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Theatre spectators have to play an active role in a theatrical event, because its completion needs their active participation. In the early times of the history of theatre audience was one of the important elements of theatre. But in the baroque period theatres with proscenium stage began to be built up in Italy and later in many european countries. Consequently the house was divided into two parts, stage and auditorium. From that time on audience was deprived of its important role. Especially the realistic plays in the 19th century forced spectators to remain as passive receivers and to peep into the show through the fourth wall. In the 20th century there have been a variety of reflections on this aspect. The experimentalists and the avantgarde have made various attempts to give spectators back their orginal role in theatrical events. One of them was of no doubt the russian director V. E. Meyerhold who was in full activity in 1920s after the October Revolution. He was, as we know, the initiator of 'biomechanics' and the 'constuctive stage'. But this essay shows relatively little interest in his accomplishments in these respects. It shows more interest in his productions, with which he tried to induce spectators to participate productively. Meyerhold began his theatrical career as actor in the realistic theatre. Before long he began to direct and took a stand against this kind of theatre, because of its hypnotic effects. He devoted himself to the symbolistic plays with allusive characteristic, which demanded, he thought, the emotional participation and active interpretation of the spectators. From that time on he took a growing interest in the question of theatre audience. Earlier than any other director in our century he perceived their co-productive activity in a theatrical event. He called audience as the 'fourth creator', parallel with playwright, actor and director. As a director he wanted to produce theatrical theatre, not literal one. He gathered his ideas on theatre from the studies on the history of theatre, music, painting, architecture and other artistic genres, and lately through the experience in film productions. His aesthetics covering 'stylization', 'grotesque', 'mask', etc. was revolutionary. We can see nowadays many devices on the stage, which Meyerhold tried to realize on his stages eighty years ago. He was in a real sense a revolutionist on the modern stage, as Edward Braun rightly estimated. But one of the most significant accomplishments he made was the refixation of the status of theatre audience. Meyerhold was the first director in the 20th century who tried to check the reactions of spectators. He wanted to make shows which could appeal to as many spectators as possible. After the Revolution he could find in the proletariat the very audience he had longed to have. He designed various kinds of devices to make spectators participate in theatrical events. Although he could not realize his ideas on audience in full scale, he was of no doubt a forefather of the experimental and avantgarde theatre in the 20th century. Nowadays, we are living in the world, in which multiple media of filmic image dominate our every day lives and in consequence the survival of theatre would be threatend, whose life lies in the live relationship of human beings. With the example of Meyerhold we have to try to return theatre audience its old role, so that the theatre should survive, whatever media of filmic image might be coming.
