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This paper discusses and analyzes a kind of scope marking constructionin Blackfoot (Algonquian) and adds to the diversity of such constructionsfound in languages around the world. This construction has manyproperties in common with other scope marking constructions but differsin some crucial ways. Hence, I use the label pseudo scope markingconstruction to describe this phenomenon. I show that this constructionis actually derived by canonical wh-movement with one small difference. What undergoes overt wh-movement is not an XP but rather a feature. Overt feature movement is licensed by the morphology of the questionwords in this language. Specifically, there is a free morpheme tsa, whichI propose corresponds only to a [wh] feature. As a free morpheme, it isable to undergo overt movement. The discussion relies on Lasnik’s StrayAffix Filter in addition to the particular morphological properties ofquestion words in Blackfoot to account for these facts.
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There has been considerable debate recently as to when labels are created and whether they’re necessary at all (Collins 2002). Chomsky has proposed that labels are necessary at LF only. Takita (2020) has argued that labels are necessary at PF only. I propose that labels are necessary at both interfaces. This explains why movement for labelling takes place overtly, as noted by Ott (2015) and Moro (2009). I illustrate the necessity of labels for Pseudo Noun Incorporation (PNI) in three languages. Specifically, I argue that labels are necessary to identify the category selected by the verb in PNI. Some languages select a bare nP, while other select a bare NumP. Finally, I combine these observations with Wiltschko’s theory of number. The observed properties of PNI fall out from Wiltschko’s theory, but only if we assume labels are formed in the overt syntax.
Barrie, Michael Jonathan Mathew and Sung, Moonhyun. 2018. Dissecting Inchoatives and Causatives: English get Constructions. Language and Information, 22.3. 91-108. In this paper, we present data from English get-constructions and from Northern Iroquoian to challenge the recent consensus that in no languages are causatives built on inchoatives. Our data suggest the need for distinct functional projections for the causative and inchoative. We argue that while they are bundled in other situations, the functional heads for the causative and inchoative can be split as described in the present paper. This line of research follows recent trends in investigating the fine structure of the vP layer (Alexiadou et al. 2015, Harley 2013, Kim 2011, Marantz 2013, Pylkkänen 2008, Ramchand 2008, Legate 2014). We propose a syntactic mechanism for bundling and, in doing so, account for differences in the range of possible meanings with adverbs between canonical causatives and get-causatives. Briefly, get-causatives have unbundled causative and inchoative heads and have a wider ranger of adverbial meanings due to the projection of independent CausP and InchP. Canonical causatives have a bundled Caus-Inch head, projecting a single Caus/InchP, which leads to fewer sites for adverbs to adjoin and accordingly to a narrower range of adverbial meanings. (Sogang University)
Barrie, Michael Jonathan Mathew & Jun, Jaehyun. (2022). Numeral classifiers in Eastern Tamang. The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal, 30(1), 113-131. In this paper, we examine numeral classifiers and number marking in one dialect of Eastern Tamang. As Tamang is a relatively understudied dialect continuum, we give a basic description of the empirical facts. We then employ various diagnostics from the literature and one we created ourselves to determine whether classifiers compose with nouns or with numerals. We conclude that since the classifier composes with numerals, the numeral classifier is a constituent that composes with the NP. We also examine number marking and observe that the plural marker is obligatory in some environments for animate nouns, but not for inanimate nouns. We conclude by making some tentative remarks that this dialect of Eastern Tamang might be undergoing a transition from a classifier language to a number language.
Bruening et al. (2018) present a reanalysis of the DP Hypothesis, arguing that nominal phrases are NPs and that functional elements such as number and determiners appear in the specifier of NP. We take issue with a number of their claims, arguing that the DP Hypothesis (re-named here as the DP/KP Hypothesis) is in fact not in jeopardy. We review their discussion and present our counter arguments. First, we address their discussion of the development of the DP Hypothesis, and include several critical references they did not include in their overview. Their claim that the DP Hypothesis largely rests on an architectural parallel with the extended verbal projection ignores a large body of literature in which morphological, syntactic, and semantic evidence is adduced for an articulated nominal structure. They discuss several lines of evidence based on selection in support of their claim that nominal phrases are headed by N. We show that their claims fail for empirical and theoretical reasons. Specifically, once the assumption of another layer of structure above DP (namely KP) is acknowledged, their arguments against the functional architecture in nominal phrases no longer hold. We conclude that the DP/KP Hypothesis is still the best explanation for the cross-linguistic facts on nominal phrases.
