겨 매납하지는 않았을 것이다. Main focus of this study is focusing on the carved two words, Younsu(延壽) and Sinmyo(辛卯), which could indicate the name of an era and chinese zodiac respectively and the study also focus on possible period of Seobong-chong(瑞鳳총)`s construction time with the words. Younsu and Sinmyo was carved in the bowl with lid silver(銀盒). Younsu was not used the name of an era of China and Japan. and there are several opinions about Sinmyo. There are three different opinions on Sinmyo. King Namul(奈勿王) 36 years in Silla(新羅) and king Gogukyang (故國壤王) 8 years in Goguryo(高句麗) is a first possible assumption of this time frame and this could be in A. D. 391. King Nulji(訥祗王) 35 years in Silla, and King Jangsu (長壽王) 39 years in Goguryo is second opinion of actual time of Sinmyo. and this could be in A. D. 451. King Jijung (智證王) 12 years in Silla, King Moonja(文咨王) 20 years in Goguryo is the other opinion of Sinmyo. and this could be in A D. 511. The first assumption, A. D. 391 was the same time of the king Gogukyang 8 years. At that time, Goguryo held the national Buddhist mass, established Guksa(國社) and repaired Jongmyo(宗廟) Through those facts, the bowl with lid silver, which was buried in Seobong-chong, could be used in the Buddhist mass or national sacrifice in this bout of Goguryo.. Therefore, Younsu as the name of an era could be used in King Gogugyang of Goguryo(高句麗). In those time of years, Silla was dependent on Goguryo. The assumption is based on the facts that King Namul of Silla had to send Sllsung(實聖) to Goguryo as a hostage and Goguryo intervened the accession of King silsung. Through the background of the times, Younsu was carved in the bowl with lid silver. which was buried in the period of King Namul or King silsung`s reign. The others two arguments of Sinmyo could belong to the year in A. D.451(King Nulji 35 years in Silla, King Jangsu 39 years in Goguryo) or in A. D. 551(King Jijung 12 years in Silla, King Moonja 20 years in Goguryo) could not be logical choices because of the hostility relationship between Silla and Goguryo. It assumes that Silla could not bury the bowl with lid silver of Goguryo as their valuable in their royal ancient tomb.

신라(新羅) 마립간기(麻立干期)와 중고기(中古期)의 서상(瑞祥)과 정치(政治)