상주에 의성김씨가 世居하게 된 것은 星州에 살던 西溪 金聃壽일가가 정유재란 이후 이곳에 정착하면서부터이다. 서계 김담수는 의성김씨의 상주 입향조로서 그의 학문과 삶을 통해 학문적 도의적 전통을 세워 의성 김씨 후손들에게 지대한 영향을 준 인물이다. 이 글은 의성 김씨의 世系와 김담수의 상주 입향과정, 그리고 서계 김담수의 삶과 사상, 그리고 교유관계를 논한 것이다. 서계 김담수는 영남지방의 유학자로서 처사적인 삶을 살아왔다. 그는 왜란을 겪으면서 피난과 가족의 보호, 그리고 전쟁을 지원하는 일에 참여하면서 국난을 극복하기 위한 우국 충정을 발휘하였다. 그의 행적에 대해서 한강 정구, 월사 이정구, 야로 이순 등은 학문에 밝고 실천에 힘썼으며 벼슬길에 나아가지 않고 은거처사로서 살았던 지조있는 선비였다고 평가하고 있다. 그는 이익보다는 의리를 중히 여기고 가족과 친족이웃과 화목했으며 실천을 중시하며 스스로를 수양하는 군자다운 사람이었다. 그는 남명 조식과 퇴계 이황의 학통을 모두 이어받아 이론적 경향과 실천적 측면을 동시에 흡수하였다. 서계와 그의 후계자들은 유교의 덕목과 선비정신을 실천하며 살아갔다. 그들의 은일적인 삶과 학문은 낙동강을 중심으로하는 강안학파의 주류를 이끌어가며 실천적 유학의 면모를 보여주므로서 이런 분위기에서 실학이 배태되고 있음을 보여준다. Euisung(義城) Kim Family is one of large families settled down in Sang-ju District. Seugye(서계) Kim Dam-su(김담수) is the root of Euisung Kim Family in Sang-ju. This essay is about family tree of Euisung Kim family in Sang-ju, the life and thinking of Kim Dam-su. Kim Dam-su is an intellectual person but he did't be in a government official. He passed the low-level civil service examination at the age of 30 years old. But he made a decision not to apply for a higher-level examination. And he strived for concentrating on Confucianism. Such scholars - Yi Moon-geun(李文楗), Oh Geun(吳健), Whang Jun-ryang(黃俊良) - are become his teachers for the study of Confucianism. He had been influenced by the Confucianism theory of Nammyung Cho Sik(南冥 曺植) as much as of Toekye Yi Whang(退溪 李滉). His life and learning on Confucianism gave a moral influence to his sons and other people. At the time of Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, he evacuated to Kaya mountain with his mother, who was very old(over 90 years old). He took care of his mother with devotion. During the 7 years war of Japanese invasion, he wrote many poems and letters to his sons. In the letters he had discribed his worriness on the livelihood of the people, refuge and his anxiety about his sons. And he discribed on his missing home and parted with family in his phrases. His first son Jeung-ryong(廷龍) was a civil service. Kim Jeung-ryong had passed the civil examination and he served the governer(縣監) of Ye-an(禮安) area at that time. Kim Dam-su avoid to stay in the district of Ye-an in order not to be implicated. Kim Dam-su has been appreciated to be a hermit Confucianist of faithful, fidelity. And he was dutiful son and a intellect fulfilled the Confucian virtue. Kim Dam-su was a sample of Confucian scholar(선비) in the Nakdong riverside area.
遁村 李集(1327-1387)은 고려 말 공민왕시절부터 우왕대까지 활동하던 신진사대부의 한 사람이다. 李集의 가계는 고려 후기 광주지역의 향리 가문에서 중앙으로 진출하였고, 지방의 호족으로서 상당한 경제적 기반을 갖은 중소지주였으리라고 생각된다. 이집은 1355년(공민왕 4년)에 급제한 뒤 여러 관직을 거쳐 신돈집권기에 중앙에서 벼슬하고 있었으나, 신돈의 전횡을 비판하다가 지방으로 피신하여 은둔생활을 하게 되었다. 신돈몰락후 다시 관직에 복귀하여 이색 정몽주 이숭인을 비롯한 관인 유자들과 교유하였다. 判典校寺事 직을 끝으로 환로에서는 크게 성공하지는 못하였다고 할 수 있다. 본 논문은 그의 문집 둔촌유고의 분석을 통하여 이집의 교유관계와 이를 통한 이집의 사상을 엿보고자 하였다. 그와 시문을 가장 많이 주고받은 인물은 李崇仁 金九容 그리고 李穡 鄭夢周 등이다. 이를 보면 이집은 고려말 정국을 주도하던 사대부들과 같은 수준에서 교유하였던 인물이다. 시문의 내용은 주로 병마와 싸우며, 과거에 함께 즐기던 교우들에 대한 그리움과 현재 자신의 외롭고 쇠락한 처지에 대한 한탄의 모습이 그려져 있다. 반면에 성리학적 사색의 모습이나, 특정한 종교에 심취하는 모습은 매우 적다. 다만, 현실 정세, 농민의 곤궁한 생활에 대한 연민, 왜구의 침략으로 노략질당하는 민생의 어려움과 나라에 대한 걱정 등이 일부 나타나기 있어 위민정치를 기본으로 하는 성리학자의 일반적인 입장을 드러낸다고 할 수 있다. 그러나 특별한 개혁의 필요성이나, 제도 개선의 대안을 보여 주거나 적극적인 의지를 찾아볼 수는 없다. 결론적으로 이집은 고려말 성리학 수용기의 사대부인 이색 정몽주 이숭인등과 함께 위화도회군 이전까지 활동한 관리였다. 이집의 호가 둔촌이라는 의미는 여타 사대부들과는 타의에 의한 은둔이라는 경험을 지닌 관료로서 새로운 의지를 드러낸 것이다. 이색 정몽주 정도전 등이 서로 엇갈리는 조선건국의 소용돌이에서 이집이 살아 있었다면 어느 편의 입장에 섰을지는 개인의 상상의 몫으로 남겨진다. 