The impact of sentiment and truth of text on news propagation over Twitter From the case of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster

Jaeryoung Ka(가재령),Jeongwook Kim(김정욱),Jiyoung Han(한지영),Meeyoung Cha(차미영) 한국정보과학회 2020 한국정보과학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2020 No.7

VRPP 기반 도심 항공 교통 UAV 경로 계획

이재령(Jaeryoung Lee),문채환(Chaehwan Moon),안재명(Jaemyung Ahn) 한국항공우주학회 2021 한국항공우주학회 학술발표회 논문집 Vol.2021 No.7

Chinese Mass Media’s Perception of Korea during the Second Sino-Japanese War : Comparative Analysis of Views Taken by Newspapers Affiliated with the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China

LEE Jaeryoung 동북아역사재단 2008 Journal of Northeast Asian History Vol.5 No.2

Strategic Communication for Establishing Collectivity for UN International Day of Clean Air for Blue Skies

Song, Jaeryoung,Yoo, Sunwook,Lim, Jung Yun,Ko, Yealim Asian Society for Innovation and Policy 2020 Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy Vol.9 No.1

Air pollution is a global challenge that not only threatens public health, but also takes away lives. Strategic communication, in other words, public relations, is an essential way of tackling air pollution and managing the risks involved. Engaging global citizens into the public sphere requires the building of a sense of collectivity and duty on achieving clean air. Strategies and policies on an international scale that are based on the theoretical framework (Behavior Procedure Model) and focus on leading citizens into the mature and unified Collectivity during the observance of the 'International Day of Clean Air for blue skies' are crucial. Notably, the Asian continent has inevitably found itself at the crossroad between economic growth and environmental protection, and has even been observed to be pursuing a passive response to air pollution. The key communication strategies are supported by the three goals, which include: expanding existing communities and building a new Collectivity, supporting international solidarity and individual member state activities, and implementing systems and structures. The key goals can be further specified into six strategies. This paper has analyzed global problems and discussed possible communication strategies to increase public engagement for the observation of the 'International Day of Clean Air for blue skies.' It will be the responsibility of all nations to implement the aforementioned strategies and policies as well as promoting global action.