신정훈 ( Jung Hoon Shin ) 택민국학연구원 2015 국학연구론총 Vol.0 No.15

신라는 마립간기와 중고기에 강화되어가는 王權을 배경으로 고대국가로 등장하였다. 마립간기에, 麻立干(王)은 葛文王. 6部의 대표자와 구별하기 위한 정치적 장치가 필요하였다. 이 때 瑞祥현상이 주목된다. 서상은 儒學(儒敎)에서 나온 개념이다. 이것은 왕이 德治를 행하면, 하늘이 보내주는 상서로운 현상이다. 따라서 서상 현상은 왕권이 하늘과 연결된다는 것을 상징한다. 서상의 존재는 마립간(왕)을 갈문왕이나 6부의 대표자와 구별하는 기능을 하는 것이다. 그렇다면 서상개념을 나오게 한 유학은 신라에서 언제 수용되었던 것일까? 신라는 奈勿王代에 고구려와 밀접한 관계를 유지하고 있었다. 이 점은 신라의 왕릉인 瑞鳳塚에서 출토된 銀盒에서 알 수 있다. 이 은합은 고구려 故國壤王 8年에 만들어져 신라에 전해졌다. 다시 말해, 고구려 왕실이 은합을 신라 왕실에 선사했던 것이다. 이 때 고구려는 國社(社稷)을 세우고 宗廟를 수리했다. 국사와 종묘는 儒敎文化의 핵심이다. 유교문화를 수용하던 고구려를 접하며, 신라는 내물왕 대에 국가적으로 儒學을 수용하였다고 보인다. 이 점은 내물왕 대에, 신라 사신인 衛頭가 북중국에 있던 前秦의 부堅과 나누었던 대화에서 보인다. 위두는 신라에서 變革이 일어나고 있음을 말하고 있다. 이 변혁은 신라가 내물왕 대에 고대국가로 성립한 것을 말하는 것이다. 이러한 고대국가라는 새로운 정치단계에 있어, 유학은 사회 안정과 왕권에 유리하게 작용할 수 있다. 내물왕대에 紫雲(慶雲)과 神雀 등 유학의 영향을 받은 서상이 집중적으로 나타나고 있다. 마립간기에 나타난 11회의 서상 중, 4회의 서상이 내물왕대의 것이다. 이점은 내물왕대가 서상현상으로 보아, 신라의 역사에 중요한 전기였음을 보여준다. 또한 이러한 집중적인 서상 현상은 내물왕 대에 신라가 국가적으로 유학을 수용하였음을 말한다. 신라는 奈勿王 代부터 智證王 代까지의 마립간 기에, 왕실이 철제 생산도구와 수리시설의 축조 과정에서 가장 큰 수혜를 입으며, 그 힘을 축적해 갔다. 드디어 中古期인 法興王에 이르러, 이러한 경제적인 힘을 바탕으로 왕권강화에 성공하였다. 法興王은 6部의 대표자를 초월하는 위치에 서게 되었던 것이다. 왕이 특정한 부에 속하지 않은 채, 聖法興大王이라는 칭호를 사용한 점은 이를 분명히 말해준다. 이제 왕과 6부의 대표자를 구별하기 위한 서상현상이 더 이상 필요하지 않게 되었다. 그 대신 佛敎를 통한 왕실의 신성화가 법흥왕과 그 뒤를 이은 중고기의 왕 들에게서 지속적으로 이루어졌다. 결국 경제적인 힘을 바탕으로 한 왕실의 세력 강화는 불교를 통한 왕실의 신성화로 나타났다. 이 점이, 중고기에 서상 현상이 나타나지 않게 되었던 주요한 요인이 되었던 것이다. Silla became antient nation in the Ma-rip-gan and Medieval period. King needed a political system to distinguish Galmunwang and representatives of six bu from himself in ma-rip-gan period of Silla. Auspicious things came from Confucianism. It was appeared through virtuous politics by king. This Auspicious things was connected with heaven. Therefore it became indication of connection between royal authority and heaven. Silla accepted Confucianism as governing ideology In King Naemul``s period. Silla was dependent on Goguryo in these times. Goguryo built Sajik(an altar to the state deities) and she repaired Jomgnyo(Royal ancestral shrine) in King Gogukyang. Sajik and Jomgnyo was the core of the confucian culture. Silla was affected by the confucian culture of Goguryo at that time. Auspicious things were appeared eleven times in Ma-rip-gan period of Silla. Among them, four times belonged in King Naemul. These Auspicious things were to show the acceptance of Confucianism in King Naemul``s era. Royal family earned the most benefits from iron agriculture tools and irrigation facilities in Ma-rip-gan period of Silla. As a result like this, King Beopheung accomplished the strengthening of royal power. King Beopheung dominated above the representatives of six bu. King was not necessary to distinguish representatives of six bu from himself anymore. The apotheosis of a royal family was accomplished through Buddhism in Medieval period of Silla. In conclusion, the strengthening of royal power was sustained by the economic background. Royal power used Buddhism for the purpose of the apotheosis of a royal family. That is the very reason, royal authority no longer used the Auspicious things in Medieval period of Silla.