다만 자료의 부족으로 그의 학문과 사상을 충분히 밝히지 못한 점을 아쉽게 생각한다. Dunchon(遁村) Yi Jip(李集, 1327-1387) was active from the reign of Gongminwang(恭愍王) to Uwang(禑王) as the one of Sinjin-sadaebu(新進士大夫, the newly risen literati class). His ancestries had been Hyangni(鄕吏, the provincial government official) of Gwangju(廣州) in the late Goryeo period and entered into the central politics. His lineage seems to be small and medium landowners who had considerable economic foundation as Hojok(豪族, a powerful local family). After Yi Jip had passed the national examination(科擧) in 1355, he went through various positions and got employment in a central government service when Sin Don(辛旽) held the reins of power. But he fled to the country and lived in seclusion criticizing Sin Don's tyranny. After Sin Don had been ruined, Yi Jip cameback to the government office and associated with official Confucianists like Yi Saek(李穡), Jeong Mong-ju(鄭夢周), and Yi Sung-in(李崇仁). However, he couldn't succeed in a government post since withdrawing from his office as Panjeongyosisa(判典校寺事) at last. This paper tried to inspect the companionship of Yi Jip and his thought by analyzing a collection of his works, Dunchon-yugo(遁村遺稿). People who exchanged the most poetries and proses with him were Yi Sung-in, Kim Gu-yong, Yi Saek, Jeong Mong-ju and so on. Therefore, we can know that Yi Jip equally associated with Sadaebu(士大夫, scholar-officials) leading the political situation in the end of Goryeo. The contents of poetries and proses are describing yearning toward the friends and lamentation over his lonely and debilitated circumstances while he was laboring under his disease. On the other hands, The contents included hardly that he thought deeply under Neo-Confucianism or infatuated with any religion. Only, he expressed the general standpoint as Neo-Confucian emphasizing the politics for the people, for example, he expressed the sympathy with the poor peasant's life and their difficulties due to the plunder of Waegu(倭寇, seaborne Japanese marauders) and anxiety about the nation. But we can't find his will that he want to reform the system or to make a counterproposal positively in his works. In conclusion, Yi Jip was a official who was active with Sadaebu during the time to accept Neo-Confucianism in the end of the Goryeo like Yi Saek, Jeong Mong-ju, Yi Sung-in and so on, within Wihwado hoegun(威化島回軍, marches back from Wihwa Island). What his pen name was Dunchon(遁村, evading to the country) means that he experienced withdrawal not of his own will unlike other Sadaebu. If he had been alive in the whirlpool to establish Joseon when Yi Saek and Jeong Mong-ju differed from Jeong Do-jeon(鄭道傳), we can't conclude easily whose side he was on. Still, I am inconvenient that his studies and thought aren't clarified thoroughly due to the lack of research material.
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三淵 金昌翕(1653∼1722)은 17세기 말에서 18세기 초 조선의 문화적 변혁의 핵심으로 지적된다. 특히 그는 18세기 화려한 시단의 개창자로 꾸준히 연구되어 왔다. 그 중요한 연구 중 하나는 그의 시문학의 배경에 관한 것이었으며, 특히 명대 前後七子와 公案派의 영향력 여부를 논증하는데 촛점이 두어졌다. 이에 양 문예사조에 대한 김창흡의 진술은 매우 미미하지만, 그의 작품 경향과 주변의 문헌들을 통해 볼 때 그가 두 문예사조의 영향을 받았을 것이라고 논의되었다. 본 논문은 그러한 수용 가능성을 긍정하되 양 문예사조에 대한 그의 언급이 왜 미미한데 그쳤는가 하는 점도 간과할 수 없다는데 주목하여, 김창흡이 두 문예사조를 어떻게 변형하여 자신을 이들로부터 차별화시켰는지를 고찰하였다. 김창흡과 명대 문학사조를 비교하자면, 먼저 그가 조선시대 보기 드믄 성리학자이자 시인이었다는 점을 환기할 필요가 있다. 우선 공안파의 영향력 문제에서, 그는 公案派와 ‘性靈'이라는 어휘를 공유하지만, 공안파의 그것과 달리 인위적인 노력을 통해 수양되는 것이라는 전통적인 성령의 의미를 계승했고 아울러 성리학적 윤리에 저촉되는 의미를 부여하지 않았다. 그는 성리학적 심성론을 토대로 전통적인 성령 개념을 성리학화한 것이다. 그는 현실 세계의 본체인 태극을 체인할 수 있다고 확신했고, 체인을 담당하는 마음의 知覺 활동을 확신했다. 이는 당시 모든 조선 성리학자들이 공유하는 바가 아니다. 호론에서는 미발과 이발에서 태극을 체인하는 길을 축소했고, 낙학의 수장격이었던 그의 형 김창협은 끝내 자신의 지각론을 확신하지 못한 여운을 남겼다. 그러나 김창흡은 미발과 이발에서 태극을 체인하는 지각의 기능을 확신했다. 