This paper discusses a kind of ellipsis in Cayuga (Northern Iroquoian) known as stripping. We show that while person, number and gender feature mismatches are generally tolerated in this construction, gender mismatches are not tolerated with most predicate nouns referring to humans. Merchant (2014) discusses gender mismatches under ellipsis in Greek human nominals and proposes that certain human nouns are lexically encoded to presuppose the gender of their respective referents. We show that Merchant’s general proposal can be accommodated to the Cayuga facts, the specifics of his proposal cannot be carried over. We reject the lexicalist stance in Merchant’s proposal and instead propose that human noun roots in Cayuga carry an interpretable humanness feature [H], which is obligatorily valued for gender. It is this interpretable [H] feature that gives rise to the lack of tolerance for gender mismatches on human predicate nouns.
In standard Minimalist Theory, the impetus for movement is feature strength. Strong features trigger overt movement, while weak features trigger covert movement. The equally stipulative EPP has also been implicated as a trigger for movement. Acknowledging that feature strength and the EPP are unsatisfying explanations for movement in language (Richards 2010; 2016), I investigate labelling and instability as sources of movement, as developed by Chomsky (2013) and Ott (2015). Ott argues that unlabelled structures are unstable and trigger movement. I investigate this nascent proposal in the context of noun incorporation in Northern Iroquoian languages. I show that noun incorporation is driven by instability caused by lack of a label rather than by Baker’s Morphological Visibility Condition. In addition to clarifying certain aspects of noun incorporation that are problematic for Baker’s analysis, this investigation brings us a step closer to the elimination of feature strength from Universal Grammar.
We examine the behavior of bare nouns in differential object marking and pseudo noun incorporation environments in Mongolian. Unmarked bare nouns and pseudo incorporated nouns have the same segmental structure; however, we show that they differ in their prosody. The prosodic word in Mongolian has a characteristic LH contour. This contour is found on unmarked bare nouns which are not pseudo incorporated; however the pseudo incorporated noun lacks this contour. Guntsetseg (2016) identifies various syntactic differences, which we use to provide a structural analysis of nominals. Specifically, the pseudo incorporated noun is a bare nP and non-pseudo incorporated nouns are full KPs, regardless of whether they are case marked or not. We propose an analysis in a modified version of Match Theory in which phases map to prosodic categories. Specifically for Mongolian the KP phase and the nP phase both map to a phonological word. Thus, a full KP contains two recursive phonological words, while a nP (a pseudo incorporated noun) contains only a single phonological word. We propose that only non-minimal phonological words bear a LH contour. Thus, only a full KP will appear with this contour.
This paper analyzes -ki nominalizations in Korean. We identify two types of the -ki nominalizations, NOM-ki and GEN-ki, with distinct morphosyntactic properties. We propose an analysis along the lines of Kratzer (1996) in which the nominalizer -ki selects verbal projections of different sizes (TP and vP) to account for the observed patterns. We argue against previous accounts of -ki nominalizations, showing either that important generalizations were missed or that there were flaws in the previous analyses. We propose a novel generalization for the two types of -ki nominalizations and propose an appropriate analysis. Some outstanding issues and implications are briefly discussed.
Many recent and not so recent debates on noun incorporation (NI) pit a syntactic analysis (Baker, 1988, 1996, Haugen, 2008, Sadock, 1980, 1986)against a lexical origin (Di Sciullo and Williams, 1987, Rosen, 1989) of NI constructions. Within the past 10 years or so, many researchers have abandoned any sort of generative lexicon in favour of the so-called single-engine hypothesis in which word formation is handled strictly in the syntax, with the possibility of some post-syntactic re-arrangements (Halle & Marantz, 1993; Julien, 2002; Marantz, 1997, 2001; inter alia). The goal of this paper is to examine how these discussions on NI bear on the Lexicalist Hypothesis. I show that a separate morphological module is not only unnecessary, but also unparsimonious in explaining NI.