淸州 雲泉洞 新羅寺蹟碑 再檢討

신정훈(Shin, Jung-hoon) 백산학회 2003 白山學報 Vol.- No.65

The Silla Stone Monument in Unchon-dong Chongju is the oldest sajeukbi (寺蹟碑) in korea. sajeukbi means recorded about history of the Temple. There are carved Thanheul(丹穴) and eumyang(陰陽) in the inscription. Thanheul and eumyang is concerned with the Taoism or the Supernatural being thought. This Stone Monument was built in Silla. The educated class of this Age had knowledge of the Taoism. So we can think that this inscrption recorded the Taoism or the Supernatural being thought. This Stone Monument was defaced. This wear was resulted from washing or other uses. Look at the use of this Stone Monument, we may think that it was inscribed in the three surfaces. In the beginning of the middle period (中代) of Silla, King Shinmung(神文王) instituted seowongsogyong(西原小京). Kim won tae(金元泰) and Kim won jung(金元貞) may be the local governor of the seowongsogyong in the King Shinmung. Kim won tae and Kim won jung was influential person in this time. Kim won tae's daughtor was married to King sungduck(聖德王) and Kim won jung was a son of Kim you shin(金庾信). These facts indicated the importance of the seowongsogyong.

백제(百濟)의 정치적 추이와 영산강(榮山江) 유역 정치세력(왕국)의 동향 - 근구수왕(近仇首王) 대(代)~개로왕(蓋鹵王) 대(代)를 중심으로 -

신정훈 ( Shin¸ Jung-hoon ) 택민국학연구원 2020 국학연구론총 Vol.0 No.26

본 논문은 한성 시대인 백제 근구수왕 대 부터 개로왕대 까지의 정국과 대외관계를 살펴보았다. 이를 통해 영산강 유역에 있던 정치세력(왕국)들의 동향을 검토했다. 이와 관련하여, 영산강 유역에 있는 옹관고분이 주목된다. 옹관고분은 대형의 봉토를 갖추며 독자성을 가지고 있다. 그리고 나주 신촌리 9호고분 乙호 甕棺에 부장 되어 있는 금동관은 왕의 상징물로 이해된다. 대체로 4세기-6세기 초까지 영산강 유역에서 발견되는 30-40m의 옹관(고총)고분들은 이 지역에 지배자가 존재했음을 말한다. 이러한 점들로 보아 영산강 유역에는 백제와는 관련이 없는 독자적인 정치세력(왕권)이 있었다. 한편으로 백제의 정치적 추이를 통해서도 영산강 유역에 정치세력(왕국)들이 있었음을 알 수 있다. 이와 관련하여 주목되는 것이 백제의 지정학적 특성이다. 백제는 북으로 고구려, 말갈과 동으로 신라, 남으로 마한과 국경을 접하고 있었다. 백제는 近肖古王(346~375)대부터 久尒辛王(420~427)대까지 육지로 접한 국경선 대부분에서 적대적이거나 비우호적인 세력과 맞서고 있었다. 고구려, 말갈과는 전쟁이 있었다. 침미다례, 신라와도 근초고왕 대에 충돌이 있었다. 毗有王(427~455)대에 들어와서야 신라와의 화친으로 동남쪽의 국경선에 크게 신경을 쓰지 않게 되었다. 그러나 辰斯王(385~392)대부터 蓋鹵王( 455~475)대까지 지속된 왕위를 둘러싼 고질적인 투쟁은 내정의 지속적인 불안을 초래하였다. 영산강 유역에 있던 정치세력(왕국)들은 백제의 이러한 대외관계와 불안한 내정으로 인해 그 침략을 크게 의식하지 않아도 되었다. 주목되는 것은 한성 시대 백제는 줄곧 고구려와 긴장관계였다는 점이다. 이는 백제의 내정에 심각한 영향을 주었다. 이와 관련되어 아신왕 대와 개로왕대의 기록이 주목된다. 아신왕 대에 고구려와의 전쟁으로 인한 役의 고통으로 백성들이 신라로 도망하고 戶口가 쇠감하였다. 후대인 개로왕 대에 고구려와 원한을 맺고 화가 이어진 지 30여 년이 되어, 재정은 탕진되고 힘은 고갈되어 나라가 점점 쇠약해졌다. 아신왕 대와 개로왕대의 공통점은 고구려와의 긴장관계로 재정이 열악하고 국력이 약해졌다는 것이다. 영산강 유역의 정치세력(왕국)들은 백제의 내정 불안과 재정의 궁핍, 고구려와의 전쟁으로 독자성을 유지할 수 있었다. This paper looks at the political situations and foreign relations from the reign of King Geunguksu to the reign of King Gaero in Baekje. Through this, we review the trends of political forces (the kingdoms) in the Yeongsangang River basin. In this regard, Jar-coffin Tombs in the Yeongsangang River basin draw keen attention. The Jar-coffin Tombs have large mounds and are unique. And the gilt-bronze crown, which is enshrined in Tomb No. 9 in Sinchon-ri, Naju, is understood to be a symbol of the king. Also discovered in the Yeongsangang basin and made from the fourth to the early sixth century, the 30-40-meter-long ancient tombs say that a ruler existed in the area. In view of these points, there were independent political forces (the royal authority) in the Yeongsangang River basin that were not related to Baekje. On the other hand, the political trend of Baekje shows that there were political forces (the kingdoms) in the Yeongsangang River basin. In this regard, the geopolitical situation of Baekje is drawing attention. Baekje was bordered by Goguryeo to the north, Silla to the east, and the Yeongsangang River to the south, along with other kingdoms. Baekje was confronting hostile, or unfriendly, forces on both land borders from King Geungchogo to King Biyou. There was also a war between Goguryeo and Malgal, There was a clash with Silla, and there was a conflict with Chimmi Darye in the Yeongsan River basin during the reign of King Geungchogo. Baekje formed a friendly relationship with Silla during the reign of King Biyou. From that time, Baekje did not pay much attention to the southeastern border. However, the constant struggle over the throne, which lasted from the time of King Jinsa to the time of King Gaero, caused continued unrest within Baekje. Political Powers(kingdoms) along the Yeongsan River did not have to be very aware of the invasion due to Baekje's external relations and unstable internal affairs. What attracts attention is that Baekje was always tense with Goguryeo during the Hanseong period. This seriously affected Baekje's internal affairs. In this regard, the records of the King Asin and King Gaero are of great interest. The thing that was common to both the reigns of King Asin and King Gaero is that the tension with Goguryeo left the nation in poor finances and a weak national power.