아울러 그는 성리학적 논증보다는 그 실천에 주력했다. 이는 그가 주자학 외에 조성기를 통해 태극을 체인하는 관물설에 큰 관심을 두고 박학 정신을 계승했다는 점에서 분명해진다. 그는 주자의 道文本末論적 문예론과 박학 정신을 보다 적극적으로 해석하여, 성령으로 하여금 여러 시 체제들로부터 두루 진실을 섭렵할 수 있는 자유를 부여했다. 그는 『시경』으로부터 명대 소품까지 섭렵한 후 시의 길이, 운율 등 여러 측면에서 절충과 파격을 통한 실험을 행했고, 시의 내용에서도 이전의 관습을 넘어 사상, 경제, 군사, 토지, 사소한 주변사물까지로 적극적으로 확대했다. 그의 모든 시적 실험은 18세기 정리할 수 없을 만큼 다양한 시단 전개 양상의 시발점으로 주목된다. 그러나 정서를 배제한 산수시, 철리시, 운율의 파괴와 혼융, 산문적인 어구의 사용 등은, 성령으로 하여금 시의 체제라는 구속을 넘는 자유를 얻게하는데서 나아가 시와 산문의 경계에 다가가게 했다. 성리학을 통해 김창흡의 시에는 시의 정체성을 위협하는 긴장감이 조성되는 것이다. 김창흡에게서 성리학적 지각의 세례를 받은 성령은, 시와 사상이 긴밀한 관계를 지님으로써 수반되는 명ㆍ암을 뚜렷이 보여준다. Kim, Changheup(金昌翕,1653-1722) has been watched as the pioneer of diverse tendencies of literary world in 18th Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty. One of the issues of the investigation on his literature is whether he was influenced by two literary school of Ming Dynasty, qianhouqizi(前後七子) and gonganpai(公案派). A few investigators said he must be influenced by them as some evidence of the texts telling him, though he never said about the schools. This dissertation presents that he made his works differentiated from their works. Kim noted the characteristic word, xingling(性靈) of gonganpai as the human ability creating poems. However the relation between xingling and moral is different from that of gonganpai. He never bestowed the vocabulary the meaning trespassing morals he was confident as inviolable. He reinterpreted traditional meaning from Han Dynasty, numinous human ability creating poems which had ever been hostile to morals to one as one in Neo-Confucianism in Song Dynasty. He said xingling as acquired though cultivation as well as inherent contrary to xingling of gonganpai, which is valuable for its uncultivated honesty. The moral characteristic of xingling seems resulted from his Neo-Confucianism and the cognitive ability of Xin, mind which is called zhijue(知覺). Poeple can recognize the ultimate oneness of the universe, taiji(太極) with the help of zhijue. He tries new rhyme mixing or destructing rhymes from past, very long series of over 100 pieces of poems, and new subject matters like economic issues, the land management, the military and other trifling stuffs. He never set the ideal rules of poem from past, which was done by qianhouqizi. His various experiments on poem inspired poets of 18th of Joseon Dynasty. However the new characteristics means his works out of boundary not allowed to all the poems. His thoughts made his works free from traditional rules as well as destructing identities of poem itself.
Ju yo-seop was working at English department of Fu Jen Catholic University when he lived in Beijing, and he led a comfortable and wealthy life· In his mind, Beijing was not a city, but a “place” or a “park”· He appreciated and admired the lifestyle of the persons lived in Beijing at thattime,because he observed they were not enough rich but all of them had hobbies to enjoy their life· He drew his inspiration from the life of Beijing, and reached at the height of literature creation· During this period, he created many Literatures, such as 「Sarang`s Guest and Mother」 and 「Madame of Anemones」,which criticized the common customs obstructing the “true love” and the traditional ethics, and expressed his romantics complex· Simultaneously, he developed the artistry of his writings by means of diversity of writing form· 「Sarang`s Guest and Mother」 and 「Madame of Anemones」 were his representative works when he lived in Beijing, but those could not be on behalf of all his works· Although the works was less