5·4운동기 해외유학파의 서양학문 수용과 유통-신문학을 중심으로-

이재령 ( Lee Jaeryoung ) 단국대학교 동양학연구원(구 단국대학교 동양학연구소) 2018 東洋學 Vol.71 No.-

이 연구는 5·4운동기 중국의 해외유학출신들에 의해 전개된 신문화운동을 통해 서양학문의 수용 및 확산 과정을 파악하였다. 청말민초 해외유학을 통해 근대지식을 습득하고 서양문명을 경험한 지식인들이 신해혁명 이후 좌절에 빠진 중국사회에 새로운 돌파구로 신문화운동을 제기하였다. 그 가운데 문학혁명이 가장 빠르고 구체적으로 전개되었는데 구 봉건문학의 폐해로부터 벗어나 사상혁명과 문자혁명을 통한 평민문학의 건설에 맞추어졌다. 여기에 동원된 문학 도구는 백화문이었으며, 창작방법은 서양의 명저를 번역, 참조하는 것이었다. 유학파지식인들이 번역한 작품의 선정 기준이나 내용은 문학성, 오락성보다 중국인들의 각성을 촉구하는 계몽과 혁명에 초점을 맞추었다. 신문학에 따른 번역이나 창작 작품은 인도주의에 의거한 ‘인간의 문학’과 사회의 모든 현상을 그대로 묘사하는 ‘사실주의문학’에 초점이 맞추어졌고, 개성해방과 개인주의를 강조했다. 신문학의 경향이 계몽성, 혁명성, 사실성을 바탕으로 개개인의 자유와 평등, 개성 해방을 고양시킨 방향으로 나아간 것이다. 따라서 문학혁명은 문학 자체의 내용과 형식, 표현수단, 장르 등의 변화에 그친 것이 아니라 중국인의 윤리의식, 가치체계, 물질문명 전반에 변화를 가져온 사상혁명을 병행하였다. 이렇게 볼 때 해외유학파에 의해 수용된 서양문학은 근대 학문·사상의 교두보로서 문학혁명을 폭발시키고 신문화운동과 5·4운동을 확산시킨 원동력이었다. 그 과정에서 서양으로부터 이식된 자유·평등·민주·과학 등의 개념이 중국사회 전반에 보편화되었고 근대 지식장의 중심축으로 자리 잡았다. This study examines processes of acceptances and distributions of Western sciences throughout the New Culture Movement which Chinese studying-abroad-group propelled during the May Fourth Movement period. In the period of transition from Qing dynasty to the republic, intellectuals who learned modern sciences and experienced Western civilization through studying abroad brought up the New Culture Movement as a breakthrough for Chinese society disappointed after the Xinhai Revolution. The most rapid and specific one among several sub-movements was the literary revolution, which focused on building the literature of ordinary people through ideological revolution and writing revolution liberating from harms of feudal literature. For the literary revolution, its tool was baihuawen(白話文: plain speech writing) and its method was translating and referring Western classics. Those selected Western classics were neither for literary value nor for entertainment but for enlightenment and revolution urging Chinese people’s awakening.Translations and writings in accordance with New Literature focused on ‘humanist literature’ based on humanitarianism and on ‘realist literature’ describing all social events as they are, and emphasized liberating personality and individualism. The trend of New Literature, based on enlightenment, revolution and reality, went toward liberty and equality of all individuals and liberating personality. Indeed, the literary revolution not only achieved changes in contents, formalities, expressions, and genres, but also led the ideological revolution changing Chinese people’s morality, value system, and material civilization as a whole. From this perspective, the Western literature accepted by Chinese studying-abroad-group was the bridgehead to the modern sciences and thoughts and the key motivation bursting the literary revolution and spreading the New Culture Movement and the May Fourth Movement. Throughout the process, the concepts of liberty, equality, democracy, science, and so on, which were transplanted from the West, became common in Chinese society and became the axis of modern knowledges.

20세기 초반 재중유학생(在中留學生) 정래동(丁來東)의 신문학 인식과 전파

이재령 ( Lee Jaeryoung ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2021 역사학연구 Vol.82 No.-

