The Rise of Sikh Empire and Its Influence on the Indian Subcontinent

Huazhong Tu(Huazhong Tu),Yili Zhang(Yili Zhang),Jianhong Wang(Jianhong Wang) 아시아사회과학학회 2022 Jornal of Asia Social Science Vol.9 No.1

The Sikh Empire was a major power in the Indian subcontinent during the 19th century. It was founded by Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1799 and lasted until its annexation by the British Empire in 1849. The empire was based in the Punjab region, and its capital was the city of Lahore. Maharaja Ranjit Singh unified the various Sikh factions in the region and expanded the empire to include much of the Punjab, as well as parts of present-day Afghanistan, Kashmir. The Sikh Empire was known for its religious tolerance and military prowess, and it was a major regional power in South Asia. The culture of the empire was a mix of Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh traditions. The empire was eventually defeated by the British Raj in the Second Anglo-Sikh War, but its legacy remains to this day. This essay explores the Sikh Empire's ascent from the late 18th century to its fall in the middle of the 19th century. and its lasting impact on the Indian subcontinent. It looks at the rise of the Sikh Empire under the leadership of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the consolidation of the Sikh Empire, and how its political and military power was used to shape the region. It considers the political influence of the Sikh Empire, its impact on culture, art, and literature, and how it left a legacy of religious and political tolerance and an appreciation of diversity in the region. The demise of the Sikh Empire and its legacy in contemporary India are covered last. The paper concludes that the Sikh Empire had a significant part in shaping the Indian subcontinent's history and culture.

Pakistan’s Nuclear Ambitions: The Debate over Doctrine

Huazhong Tu,Prashant Kumar Singh,Nan You,두보 한국국방연구원 2019 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.31 No.2

This study analyzes the debate on Pakistan’s nuclear weapons program among the Pakistani elites, who include scientists, strategists and politicians. The study examines the nuclear doctrine that emerges from this, as well as the likely ways in which it can impact peace and stability on the Indian subcontinent. It also underlines the possible inuence of the Pakistani nuclear doctrine on the nuclear doctrine of other “unrecognized” emerging nuclear weapon states such as North Korea. After its creation and independence in August 1947, Pakistan’s elites considered survival to be the primary national strategic objective of the country in the harsh international environment, especially with regards to India. This understanding shaped Pakistan’s security policy in the early years, post August 1947. The three wars Pakistan fought with India proved that the collective security policy and the anti-nuclear weapons advocacy by Pakistani defensive realists was not the best strategy in the prevailing security environment. In this backdrop, the Multan meeting in January 1972 initiated a fierce debate on whether a nuclear weapons program was the best strategy for ensuring national security. The participants included defensive realists, offensive realists, liberals and separatists. The offensive realists won the debate, shaped Pakistan’s nuclear policy, and initiated its nuclear weapons program. Separatists here refer to the sub-nationalist forces that seek political separation from Pakistan.

An Analysis of South Korea’s Economic Diplomacy Strategy in Central Asia

Huazhong Tu,Jin Shi,Jiao Ni 한국국회학회 2019 한국과 세계 Vol.1 No.1

한국과 중앙아시아 국가들 간의 외교 관계는 1992 년에 성공적으로 수립되었는데, 이것은 이미 지금까지 27 년 동안 발전해 왔다. 계속되는 양국 관계의 심화와 함께 한국과 중앙아시아 국가들 간의 경제 및 무역관계가 강화되었고, 양국간 교류 빈도도 현저히 증가했다. 아시아에서 네 번째로 큰 경제 대국인 한국은 중앙아시아에서의 경제 및 외교전략에서 더 큰 잠재력을 보이고 있다. 특히 한국은 2013 년 유라시아이니셔티브 와 2017년 신북정책 을 제안해 중앙아시아 국가들이 중요한 파트너로 평가받았고, 보다 적극적인 경제협력 전략이 추진될 것으로 보인다. 따라서 향후 한국과 중앙아시아 국가 간 경제협력이 뚜렷하게 발전할 것으로 보는 것이 타당하다. The diplomatic relations between South Korea and Central Asian countries was successfully established in 1992, which has already seen a 27-year development so far. Along with the continuous deepening of bilateral relations, the economic and trade relations between South Korea and Central Asian countries have been strengthened, and the frequency of bilateral exchanges have also remarkably increased. As the fourth largest economy in Asia, South Korea shows greater potential in its economic and diplomatic strategies in Central Asia. Especially, South Korea proposed the “Eurasia Initiative” in 2013 and the “New Northern Policy” in 2017, in which Central Asian countries are regarded as important partners, and a more active economic cooperation strategy would be promoted. Hence, it is reasonable to believe that the economic cooperation between South Korea and Central Asian countries is expected to develop clearly in the future.