at that time comparing with those written in 1920, these works, such as 「Roll of Drums,Dong Dong Dong」, 「The Restaurant in Fengtian Station」, 「The Good Friend」, and 「The Medical Doctor」 remained to being expressed his concern for times and society· The above works revealed the two different situation of Koreasocietyintimeinterval·Exceptfor 「Roll of Drums,Dong Dong Dong」, most of works showed the society changes with the time pass· The result of society changes lead to corruption of morals and bankrupt of materials, which expressed Ju yo-seop`s disgust and disappointment to reality·
병와는 「병와강의(甁窩講義)」의 <사서훈몽서(四書訓蒙序)>에서, `인간이 타고난 기질의 품성은 청탁(淸濁)이 없을 수 없기 때문에 어리석게 행동하고 문예(文藝)의 말단에서 매우 황폐한 데 이를 수밖에 없다.`고 했다. 이러한 잘못을 회복할 수 있는 방법은 오직 학문뿐인데, 그는 『대학』을 학문의 시작으로 보았다 그가 생각했던 『대학』공부의 가장 중요한 것은 `본성 회복`에 있었다. 기품(氣稟)에 얽매이고 물욕에 가려져서 밝은 것이 어두워지고 본래의 것을 잃게 되면 `명지(明之)`의 공부로 회복해야 한다는 것이다. 그리고 그는 `격물치지`를 『대학』의 기초 공부라고 인식하고 평생토록 힘을 쏟았다. 당시 일부 학자들의 『대학』 해석에 관한 논란에 대해, 병와는 `정자와 주자의 견해는 관점이 다를 뿐이다.`라 하면서, 경문(經文)의 뜻을 분명하게 밝힐 수 있는 의견이라면 비록 관점의 차이가 있더라도 그것을 받아들였다. 실제로 `격치(格致)`장의 경우, 회재는 정자의 뜻을 받아들여 `청송(聽訟)` 한 절을 경문 아래로 옮기고 `전4장`으로 삼았다. 그러나 병와는 `청송장`은 그대로 두고 `물유`와 `지지`절을 주자의 `보망장` 앞에 붙여서 `전5장`으로 삼았다. 그는 자식들에게 주는 글에서, `구차한 선비의 왜곡된 학문으로 경서의 내용을 스스로 써 넣거나 지우는 권도를 행사해서는 안 된다. 자신의 얕은 지혜를 조금 펴서 경(經)을 훼손하고 성(聖)을 모독하는 것은 안타까운 일이다. 이점 학자라면 마땅히 먼저 알아야 할 일이다.`라 하였다. 이처럼 그는 당시 경서에 대한 논란에 흔들리지 않고, 충실한 성리하자로서의 생활을 해 나갔으며 객관적 태도로 강학에 임하고자 했다. Byeong-wa`s thought about `Daehak` is well shown in the preface of "Saseo-hunmong" in "The Lecture of Byeong-wa". He said that there are good and bad characters in the natural characters of human beings, accordingly, they act stupidly and get reached to desertion In the fields of literature. The only way to recover these wrong mistakes is study, and then he thought 『Dae-hak』 is the beginning of study. He thought that the most important thing in the study 『Dae-hak』 is the recovery of one`s nature. If we are tied to external disposition-sticked to external forms-and surrounded by adesire for material gain, therefore, light ones changed to be dark ones and we lose the original things, we should recover through studying `Myeongji`. Kyung-hak of non-Confucianism began to be appeared In the 17th century in which Byeong-wa lived, which is differed from the 16th century that could not escape from categories of Confucian Interpret of 『Dae-hak』 The study of Simsung-suyang Theory (Mind Cultivation Theory) which was appeared in the interpretation of 『Dae-hak』 by Ju-ja and Ju-ja Schools formed the main stream in the period. Concerning that, Byeong-wa said, "Jeong-ja feared losing the true meaning of the Confucian Bibles and Ju-ja concerned about exerting bad effects for the future scholars. Therefore, the two opinions are only different fromthe view point. In fact, if an opinion is the one in which the meaning of Confucian scripture clarified clearly, he accepted the opinion even though there are discrepancies in the view point. In the case of `Gyeokchi` chapter, Hoejae accepted the thought and meaning of Jeong-ja. He regarded a section of `Cheongsong` as `Cheon Chapter 4` through positioning a section of `Cheongsong` under Confucian scripture However, Byeong-wa left a chapter of `Cheongsong` as original, regarded sections of `Mul-yu` and `Ji-ji` as `Cheon Chapter 5` by putting sections of `Mul-yu` and `Ji-ji` before `Bomang-jang` of Ju-ja (Zhu-xi) At the time, he was not shaken by the debate about the Confucian classics and he lived as a faithful confucianist. He also maintained an objective attitude in the lecture of Confucianism.