이 글은 일제강점기 북경유학 출신으로 중국 현대문학 1세대 연구자로 활동한 정래동을 중심으로 근대 학문·사상의 인식과 전파를 파악하려는 것이다. 민국대학 유학중 영문학을 전공하고 아나키즘을 수용한 정래동은 과외로 중국 현대문학을 학습, 전파하였다. 동시대 한국 문단은 일본에서 중역된 서양 문학만 중시하고 중국 문학을 경시하는 경향이 팽배하였다. 이에 대해 정래동은 북경 유학 중 직접 학습한 근대 학문·사상과 인적 교류를 토대로 신문학을 광범위하게 소개, 전파하였다. 그는 중국 문학혁명의 제창자로 후스와 천두슈를 지목하였고, 실행자로 루쉰을 꼽았다. 그는 신문학을 논평하면서 마르크스주의문학에 반대하고 자유의지를 강조한 아나키즘문학을 지지하였으며, 중국의 사회현상을 폭로하고 해부해서 정당한 사회를 건설하는데 희극의 역할이 크다고 보았다. 특히 그는 서양 문학을 신속하고 효율적으로 수용하기 위해 번역문학의 중요성을 강조하였다. 궁극적으로 그는 절대 권력과 특정 정치이데올로기에 치우치지 않고 인간 본연의 자유의지를 중시한 아나키즘과 민중의 언어로 민중의 삶을 이야기한 민중문학을 지향하였다. 그 지름길은 중국에 유입되어 변용된 서양의 근대 사상과 문학이었다. 정래동은 중국 문단 내부의 관찰에만 만족하지 않고, 문단과 관련된 모든 장면을 낱낱이 기록하여, 전체 윤곽을 파악하려고 애썼다. 따라서 그는 학업 이외에 사상적으로 아나키즘활동을 병행하였고, 중국 문학계의 동향과 작품을 소개하는데 집중하였다. 그 결과 정래동에 의한 중국 현대문학의 수용은 시간적으로 동시에 이루어졌고, 장르와 내용면에서 체계적이며 전면적이었다. 그는 능수능란한 어학 실력과 치열한 현장경험을 토대로 근대 학문·사상을 습득하였고, 계급·권력에 좌우된 문학을 거부하며 자유·해방을 위한 민중문학을 전파시켰다. 이렇게 1930년대 전후 조선 문단과 지식사회는 중국이란 또 하나의 루트를 통해 새로운 학문·사조가 유입되어 근대 지식장의 기틀을 마련할 수 있었다. This essay is to grasp the understandings and spreads of modern sciences and thoughts focusing on Jeong Raedong(丁來東) who studied in Beijing during the Japanese Imperial Occupation and was a 1st generation scholar of contemporary Chinese literature. Jeong Raedong, who majored in English literature and accepted anarchism while being enrolled in Minguo University(民國大學), studied contemporary Chinese literature besides his class works and circulated it. At that time, Korean literary world emphasized only the western literature re-translated from Japanese and subordinated Chinese literature. Regarding such trends, Jeong Raedong, based on modern sciences and thoughts that he personally studied during his studying in Beijing and on his personal exchanges, widely introduced and spreaded ‘New Literature.’ He pointed out Hu Shi(胡適) and Chen Duxiu(陳獨秀) as the proponents of Chinese literary revolution, and Lu Xun(魯迅) as its activist. In his criticism on New Literature, He opposed Marxist literature, but supported anarchist literature propagating ‘free will’; and thought that the rolls of comic plays were important to dissect and expose social phenomena in China in order to build just society. Especially, he emphasized the importance of translated literature to rapidly and effectively accept western literature. Ultimately, he pursued anarchism, which doesn’t depend on any specific political ideology and emphasizes a human-being’s natural free will, and the People’s Literature(民衆文學), which describes people’s lives in people’s languages. He thought that the shortcut to it was the modern western thoughts and literature, which were imported to China and transformed there. Jeong Raedong was not satisfied with mere observation into the Chinese literary world, but enthusiastically grasped the whole figure of it by recording each and every scene related to the Chinese literary world. Thus, besides his class works, he ideologically combined anarchist activities and focused on introducing trends and literary pieces of the Chinese literary world. For the result, the acceptance of Chinese contemporary literature by Jeong Raedong was simultaneous, and was systematic and full-scale in genres and contents. Based on his fluent linguistic abilities and intense field experiences, he attained modern sciences and thoughts, refused literature influenced by social classes and political powers, and spread the people’s literature for freedom and liberation. In this way, Joseon’s literary world and intellectual society around 1930’s could build the foundation for modern knowledge by importing new sciences and literary trends through another route, which was China.