The Dependency Theory : Influx on China

Huazhong Tu,Zhaoxia Peng 한국정치사회연구소 2020 한국과 국제사회 Vol.4 No.4

의존성 이론은 불평등한 국제시스템에서 개발도상국의 지속적인 빈곤과 후진의 근본 원인을 설명한다. 이 이론은 국제규칙을 수립하는 과정에서 개발도상국이 선진국의 패권에 맞서 싸울 수 있도록 하는 필수적인 이론적 무기가 되었다. 의존성이론에서 파생된 중국의 의존성 이론은 최근 몇 년간 일부 서양 학자에 의해 공식화되었으나, 이는 중국과 다른 개발도상국 간의 상호의존관계가 중국의 일방적인 의존성에 의한 것이라고 말하고 있다. 서양학자들은 본 이론을 통해 중국이 다른 개발도상국의 원자재를 착취하고 열등한 산업제품을 덤핑한다고 지적하고 있다. 또한 중국이 개발도상국에서 신 식민주의를 행하고 있다고 비난한다. 중국 의존성이론은 많은 개발도상국에 알려져 있으며, 이는 중국의 ‘일대일로’ 구상에 불안정한 변수 중 하나이며 다른 개발도상국과의 관계를 손상시키고 있다. 본 논문은 이러한 배경 하에, 중국 의존성이론을 형성하는 원인과 성장과정 및 영향을 변증적으로 분석하여, 중국 의존성이론을 지지하는 개발도상국의 일부 학자들의 관점을 논리적으로 비판한 후에, 마지막으로 중국 의존성이론에 대한 중국 측의 관점을 도출한다. Dependency Theory explains the underlying causes of persistent poverty and backwardness of developing countries in the unequal international system. This theory has become an essential theoretical weapon to guide developing countries to fight against the hegemony of western developed countries in the process of making international rules. China Dependency Theory, derived from the Dependency Theory, is formulated by some western scholars in recent years, which misconstrues the mutually dependent relationship between China and other developing countries into a unidirectional dependency on China. The China Dependency Theory prevails in many developing countries, which is not only one of the unstable variables to the construction of the Road and Belt Initiative but also undermines China s relations with other developing countries. Forty years after the implementation of reform and opening-up policy, China has made remarkable economic achievements. In terms of the development path and achievements, China is a successful paragon of breaking the dependent relationship on the West, which set a good example for other developing countries for reference. This paper differentiates and analyzes the cause, process and, influence of Chinese Dependency Theory, and discusses with some scholars from developing countries who give support to it. Finally, it puts forward China’s perspective on this theory.

The Enlightenment of Nuclear Deterrent Strategy on Conventional War and Its Dilemma on the Korean Peninsula Nuclear Crisis

