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Positional Restrictions on Multiple NPIs in Korean
Juhyeon Hwang 한국중원언어학회 2016 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.41
The primary purpose of this paper is to investigate word order restrictions on multiple NPIs in Korean, focusing on the interactions among N-pakkey ‘exclusive only N’, amwu-(N)-to ‘any N’ and han-(N)-to ‘even one N’. While questioning grammaticality judgments established by previous studies (Kuno and Whitman 2004, Sells 2006), this paper first represents a new set of data revealing that N-pakkey is required to occupy the leftmost position of a sentence when cooccuring with to-NPIs, whereas the two different forms of to-NPIs are unconstrained. Following Horvath (2007)’s Exhaustive Identification (EI) operator that triggers focus movement into a sentence-initial position, this paper suggests that the exceptive meaning of N-pakkey introduces the EI operator that makes the non-leftmost N-pakkey move into the sentence-initial position, which salvages the grammaticality of a sentence. This paper further suggests that the word order restrictions on multiple NPIs accord with an intervention effect on NPI licensing (Linebarger 1987) where the EI-associated N-pakkey plays an intervening role in the interpretation of to-NPIs.
Juhyeon Hwang 한국중원언어학회 2018 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.47
The purpose of this study is to question the properties of N-pakkey ‘only N’ in Korean as an NPI. In order to accomplish this research purpose, this paper revisits the licensing properties of N-pakkey, which do not belong to those of typical NPIs. This paper argues that the status of N-pakkey as an NPI is not definitive unlike other types of NPIs in Korean (cf. Chung, 1993; Yeom, 2015) and suggests that the NPI status of N-pakkey is not conclusive but rather in the transitional status between an NPI and a non-PI. In terms of licensing, N-pakkey occurs in more restricted antiveridical contexts as an NPI, whereas N-pakkey also occurs in affirmatives as a non-PI. This paper argues that the apparent non-PI status of N-pakkey is pragmatically determined when the interpretation of N-pakkey introduces a pragmatically possible alternative set in discourse, which leads to a contrastive interpretation of N-pakkey (Lee, 1999, 2003, 2006). This idea is supported by the fact that the topic marker -nun or the additive particle -to ‘even’ allows N-pakkey to appear in affirmatives.
Revisiting the particle -to in NPIs: on the issue of its quantificational status as even
Juhyeon Hwang 현대문법학회 2012 현대문법연구 Vol.69 No.-
This paper explores the particle to by revisiting the issue of its association with Negative Polarity Items (NPIs). This paper argues that to in NPIs needs to be construed as a marker for its negative sensitivity by arguing against the claim that to in NPIs is identical to even, and quantificational (Sells 2001a, 2001b, 2006, Gill and Tsoulas 2006, An 2007). The main claim is threefold. First, the particle to in NPIs does not display the same scopal behavior as even does. Second, the reading provided by to in NPIs is not identical to that created by even. Third, to in NPIs allows its multiple occurrences with creating Negative Concord reading, whereas multiple to s construed as even are construed ungrammatical or pragmatically odd. Consequently, this paper claims that to in NPIs morphologically marks its negative sensitivity which needs to be distinguished from the item EVEN in light of the lexical approach to English even claiming that even is lexically ambiguous between a normal even and an NPI even (Rooth 1985, Rullman 1997, Giannakdiou 2007).
Semantic Function of Three Forms of Negation in Korean
Juhyeon Hwang 한국언어학회 2009 언어 Vol.34 No.1
This paper claims that all three forms of overtly negated predicates in Korean, which have been traditionally construed as a NPI licenser, denote an anti-morphic function homogeneously, regardless of their different scope-taking abilities. There has been a line of reasoning (Chung 1993, 1997, Nam 1994) arguing that the semantic properties of the domain where NPIs are licensed characterize licensing environments of Korean NPIs. Chung (1997), for example, argues that overtly negated predicates in Korean do not always denote the same semantic function, and therefore the semantic licensing environments of NPIs in Korean should be more narrowly distributed, unlike Nam (1994) claiming that overtly negated predicates in Korean denote the same anti-morphic function. In support of Nam (1994), I argue in this paper that all forms of overtly negated predicates in Korean invariably denote an anti-morphic function, showing that the different scope-taking behavior of the different forms of negation has nothing to do with denoting different semantic functions.
What Intervenes What? :the Flip Side of Intervention Effects
Juhyeon Hwang 서울대학교 언어교육원 2011 語學硏究 Vol.47 No.2
This paper presents an alternative approach to intervention effects by arguing that intervention effects can be considered as an instance of a violation of general licensing constraints on Negative Sensitive Items (NSI). Previous studies of intervention effects, which refer to a kind of structures where a wh-in-situ phrase cannot be preceded by an NSI or by a focused element, have been focused on revealing the nature of potential interveners which keep a wh-in-situ from being interpreted, because of the obligatory scrambling of a wh-in-situ. Nevertheless, not only does identifying the nature of problematic interveners appear to be troublesome, but also the grammatical judgment on intervention effects varies. I thus claim in this paper that intervention effects can be alternatively understood as an instance of a violation of Intervention Constraint (IC) on NSI licensing, which disallows any logical operator in between a NSI and negation at S-structure.