7·7사변 이후 ≪동아일보≫의 시국 인식과 전시대응

李在鈴 ( Lee Jaeryoung ) 한국중국학회 2020 중국학보 Vol.92 No.-

이 글은 1937년 7·7사변부터 1940년 4월 강제 폐간될 때까지 ≪동아일보≫의 기사를 통해 중일전쟁시기 식민지 한국 언론의 시국인식과 전시대응, 대중국관 등을 파악한 것이다. 만주사변 이후 계속된 전시상황은 일본의 경제위기와 사회불안을 가중시켰다. 이를 타개하기 위해 일본은 중국침략을 서둘렀는데 1937년 7월 7일 루거우차오사건을 계기로 삼았다. 중일전쟁은 처음부터 일본의 치밀한 계획 아래 준비, 진행되었고 조선총독부의 대응도 마찬가지였다. 우선 국내의 정치 동요나 사회 혼란을 우려하면서 유언비어 유포 및 경제 문란과 무질서 행위에 대한 단속을 강화하였다. ≪동아일보≫는 임정 및 조선의용대가 중국군과 함께 항일투쟁에 나서고 있음을 보도하였다. 또 서양 각국의 동향과 중국의 대응을 주목했는데 대내적 어려움에도 불구하고 대외여건의 변화 곧, 영국·미국의 참전을 기다리겠다는 중국의 전략을 간파하였다. ≪동아일보≫의 전쟁기사는 전황 및 전망에 대한 한인들의 호기심과 독립의지를 불러일으켰다. 이 때문에 조선총독부는 국내외 독립운동의 불길이 되살아날까 우려하며 강경 대응에 나섰다. 일본은 개전과 동시에 만주사변처럼 단기간 내에 중국의 타협을 끌어내려는 의도였다. 그러나 예상과 달리 난징정부는 신속한 무력대응과 전면 항전 의지로 맞섰다. 당혹한 일본은 더 이상의 확전과 제삼국의 개입을 차단하려 했으나 결과는 달랐다. 장기전, 전면전의 소용돌이 속에서 일본의 전쟁역량은 한계가 뚜렷하였다. 조선총독부는 언론매체와 시국강연회를 통해 국방헌금, 승전기원 홍보, 전시체제의 구축 등을 연일 강조하고 나섰다. 이때 ≪동아일보≫ 논조는 중국의 장기항전에 대한 즉 자적 반사 대응보다 장기건설에 초점을 맞추었고, 전쟁발발 일년 만에 병참기지로 바뀐 한국은 대륙침략의 가장 큰 희생물이었다. 1940년대 들어서 중일전쟁이 아시아·태평양지역으로 확산되었다. ≪동아일보≫는 일본의 대소전력소모와 중일전쟁의 장기화로 원래 목표였던 동아신질서 건설이 쉽지 않을 것으로 예상하였다. 그렇지만 식민당국은 제삼국의 간여를 배격하면서 관민일체와 전시총동원체제를 강화하였다. 이 과정에서 ≪동아일보≫와 ≪조선일보≫ 등이 폐간되어 식민지 민영언론의 종언을 고하였다. This essay is to grasp the Korean media’s situational awareness, wartime responses, and perspectives on China during the Sino-Japanese War period depending on the Dong-a Ilbo’s articles from the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in July, 1937 to its enforced discontinuance in April, 1940. The continuous waring situation since the Manchurian Incident aggravated Japan’s economic crisis and social unrest. In order to resolve them, Japan hastened the invasion toward China, and the Lugou Bridge Incident on July 7, 1937 became the momentum. The Sino-Japanese War was prepared and progressed under Japan’s precise plans, and the responses of the Japanese Governor-General of Korea were the same. Priorly, the Japanese Governor-General of Korea was concerned about domestic political disturbance and social unrest, and strengthened its control over the spread of false rumors, the economic disorder, and the disorderly acts. The Dong-a Ilbo reported that the Korean Provisional Government and Korean Volunteer Corps(朝鮮義勇隊) along with Chinese army got involved into the anti-Japanese resistance. Also, the newspaper paid attention to the trends in Western countries and China’s responses, so read through China’s strategy waiting the changes in external conditions, which was the UK’s and the US’s participation into the war, despite the internal difficulties. The Dong-a Ilbo’s war articles raised Koreans’ curiosity about the war situation and prospects, and their will for independence. For the reasons, the Japanese Governor-General of Korea worried about the possibility that the Korean independence movement might revive internally and externally, so it strictly responded to them. Japan intended to derive China’s compromise within a short term from the burst of war, just like the Manchurian Incident. However, unlike its prediction, the Nanjing government resisted with quick military responses and will of full-scale war. Bewildered Japan tried to block further expansion of the war and third-party intervention, but the results were different. Amid the vortex of long-term and full-scale war, Japan’s war capabilities were clearly limited. The Japanese Government-General of Korea emphasized the national defense donations, the promotions for the victory-prayer, and the establishment of wartime system through media outlets and lectures on the situations. At that time, the Dong-a Ilbo focused more on long-term construction than on the immediate response of long-term punishment against China’s long-term resistance; and within a year of the outbreak of the war, Korea became the biggest victim. Entering into 1940’s, the Sino-Japanese War extended throughout the Asian-Pacific region. The Dong-a Ilbo predicted that it would not be easy to reach the original goal of East-Asian new order due to Japan’s military strength consumption against the Soviet Union and the prolonged Sino-Japanese War. However, the colonial authorities rejected the involvement of third countries, and strengthened the unity between government and people and the wartime mobilization system. Within this process, the Dong-a Ilbo and the Chosun Ilbo were enforced to cease their publication, thus colonial private media came to an end.