新羅 孝昭王代의 政治的 變動

신정훈(Shin Jung-Hoon) 역사실학회 2007 역사와실학 Vol.34 No.-

Sandadeung Jinbok might have the positive role in the rebellion of Kim Hum-dol. Therefore he was intimate with the King Shinmun. Sandadeung Jinbok played an accord part between the royal authority and Jingol. After King Shinmun's death King Hyoso had the accession to the throne in 6 years old. Jinbok played the important role as the Sandadeung until the third year of King Hyoso. In the third year of King Hyoso Munkyung was appointed as Sandadeung. But Munkyung resigned from his official position after one years. Also Joongsi Wonsun was retired from his office at the same period of the time. The natural disasters were influencing in the middle period of Silla. The replacement of Joongsi Wonsun was connected with the natural disasters. Subsequently Joongsi Soonwon was dismissed from his office. His dismissal was connected with the revolt of khan Kyoungyoung. These abnormal political situations in King Hyoso was based on the systems of the middle period in Silla. The Jingol nobility had the mighty power in the politics. The sovereign power was functioned in the mass rule systems. The political instability in King Hyoso was related to the traits in Silla. On The other side Silla send out T'ang in 676 in her land. The political relationship between Silla and T'ang was tensioned after 676. But Silla paid tributed to Wuchou (T'ang) in the 8th year of King Hyoso(699). T'ang undergoned the political transition. Empress Wu managed arbitrarily in authority after the death of Kao-Zong. There were several conflicts with Turk and Tibet at that time. Empress Wu overthrew T'ang dynasty and she built the new empire named Wuchou. She became the Empress in 690. The new empire was necessary to stablize in political situation. She was surrounded by the opposed Turk Tibet and Balhae. Silla did no more guard against the new Empire. Silla paid tributed to the new Empire in that changed environment.