하정 류관(1346~1433)은 조선의 대표적인 청백리의 한 사람이다. 언젠가 장마가 계속되자 그의 집은 비가새서 류관은 방안에서 우산을 쓰고 있어야 했다. 그런데도 그는 부인에게 ‘우산이 없는 집은 어찌할 것인가?'라고 걱정했다고 한다. 하정 류관은 고려 말기에 태어나서 관료가 되어 이성계의 조선 건국 이후에는 태종, 세종대까지 오랫동안 관료로 살았다. 26세때인 공민왕 20년에 문과 급제하여 관리가 된 후 55년간 비교적 순탄한 관직생활을 했다. 태조와 태종의 신임을 받고 세종의 지우(知遇)를 받아 순유(醇儒)로 지칭되었다. 이 논문은 그의 관료생애와 업적에 초점을 맞추었다. 그는 태조 이성계 즉위시에 운검이 되었고 개국원종공신에 책록되었다. 태조의 한양 정도(定都)를 지지하였고, 지방 행정체제에서의 주현 속현의 문제나 국가 기강의 확립을 위해 지나친 풍악과 과도한 연음(宴飮)을 금지 할 것 등을 건의를 하였다. 때로는 지방관으로 나가 민생의 어려움을 직접 체험하기도 하였다. 그 결과 민생 안정을 위한 대책 즉 수령이 죄인을 다룰 때 강제로 자복(自服)하게 하는 폐해를 없앨 것, 가뭄이 심할 때는 쟁송(爭訟)을 연기하여 백성을 돌 볼 것, 조세징수에 있어서 실지 답험을 통해 공정한 세금 수취를 하도록 할 것, 베를 단위로 한 포폐(布幣)를 만들어 통용하게 하여 백성들에게 편리하게 할 것 등을 건의 하였다. 백성들의 생활을 여유롭게 하기 위해서 삼짇날과 중양절을 지킬 것을 건의하기도 하였다. 이외에도 유학자로서 왕의 경연에 꾸준히 참여하였고 유교적인 전례의 정비를 위한 건의나 숭유 배불의 건의를 하고 역사 편찬에 참여 하는 등의 활동을 남겼으나, 지면관계상 이 논문에서는 다루지 못하였다. 이 논문에서는 류관이 단순히 청백리였을 뿐만 아니라 관료로서의 그의 활동과 업적에도 볼만한 것이 많았음을 밝혔다. Hajung Ryukwan (하정 류관) is the one of representative clean government employees of Joseon Dynasty. One day, Ryukwan had to wear an umbrella in his room because of a continuous rainy spell, roof was leaking. However, he just asked his wife to concern about ‘what people can do with the leaky roof without the umbrella'. Hajung Ryukwan was born in the end of Goryeo Dynasty and became a bureaucrat (government official bureaucracy). When he was 26 years old which is King Gongmin was in power for 20 years, he passed the examination and became a government official. He had relatively the smooth government office life for 55 years. Since Joseon was established by the king Yi Seong-gye, he worked as the bureaucrat until the era of King Taejong and King Sejong. This thesis is mainly focus on Ryukwan's bureaucratic life and achievement. He supported King Taejo, Yi Seong-gye, when the king was trying to move Hanyang as the capital city of Joseon. Also, Ryukwan suggested several proposals for the establishment and maintenance of discipline in the national administrative system. Ryukwan occasionally directed and governed the citizen as a local administration, and then he could see the people's hardships in daily life. So, he was able to suggest a lot of measures to stabilize livelihoods of the public. He proposed such as to eliminate the bad custom that forced confession when the administrator dealing with sinners, to postpone trials and take care of the people's living during the very bad drought, when collect land tax from people, to charge the proper tax after examining the harvest of the year, and to make and use currency based on cotton cloth for people's convenient life, etc,. This paper is described Ryukwan's activities and achievements as an government official.