1920년대 전후 북경(北京)의 유학환경과 한인학생(韓人學生) 현황

이재령 ( Lee Jaeryoung ) 한국중국학회 2017 중국학보 Vol.80 No.-

이 글은 일제강점기 중국의 정치·외교·학술 중심지였던 북경을 중심으로 근대 고등교육의 실태와 한인유학생의 현황을 파악하는데 목적이 있다. 淸末民初 국립 북경대·북경사범대와 기독교계의 燕京大를 비롯한 관립·사립 학교들이 근대 학문·사상의 유입구 역할을 하였다. 1910년대 후반부터 본격적으로 발전한 북경의 대학들은 신문화운동과 5·4운동을 거치면서 서구신사조의 전시장이 되었다. 1920년대 중반까지 지속된 군벌전쟁은 정치적 혼란과 교육 재정난을 악화시켰지만 제도적으로 대학설립이 수월해지면서 사립대학들이 난립하였다. 이 시기 중국학교들은 한인학생들에게 입학수속과 학비 등 여러 면에서 편의를 제공해 주었고, 저렴한 생활비와 학비도 북경유학을 선택하는 요인이 되었다. 또한 1920년대 졸속으로 설립된 사립대학들의 허술한 학사운영도 한인학생의 입학을 도왔을 것으로 판단된다. 1920년대 이후 북경지역의 국립·사립대학들은 양적 성장에 뒤이어 질적으로도 빠르게 발전하였고 한인유학생들의 지적 성장에 좋은 여건을 제공하였다. 그러나 1930년대 국민당의 훈정체제가 구체화되면서 교육계의 자율성이 제약받고, 만주사변으로 북경의 교육환경이 현저히 악화되면서 한인유학은 사실상 중단되었다. 중일전쟁이 전면전으로 확대된 1937년까지 北京大, 燕京大, 民國大, 朝陽大, 平民大 등에서 한인학생들이 유학하였고 高級中學에도 다수가 공부하였다. 이 가운데 북경대에 한인유학생이 가장 많았고, 사립대는 민국대와 평민대에 상대적으로 많았으며 나머지 대학에도 적지 않은 한인학생들이 재학하였다. 일제강점기 實名으로 확인된 북경의 한인유학생은 270여 명이고, 유학시기는 1920년대에 집중되었으며, 고급중학이나 大學豫科가 다수를 차지하였다. 이들의 전공은 다양했지만 인문사회계가 보편적으로 많았다. 그러나 이들 가운데 사상운동이나 독립운동과 관련된 일본경찰 및 영사관 등의 사찰문건과 신문·잡지의 보도를 통해 이름만 확인될 뿐 유학시기, 학교, 전공 등을 전혀 파악할 수 없는 인원이 일백여 명에 이른다. 한인유학생들이 학업을 끝마치지 못한 이유는 독립운동에 투신하기 위해 학업을 중단하거나 진로를 바꾸는 사례가 많았기 때문이다. 일제침략기 중국에서 유학생활을 보낸 한인청년들의 삶은 荊棘의 길로 근대지식의 습득과 학문적 성숙은 기대만큼 쉽지 않았을 것으로 이해된다. The purpose of this study is to comprehend the realities of modern higher education and in Beijing, which was the center of Chinese politics, diplomacy and education around the 1920s, and the conditions of Korean students studying there. From the end of Qing dynasty to the early Republic period, government running schools such as Peking University and Beijing Normal University and private ones, Yenching University founded by Christians for example, all served as inlets for modern time studies and ideas. Experiencing full scale development during the late 1910s, the universities in Beijing became exhibition centers for new western thoughts subsequently after the New Culture Movement and the May Fourth Movement. The Warlord Wars which persisted until the mid-1920s aggravated political chaos and financial difficulties in education, but the alleviation of institutional strains on establishing universities prompted a deluge of private universities. During this period, Chinese schools provided Korean students with conveniences in admission procedures and university fees, and combined with the cheap living costs, these factors led Korean students to choose to study abroad in Beijing. The hasty construction of private universities during the 1920s and their lax bachelor`s program are also believed to have facilitated the entrance of Korean students. After the quantitative development of private and public universities in Beijing post 1920, rapid improvements in quality ensued, providing favorable conditions for the intellectual growth of Korean students. However, in the 1930s, the China National Party`s “Discipline System” found form, restricting the autonomy of the educational sector, and furthermore the Manchuria incident greatly worsened the educational environment in Beijing, virtually putting a halt to all studies abroad in the region. Until the Sino-Japanese war developed into full-out war in 1937, Korean students studied in schools such as Peking University, Yenching University, Minguo University, Chaoyang University, and Pingmin University, with Advanced Middle School also holding a large bulk of students. Of the following, Peking University possessed the most Korean students. Out of private universities, Minguo University and Pingmin University relatively held a large number, while a considerable amount also attended the remaining universities. The numbers of Korean students studying in Beijing known by their real name during the Japanese occupation era is around 270. The main period for studying abroad was concentrated in the 1920s, with Advanced Chinese Learning and undergraduate programs occupying the majority of their study pursuits. Although the students` majors varied in nature, they were generally related to the humanities and social sciences. However, of these students, over a hundred are identified only through the Japanese police`s or consulate`s temple documents and newspaper reports related to ideological or independence movements, therefore rendering their exact period of studying abroad, affiliated school, and major unidentifiable. Korean students studying abroad were mainly unable to conclude their studies due to their dedication to independence movements or changes in life course. The path Korean students studying abroad during the Japanese Invasion took one of thorns and thistles, and it is understood that the acquisition of modern knowledge and academic maturity was not as easy as expected.

