Numeral classifiers in Korean -ki nominalizations

Michael Barrie(Michael Barrie ),정희련(Heeryun Chung),안덕호(Duk-Ho An) 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2022 언어연구 Vol.39 No.3

This paper discusses the structure of numeral classifiers in two types of Korean -ki nominalizations. In the first type (NOM-ki), the object is a full KP, and the properties of numeral classifiers are identical to those of any full KP nominal. In the second type (GEN-ki), the object is a bare nP, and is missing the functional structure necessary for hosting numeral classifiers. As such, the numeral classifier simply adjoins to nP and gives rise to idiosyncratic or culturally relevant readings only. We argue that the Div head is part of the functional spine in Korean. Div is responsible for making the nP countable and able to semantically compose with the numeral classifier. In a full KP object (in NOM-ki), Div is present, and the numeral classifier composes Div+nP, giving rise to standard counting semantics. In a bare nP object (in GEN-ki), Div is absent. The numeral classifier cannot semantically compose with nP. We argue, following Harley (2009), that a non-compositional meaning can arise akin to compounds.

Numeral Classifiers in Eastern Tamang

Barrie Michael Jonathan Mathew,전재현 대한언어학회 2022 언어학 Vol.30 No.1

In this paper, we examine numeral classifiers and number marking in one dialect of Eastern Tamang. As Tamang is a relatively understudied dialect continuum, we give a basic description of the empirical facts. We then employ various diagnostics from the literature and one we created ourselves to determine whether classifiers compose with nouns or with numerals. We conclude that since the classifier composes with numerals, the numeral classifier is a constituent that composes with the NP. We also examine number marking and observe that the plural marker is obligatory in some environments for animate nouns, but not for inanimate nouns. We conclude by making some tentative remarks that this dialect of Eastern Tamang might be undergoing a transition from a classifier language to a number language.

Aspects of -ki Nominalization in Korean

Barrie Michael Jonathan Mathew,정희련 한국외국어대학교 언어연구소 2019 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.83

This paper analyzes -ki nominalizations in Korean. We identify two types of the -ki nominalizations, NOM-ki and GEN-ki, with distinct morphosyntactic properties. We propose an analysis along the lines of Kratzer (1996) in which the nominalizer -ki selects verbal projections of different sizes (TP and vP) to account for the observed patterns. We argue against previous accounts of -ki nominalizations, showing either that important generalizations were missed or that there were flaws in the previous analyses. We propose a novel generalization for the two types of -ki nominalizations and propose an appropriate analysis. Some outstanding issues and implications are briefly discussed.

Labelling, Instability, and Noun Incorporation

Barrie Michael Jonathan Mathew 한국생성문법학회 2019 생성문법연구 Vol.29 No.2

In standard Minimalist Theory, the impetus for movement is feature strength. Strong features trigger overt movement, while weak features trigger covert movement. The equally stipulative EPP has also been implicated as a trigger for movement. Acknowledging that feature strength and the EPP are unsatisfying explanations for movement in language (Richards 2010; 2016), I investigate labelling and instability as sources of movement, as developed by Chomsky (2013) and Ott (2015). Ott argues that unlabelled structures are unstable and trigger movement. I investigate this nascent proposal in the context of noun incorporation in Northern Iroquoian languages. I show that noun incorporation is driven by instability caused by lack of a label rather than by Baker’s Morphological Visibility Condition. In addition to clarifying certain aspects of noun incorporation that are problematic for Baker’s analysis, this investigation brings us a step closer to the elimination of feature strength from Universal Grammar.

Noun Incorporation and the Lexicalist Hypothesis

Barrie Michael Jonathan Mathew 한국생성문법학회 2012 생성문법연구 Vol.22 No.2

Many recent and not so recent debates on noun incorporation (NI) pit a syntactic analysis (Baker, 1988, 1996, Haugen, 2008, Sadock, 1980, 1986)against a lexical origin (Di Sciullo and Williams, 1987, Rosen, 1989) of NI constructions. Within the past 10 years or so, many researchers have abandoned any sort of generative lexicon in favour of the so-called single-engine hypothesis in which word formation is handled strictly in the syntax, with the possibility of some post-syntactic re-arrangements (Halle & Marantz, 1993; Julien, 2002; Marantz, 1997, 2001; inter alia). The goal of this paper is to examine how these discussions on NI bear on the Lexicalist Hypothesis. I show that a separate morphological module is not only unnecessary, but also unparsimonious in explaining NI.