In the 18th century, Period of Enlightenment, various kinds of periodicals-daily newspapers, weekly and monthly magazines-began to be issued. It is in these periodicals that articles, reviews and essays on theatre and theatrical events were written, for the first time in the history of theatre. In those days theatre was regarded rather as one of the most important social institutions. One might say, it is following the end of the World War II that theatre was recognized as a purely artistic genre. Since the 18th century a number of reviewers and writers have employed themselves in writing reviews and essays on theatre and theatrical events. They have their own outlook on theatre with a vareity of writing styles. Therefore, it is not easy to discriminate between good and bad reviews. And there have been not a few theatre people who have had negative views of criticism themselves. This essay studies the components of a theatre review, namely description, analysis and appreciation of text, actors and audience, stage setting, costume and make up, lighting, music and sound effect. But it is not the purpose of this essay to present the concrete form or model and the content of a review. Rather, it deals, in the first place, with these components from the aesthetic point of view, undoubtedly in relation to theatre criticism. This essay reconsiders the characteristics of theatre as an artistic genre, namely the transitoriness and uniqueness. The ephemeral nature of a performance leads critics always to deal with the past events. But ironically their reviews would be handed down to the posterity, if they are well written. In this sense, one might say, they are of significance from the cultural-historical point of view. They are different from a video taped performance, which is just of value as a reference material and says accordingly nothing about the tension and excitement during the event. The uniqueness of theatre was, as we know, declared by a few theatre reformers at the beginning of the 20th century. They regarded theatre as not a dependent genre on the literature, but a unique artistic genre. According to their point of view, theatre is neither a combination of various arts, nor a translation or an interpretation of written texts on the stage. Following that point of view, this essay studies the various components of theatre which contribute to the full effect of a performance on the stage. Especially the relationship between a performance and a written text is studied, because traditionally many reviews have paid the most attention to texts. Compared with a text, actors are in fact least touched in many reviews, although they are the most essential part of the theatre and play the most important roles in a performance. They are especially studied in relation to the audience, because the interaction of these two parts is the most significant element which makes a performance meaningful and successful. In the end, this essay studies the qualification and the attitude of a good critic; what she/he is, has an important effect upon what she,/he writes. A reviewer must have aesthetic sense, keen sensibility and strong imaginative power. She/he must be well-informed of history, forms, styles, components of theatre, and of the process of a production. It is needless to say that she/he must, without preoccupation, be open to new experimental trends. Lastly, she/he must be a good writer. She/he has the ability to write understandably to maintain her/his opinions and to make her/his praise and blame persuasive. If a good reviewer writes well, with a consideration to the above-mentioned things, one might call what she/he writes an ideal criticism, in whatever form she/he may review a performance.
告子與孟子對於人性的論辯一直是哲學史上的重要議題, 朱子對於孟告之辯的評論是, 孟子知性之爲理, 故爲正說;評論告子認氣爲性, 故不知性。然船山在哲學史上亦屬氣學之說。故船山對於氣說護航, 然船山學還是以孟子爲正, 故重新以氣學的方式, 對朱子的詮釋提出質疑;一方面認爲朱子視告子的認氣爲性之說是有誤的。因爲若眞能?氣, 則能?性。然也幷不因此卽視告子爲正統, 一方面他亦指出告子之失, 失於只識氣之用, 而不識氣之體;?一方面, 認爲告子以具象物喩性, 則爲不知性。然孟子亦以物喩性, 而船山於此間, 如何折合孟子之喩爲正、而告子之喩不正, 乃本文所要處理的問題。最後船山視告子以情才爲性, 都是不知性,而不能談到性之至善;因爲情、才可善可惡, 而不到性善之層次。吾人認爲船山與朱子對於氣的定義實有不同, 故於文中申論之。 The debate between Gaozi and Mencius on humanity has been an important issue in the intellectual history of Chinese Philosophy. Zhu Xi understands that Mencius correctly treated nature as li, whereas Gaozi incorrectly regarded qi as nature because he did not understand nature properly. On the other hand, the thought of Wang Chuan-shan belongs to the school of thought based on the theory of qi. Wang also understands that Mencius`s idea is correct, though he offers different understanding of the debate from the perspective of the theory of qi and questions Zhu Xi`s understanding. On the one hand, Wang thinks that Zhu Xi incorrectly understands that Gaozi regarded qi as nature, for he thinks that proper understanding of qi leads to proper understanding of nature. However, Wang also points out that Gaozi merely understood the function of qi, but he did not properly understand the underlying substance of qi. On the other hand, for Wang, Zhu Xi misunderstands that Gaozi understood nature metaphorically in terms of concrete objects in the world, so that he did not understand nature at all. However, Mencius in fact also understood nature metaphorically in terms of concrete objects in the actual world. For this reason, the question raised in this paper is on what basis Wang can think that Mencius`s metaphor is correct, whereas Gaozi`s metaphor is wrong. Finally, Wang suggests that Gaozi regarded affection as nature, and therefore he did not understand nature and could not suggest the highest goodness of nature. This paper suggests that Wang Chuan-shan and Zhu Xi define qi differently.