20세기 초 서양 학문·사상의 중국적 변용 - 陶行知의 生活敎育을 중심으로 -

李在鈴(Lee, Jaeryoung) 동양사학회 2021 東洋史學硏究 Vol.154 No.-

This is a study on Tao Xingzhi the most active and free-spirited public educator during the period of Guomindang government in Nanjing. Xiaozhuang(曉莊) School, Shanhai-gongxuetuan(山海工學團), and Yucai(育才) School that he ran represented the education dissemination movement that were far from Guomindang’s education policy. Therefore, this study examines Tao Xingzhi’s Life Education Theory and Mass Education Movement from the perspective of transformation and sinicization of the western sciences and thoughts. Tao Xingzhi as an educator and anti-Japanese activist showed his devotion to the public, creativity for education, and enthusiasm and actions to save his nation. He was ideologically based on democracy and nationalism, and emphasized real actions and directivity toward the public rather than ideological pursuits. The Life Education Theory was suggested as an educational model for China’s rural area by unifying Dewey’s pragmatism and Wang Yangming’s knowledge-action unity. Specifically, he pursued that “teaching, learning, and practice are combined into one,” which sought to match knowledge and labor in life. This was realized within Xiaozhuang School’s rural education movement and Shanhai-gongxuetuan’s and Yucai School’s education dissemination movement. Throughout the process, ‘Yiyouzhi(藝友制)’ and ‘Little Teacher System(小先生制)’ were set as main educational methods. Yiyouzhi was derived from apprenticeship, and Little Teacher System was the real practice of the way in which one learns a thing and then transmits it to others. During the Second Sino-Japanese War, Tao Xingzhi was very active for the anti-Japanese movement. He thought that the national liberation and the people’s liberation were not separable, so he was very much interested in educating farmers and laborers and strived for freedom of speechㆍpublicationㆍassemblyㆍassociation. He criticised Nanjing Government’s educational policy, but did not deny customs and ethics, and Goumintang itself. He overcame traditional education, and propelled Mass Education Movement depending on Life Education Theory which he transformed the pragmatist education into China’s circumstance. Tao Xingzhi did not put individual freedom and equality ahead of national security. Nevertheless, he showed an educator’s perception that he did not give up the minimum indispensable freedom directly related to human survival and creativity. He was both ideologically and politically unbiased. He was, however, a China-first pragmatic educator who was interested in any ideology for the survival of the people and the revival of the nation.

南京國民政府時期(1927~1937)國民敎育政策의 地方履行

李在鈴(Lee Jaeryoung) 동양사학회 2008 東洋史學硏究 Vol.102 No.-