4세기 후반 백제(百濟)의 침미다례(忱彌多禮) 공격과 침미다례의 동향 - 문헌기록을 중심으로 -

신정훈(Shin, Jung Hoon) 역사실학회 2020 역사와실학 Vol.71 No.-

4세기 후반에 백제는 북으로 고구려, 동으로 신라, 남으로 침미다례라는 적대적인 세력에 둘러싸여 있었다. 그런데 침미다례는 전남의 해안방면에 있던 나라였다. 백제 근초고왕(近肖古王)은 숙적인 高句麗와 대결하기 위해, 369년 3월에 먼저 침미다례를 쳤다. 이때 백제는 침미다례를 남만(南蠻)으로 불렀다. 이 점은 백제가 고구려와 연결된 침미다례를 적대시했음을 나타낸다. 그런데 5세기에 건립된 「충주고구려비(忠州高句麗碑)」에는 고구려가 신라를 동이(東夷)로 불렀음이 기록되어 있다. 이 때 신라는 고대국가로 도약하고 있었다. 따라서 침미다례가 남만으로 불렸다는 것은 상당한 세력을 가진 나라였음을 의미한다. 한편 백제와 신라의 관계를 살펴보자. 366년과 368년에 백제의 사신이 신라에 갔다. 그럼에도, 신라는 답을 하지 않았다, 이 점은 신라가 백제의 우호 관계 요청을 거절한 것이다. 그리하여 근초고왕은 고구려와의 대결에 앞서 후방의 우환이 될 수 있는 신라에 대한 공격을 369년 3월에 했던 것으로 보인다. 이러한 공격으로 백제와 신라는 긴장 관계로 들어섰다. 이를 보여주는 것이 370년대와 380년대에, 신라가 백제의 숙적인 고구려와 우호관계를 맺었다는 것이다. 백제는 신라의 친고구려 노선으로 인해, 전력의 상당 부분을 신라와의 국경지역에 배치했다. 이는 침미다례의 지배자들이 영토를 회복하는 데 주요한 배경이 되었다. 또한 백제는 고구려와 치열한 전투를 벌였다. 369년 9월에 백제는 고구려와 전투를 했다. 371년에, 백제는 두 차례의 전투 후에 고구려 고국원왕(故國原王)을 전사시켰다. 이 무렵부터 백제의 전력은 고구려와의 전쟁에 집중되어 있었다. 이런 정세 속에서, 침미다례의 지배층은 완전히 국가를 회복할 수 있었다. In the late 4th century, Baekje was surrounded by hostile forces such as Goguryeo to the north, Silla to the east, and Chimmidarye to the south. However, Chimmidarye was located on the coast of South Jeonmam Province. Baekje celebrated its invasion in March, 369. It was a preemptive action to attack Goguryeo. At this time, Baekje called Chimmidarye an Namman(south barbarians). This point indicates that Baekje was hostile to Chimmidarye, which is connected to Goguryeo. However, Chungjugoguryeobi, which was built in the 5th century, records that Goguryeo called Silla Dongi(east barbarians). At this time Silla had took a leap to an ancient country. Chimmydarye was called Namman(south barbarians). The use of these terms means that Chimmydarye was a country of considerable influence. Meanwhile, let"s look at the relationship between Baekje and Silla. In 366 and 368, the envoys of Baekje went to Silla. Nevertheless, Silla did not answer. Silla rejected Baekje"s request for friendly relations. Thus, it appears that King Geunchogo attacked Silla in March 369 prior to the confrontation with Goguryeo. These attacks caused tension between Baekje and Silla. Thus, in the 370s and 380s, Silla formed a friendly relationship with Goguryeo, the enemy of Baekje. Due to this, Baekje placed much of its military power on the border with Silla. This was the main background for Chimmidarye"s rulers to restore territory. Also, Baekje fought a fierce battle with Goguryeo. In September 369, Baekje fought against Goguryeo. In 371, Baekje killed King Go Kuk Won of Goguryeo after two battles. Since then, Baekje"s military power was concentrated in the war against Goguryeo. Under these circumstances, the Chimmydarye"s ruling class was able to completely restore the nation.