Purpose: As the representatives of Daoism, Lao Zi, Zhuang Zi, Lie Zi, etc. have the same opinions on the mind-body monism with Confucianism, but their body-thinking is quite unique. The article researches the sports ideology from the aspect of the bodies, to discuss mainly Daoist's body structure, body function and body disposal, excavate the body-thinking and the inner-transcendence of its sports ideology, refresh the traditional sports culture, develop the value influence of eastern sports culture, finally expect Daoist's view of sports ideology can provide the possibility for modern sports to deal with the crisis regarding the response to risks. Result: During the Pre-Qin period when Daoism prevailed, not so much about sports were talked by Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi while Daoist's view is always related to the body activities and it is obsessed with ”Whisht and Active; With and Without; hard and soft; virtual and real” as opposite and complementary ideology and inspect the lives and creatures from Daoist's view. In bare several sports records, Zhuang Zi mostly chose to let Daoist's ideology transcend body activities directly. 1. Daoist's view of body-thinking (1) Perception of body structure Compared with the perception of body structure in view of Confucianist, Daoist's perception appears to have more guidance meanings to anatomy. Through the self-review from Qi Wu Discussion Zhuang Zi, in the question towards “hundreds of skeleton, nine orifices, six organs, who should I be close to?”, it shows that people consists of hundreds of skeletons, nine orifices (eye, ear, nose, mouth, uretha, anus) and six main internal organs inside the body(heart, liver, spleen, lung, kidney, Mingmen). The body construction manifested by Daoist is more specific than what is manifested by Confucianist, while from the body functions corresponded from the body construction, like heart to mouth(talk), live to eye(see), kidney to foot(walk) and etc., its coincidence with the perception of body structure from medical science in Chinese ancient times can be seen. (2) Perception of Body Function Lao Zi praised body to be a unprecedented level and the body function is greatly influenced especially the body in dynamic development. Lao Zi proposed that people's body function is the most optimized stage at babyhood period and he regarded newborn boy as the model ideal body. The body function of Lao Zi is thoroughly handed down and developed at Zhuang Zi. Similarly to Lao Zi, Zhuang Zi also believed babyhood as a optimistic stage for body development. What is the more valuable is that Zhuang Zi, to some degree he is nihilistic , is not abandoning either of body or Qi. He believes that an intact life is surely an organic whole of both body and mental function. (3) Body disposal In the long period of life journey, the emphasis from people to life, the changes to death and the attitudes and the maintenance to the body can be included into the scope of body disposal of Daoist. Lao Zi exceptionally emphasized the individual life. He proposed that “Which is closer or more important to you, is it fame or body? Which is more, body or goods?”,Chapter 44, Lao Zi. Zhuang Zi inherited the “Hua(change)” idea. He treats the natural process of body via the idea of “change” and also treat with “living and death” with a philosophical idea. Everyone should go through sickness and growing old. The characters depicted by Zhuang Zi are not only rejected or afraid of death, even they show a attitude of philosophical and appreciating status. 2. Inner-transcendence of Daoism The life philosophy of emphasis on female and fragile property is vividly noticed from the transition from the body function to the inner-transcendence of Daoist's ideology, the inner-transcendence is life philosophy which stems from body when it acts on the body in the meantime. In Daoist's view, the body is structured from the intangible power and the body function needs recover to the life itself to the greatest degree. It respects life, accustoms to the changes as well as moderate sports. In a manner of speaking, it is during the observation and reference to the comprehensiveness and experience to the body, Daoist's body-thinking spreads to the field of sports: it abandons the show off body strength, advocate unknowing of the strength; abandon the external assessment of athletic performance, advocate comprehensive mental quality.Thus, the most initiating part of Daoist's view of sports ideology is the relating exposition included regarding the inner-transcendence. The inner-transcendence takes the body and activity function, while it digs more deeply mentally. It is manifested into 3 forms: Firstly, it pursues the obscurity and skills of Qi; secondly, it focuses on the fascination of sports spirit; thirdly, it emphasizes the psychological factors showed in sports. Conclusion: The life philosophy showed from Daoist's body-thinking, featured on health maintenance but exercise; inner cultivation but pursuing outside changes; hiding but dominance, guides the development of traditional sports which has a theme of health maintenance and the sports-thinking reflected by the inner-transcendence prefers to keep the mentally quite and comfortable state in the meantime, supplementing deep breathing and activities, return to life's genuine state and provide the possibility for risk responses by modern sports. Main stream of modern sports highlights competition, utility and efficiency, and the possibility of extreme loss of humanity may happen during the pursuit of extremity of body and heart while Daoist's view of body-thinking pursues the nature with a ideal state of constructed quite and fame-neglecting of Daoism. With the guidance of this concept, to thoroughly avoid the competitiveness and utility is a transcendence to the utility of main stream in modern sports, which makes the subject of sports is subtly free of the tense and harsh environment of sports competition. To be more deeply speaking, Daoist's natural body-thinking gives modern sports a chance of seeking and enjoying the natural peace from the view of Daoism and help the limited creatures and lives find out the eternal reason for being cherished.