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On 31 December 2015, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) announced the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). In theory, this agreement has produced association-wide economic integration. However, following the announcement and for the foreseeable future, ASEAN member states will continue to have significantly less than full regional economic integration. Why? Some observers believe that the AEC plans involve an overly ambitious timeline and too many ill-thought-out initiatives. Others point to ASEAN's traditional aversion to legally binding agreements. While progress has been made in reducing or eliminating intra-ASEAN trade tariffs, substantial non-tariff barriers to trade persist. However, for most member states, the ASEAN market is relatively small, while external markets, especially China, are growing rapidly. Given this outward orientation for ASEAN trade, is the lack of an unhindered regional market really a problem?
Digital traces play an increasingly important role in our society. Whether in the context of regulatory compliance, contractual exchanges or simply for general interactions, people need to be able to document trustworthy facts. Most approaches today rely either on Trusted Third Parties, at best, or more generally on collecting such traces after problems occur in ways where their authenticity may be arguable (fabricated, doctored). Blockchain technology offers an interesting alternative to the problem by allowing documenting transactions in a distributed consensus ledger with transparency and immutability properties. This paper proposes a new approach to the problem leveraging blockchain technology towards providing a framework for distributed trustworthy logging of digital facts and traces on the blockchain as they happen or are needed before problems arise. Disintermediation of such processes is likely to significantly help raise trust and accountability in many aspects of our interactions, whether online or offline.
The management of security and ultimately order building in ASEAN-China relations is loosely embedded in a declaratory process of community-formation. While this process has generated generally beneficial soft institutions in economic and other policy areas, the current state of relative regional peace is primarily attributable to China's emerging role as a hegemonic stabilizer. The PRC increasingly sets the rules and organizes a growing network of security-relevant relationships in both traditional and non-traditional security fields. Just as in the cases of Pax Britannica and Pax Americana, the up-and-coming Pax Sinica is characterized by the creation and enforcement of rules that are profitable to the dominant state at the center of the security order. At the same time the policies of China as a hegemonic power on the horizon also bring security benefits to the states in its zone of influence.
The role of the People's Republic of China in international relations (IR) is academically contested and politically crucial. While the dominance of (neo-)realist perspectives of China's rise as a threat to the current order is receding, new approaches in the study of the foreign policies of the People's Republic of China and their impact on global issues are needed. This paper follows Lebow's cultural theory of IR by adapting the categories of “appetite” – Lebow's code for material interests – and “spirit” – nonmaterialistic objectives, such as prestige or international standing – to the study of Chinese foreign policy-making since the Xinhai revolution. The paper argues that China seeks to transform the system not merely as a means of attaining prestige or other liberalist or realist concerns. One of the key defining images of Chinese elites over time has been – and continues to be –one of China as a leading civilization setting global norms and standards. Applying Lebow's theory to foreign-policy making therefore allows the integration of a normative dimension without immediately entering the dogmatic clashes among IR theorists. By proposing a long-term perspective on China's engagement with the international system over the past 100 years, we assert that the desire for prestige and honor within the international system is one key determinant in China's behavior. Clearly, it cannot explain all of China's foreign policy choices. It highlights, however, how China's self-esteem has meant that it has constantly sought to remake the rules to take account of China's own self-image.