Huazhong Tu(塗華忠),Bo Tu(塗波) 동아시아일본학회 2018 일본문화연구 Vol.0 No.68

“이핵섭상(以核慑常, Nuclear Deterrent Strategy on Conventional War)”의 목적은 나토에게 핵무기위력을 과시하여 바르샤바 군사집단의 재래적 무기공격을 막고, 전쟁의 폭발 및 확대를 피해서 유럽지역의 전략적인 균형을 맞추기 위해서였다. 그러나 냉전이 종결된 후, 세계의 정세가 급변하여 러시아의 재래식 군사력은 급격히 하락하였다. “이핵섭상”은 나토에게 전략적인 가치가 사라졌다. 하지만, 인도, 파키스탄 그리고 북한 등 군사력이 상대적으로 약한 나라들은 “이핵섭상”을 주목하기 시작했고, 이는 그 나라들의 적국인 재래식 군사공격을 막는 중대한 이론적 무기가 되었다. 예를 들면, 북한이 핵개발을 지속적으로 진행함으로써 한반도 평화는 핵무기 및 미사일실험으로 많은 위협을 느꼈다. 이러한 상황에 접함으로 “이핵섭상” 전략학설에 대한 연구가 필요하게 되었다. 본 논문은 문헌연구를 통해 “공격성 현실주의 시각(进攻性现实主义视角, Perspective of offensive realism)으로 추단 연역(推演, deduction)을 통해 “이핵섭상’의 곤경을 도출하였다. 결과적으로 “이핵섭상”은 전략적 균형 목적을 이룰 수 없고, 전면적인 핵전쟁을 폭발 시킬 수 있다는 점도 도출하였으며 “이핵섭상”은 군비경쟁을 격화시킬 수도 있다. The Nuclear Deterrent Strategy on Conventional War(NDSCW) has lost its guiding value in NATO’s military strategy since the conventional military strength of Russia has dropped dramatically. However, this strategy has been favored by countries with weaker conventional military power such as India, Pakistan, and especially North Korea. Under such circumstances, it is of theoretical significance to provide a new way of resolving the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula under the circumstance of deducing whether to maintain the strategic equilibrium by using NDSCW. Based on the literature review, this paper deduces NDSCW from the perspective of offensive realism and proves that the strategy may lead to a full-scale nuclear war and harm the strategic equilibrium it claims to value. In addition, it will aggravate the arms race, making arms control and nuclear disarmament difficult to achieve; This paper also puts forward some enlightenment to ease the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula.

Analysis of Yunnan Ecological Immigrant Population in Alar City, Xinjiang

Tu Huazhong,Cui Menglin 아시아사회과학학회 2021 Jornal of Asia Social Science Vol.5 No.3

Zhaotong City, as the contiguous destitute area with the largest number of poor people in China, has an extremely harsh ecological environment and extremely complicated poverty problems, and there are three of the five ecological immigrant areas in China. How to fight poverty completely has become the biggest challenge that puzzles the Yunnan people s government. Since 2016, Yunnan People s Government has stepped up poverty alleviation efforts with Alar City, and organized local people to make ecological migration to Alar City, in an effort to eradicate poverty fundamentally. There are many ethnic minorities in Yunnan and Xinjiang, and their living environments, cultural traditions and customs are quite different. How to combine Yunnan ecological migration with the development of Alar City? How to guide the ethnic minorities in the southwest and the ethnic minorities in the northwest to work together to build a multi-ethnic living area? How to improve the follow-up guarantee of Yunnan ecological migration and promote the economic development of Alar city? It is of great theoretical and practical significance to answer these questions.

The Future of Prosperity : Can U.S and China Cooperate on Afghanistan Peace?

Tu Huazhong,Zhao Ting,Hu Gaochen 한국국회학회 2020 한국과 세계 Vol.2 No.1

점점 악화되고 있는 아프가니스탄 상황에 직면 한 트럼프 정부는 아프가니스탄에서 점진적으로 철수할 수 있도록 계획을 수정하였으며, 단기간 안에 미군이 아프가니스탄에서 철수할 수 없기에 아프가니스탄 테러와의 전쟁에서 완전히 승리할 때까지 유지될 것이라고 굳게 믿었다. 미군이 아프가니스탄에서 테러와의 전쟁을 시작한 2001년 이후로 19년이 지난 지금에도 베이징과 워싱턴 사이에 아프가니스탄 문제에 관한 대화나 협력 메커니즘이 없으며, 아프가니스탄과 관련된 모든 주변의 국가들조차도 아프가니스탄 문제를 공동으로 해결하는 것이 중요하다는 것을 인식하지 못하고 있다. 이에 투르크메니스탄, 우즈베키스탄, 타지키스탄 및 파키스탄 등 아프가니스탄의 인근 국가들은 1979년 소련의 아프가니스탄 침공 이후 난민, 마약 및 테러리스트 문제가 발생하고 있다. 본 논문은 아프가니스탄 평화를 목적으로 중국과 미국이 서로 협력할 가능성에 대한 연구했다, 그리고 미래적인 번영(Future of Prosperity)을 구상해봤다. 또한 미국과 아프가니스탄의 문제로 중국의 노력은 아프가니스탄이 가능한 한 빨리 국제 사회의 도움과 협력으로 평화와 안정을 회복 할 수 있기를 희망한다. 결론적으로 중국과 미국이 아프가니스탄 문제에 대해 공통된 관심사를 많이 가지고 있으며 아프가니스탄의 평화와 안정 회복에 대한 합의에 도달할 수 있다고 본다. Faced with an increased exasperation in Afghanistan, the Trump government has changed its timetable to withdraw from Afghanistan and believed that U.S. troops can’t withdraw from Afghanistan within a short term and it will stay until complete victory against terrorism in Afghanistan is realised. 19 years have elapsed since 2001 when U.S. troop launched the war on terrorism in Afghanistan. There is no dialogue or cooperation mechanism between Beijing and Washington over Afghanistan issues, and even all neighbouring countries of Afghanistan are oblivious of the importance of solving Afghanistan issues jointly. All stakeholders are drawing their own route maps according to their own scripts, and countries including Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Pakistan adjacent to Afghanistan are affected by refugees, drugs and terrorists’ issues since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. China has seen persistent efforts made by U.S. in Afghanistan and China hoped that Afghanistan can recover peace and stability with the assistance of the international community as soon as possible. In this article, the authors believe that China and U.S. have many common interests over Afghanistan issues and can reach a consensus over recovery of peace and stability in Afghanistan.

How Should China and Pakistan Respond to the Criticism of CPEC?

Tu Huazhong 아시아사회과학학회 2021 Jornal of Asia Social Science Vol.3 No.1

Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Pakistan in 1947, it has gone through 74 years. China and Pakistan are regarded as models of state-to-state relations between countries with different political systems. After the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was launched in May 2013, it opened a new door for the development of China and Pakistan and contributed to the friendly development of China-Pakistan relations. however, some groups such as jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz, Pakistan Taliban and baloch Republic party began to put China as the most antagonistic target, which cast a shadow over China-Pakistan relations. This paper holds that China should consider Pakistan’s interests from Pakistan’s point of view and make contributions to the friendly development of China- Pakistan relations.

Assessment of g‒Mg3N2 membrane performance for efficient removal of dioxane contaminant from wastewater: DFT‒MD simulation treatments

Liu Huazhong,He Wenxuan,Xu Han,Wang Xiaolan,An Qing 한국물리학회 2023 Current Applied Physics Vol.54 No.-

We implemented DFT calculations for gas phase and DFT‒MD simulations for ambient conditions to evaluate the efficient performance of g‒Mg3N2 monolayer in 1,4‒dioxane removal from wastewater. The geometries, interaction energies, and interaction nature of the adsorbed dioxane and H2O molecules on the Mg3N2 surface were investigated. It was found that the interaction of H2O exceeds that of dioxane by twelve though, the two adsorbates follow rather a similar trend in the adsorption process. The AIM analysis was carried out to investigate the nature of bonding for adsorbed dioxane/H2O on the Mg3N2 surface. Furthermore, DFT‒MD simulation shows that dioxane tends to adsorb on the Mg3N2 nanosheet in the presence of water molecules at ambient conditions, making the Mg3N2 potentially suitable adsorbent for dioxane adsorption in aqueous solution. This exploration presents a foundation for the capability of computational study for predicting the adsorption and remediation of organic contaminants from wastewater.

Effects of Squid Ink on Growth Performance, Antioxidant Functions and Immunity in Growing Broiler Chickens

Liu, Huazhong,Luo, Ping,Chen, Shaohong,Shang, Jianghua Asian Australasian Association of Animal Productio 2011 Animal Bioscience Vol.24 No.12

This study was conducted to explore the effects of squid ink on growth performance, immune functions and antioxidant ability of broiler chickens during a period of six weeks. Either sex Arbor Acres broilers were equally allotted to 4 groups with 3 replicates of 20 chickens each. Broilers diets for the 4 test groups were prepared separately with starter and finisher phases. Control chickens were fed with basal diet and birds of group Exp 2, Exp 4 and Exp 6 were fed with the basal diet supplemented with 2%, 4% and 6% of squid ink, respectively. Broilers were sacrificed to investigate antioxidant parameters of sera, indices of thymus, spleen and bursa of fabricius and spleen lymphocyte proliferation, as well as growth performance on the $21^{th}$ and $42^{th}$ day. The results revealed that, i) squid ink promoted growth performance of broilers during days 22 to 42 and the whole trial period (p<0.05 or p<0.01); ii) squid ink elevated relative weight of the three immune organs during the starter phase and spleen lymphocyte proliferation throughout the experiment (p<0.05); iii) squid ink increased SOD activity and decreased MDA level in sera from broilers during the whole period (p<0.05). The above results suggest that squid ink could improve growth performance, antioxidant ability and immune functions of growing broiler chickens and be employed in the development of feed additives for animals.