A Short Note on Wh-in-situ in Colloquial Jakartan Indonesian

( Barrie Michael Jonathan Mathew ),( Arif Marianka Azira ) 한국현대언어학회 2024 언어연구 Vol.39 No.4

The main objective of this study is to investigate the properties of wh-in-situ constructions in Colloquial Jakartan Indonesian (CJI). In contrast to Standard Indonesian and Malay, where both wh-movement and partial wh-movement are observed, CJI content questions are obligatorily wh-in-situ. Our analysis centers on a notable asymmetry between nominal wh-phrases (e.g., “who,” “what”) and adverbial wh-phrases (e.g., “why,” “how”). The former are immune to islands, while the latter are sensitive to them. We review previous analyses of related linguistic varieties, fail to account for the properties of wh-constructions in CJI. Consequently, we propose an analysis incorporating unselective binding and covert movement. We end with some tentative remarks on why wh-movement is not observed in CJI, in light of the fact that feature strength is no longer a viable option as an explanatory framework. (Sogang University)

Pseudo Scope Marking Constructions in Blackfoot

Barrie Michael Jonathan Mathew 한국생성문법학회 2014 생성문법연구 Vol.24 No.4

This paper discusses and analyzes a kind of scope marking constructionin Blackfoot (Algonquian) and adds to the diversity of such constructionsfound in languages around the world. This construction has manyproperties in common with other scope marking constructions but differsin some crucial ways. Hence, I use the label pseudo scope markingconstruction to describe this phenomenon. I show that this constructionis actually derived by canonical wh-movement with one small difference. What undergoes overt wh-movement is not an XP but rather a feature. Overt feature movement is licensed by the morphology of the questionwords in this language. Specifically, there is a free morpheme tsa, whichI propose corresponds only to a [wh] feature. As a free morpheme, it isable to undergo overt movement. The discussion relies on Lasnik’s StrayAffix Filter in addition to the particular morphological properties ofquestion words in Blackfoot to account for these facts.

Subject/Object Asymmetries in Northern Iroquoian

Barrie Michael Jonathan Mathew 한국생성문법학회 2023 생성문법연구 Vol.33 No.4

This squib examines two seldom discussed subject/object asymmetries in Northern Iroquoian. Namely, (i) agreement is found with incorporated subjects but not with incorporated objects, and (ii) wh-movement is possible with incorporated human subjects but not with incorporated human objects. A primary goal of this squib is to add these two asymmetries to the discussion on noun incorporation and Northern Iroquoian grammar in general. Current theories of noun incorporation provide no solution. There is also no proposal in the generative tradition that accounts for the complex agreement patterns found in Northern Iroquoian. Although I provide no solution here, I point to a potential solution involving separate subject and object probes. I implore future researchers to take these asymmetries into account when analyzing Northern Iroquoian grammar and noun incorporation in general.

Dissecting Inchoatives and Causatives: English get constructions

Barrie Michael Jonathan Mathew,성문현 한국언어정보학회 2018 언어와 정보 Vol.22 No.3

Barrie, Michael Jonathan Mathew and Sung, Moonhyun. 2018. Dissecting Inchoatives and Causatives: English get Constructions. Language and Information, 22.3. 91-108. In this paper, we present data from English get-constructions and from Northern Iroquoian to challenge the recent consensus that in no languages are causatives built on inchoatives. Our data suggest the need for distinct functional projections for the causative and inchoative. We argue that while they are bundled in other situations, the functional heads for the causative and inchoative can be split as described in the present paper. This line of research follows recent trends in investigating the fine structure of the vP layer (Alexiadou et al. 2015, Harley 2013, Kim 2011, Marantz 2013, Pylkkänen 2008, Ramchand 2008, Legate 2014). We propose a syntactic mechanism for bundling and, in doing so, account for differences in the range of possible meanings with adverbs between canonical causatives and get-causatives. Briefly, get-causatives have unbundled causative and inchoative heads and have a wider ranger of adverbial meanings due to the projection of independent CausP and InchP. Canonical causatives have a bundled Caus-Inch head, projecting a single Caus/InchP, which leads to fewer sites for adverbs to adjoin and accordingly to a narrower range of adverbial meanings. (Sogang University)

Another Note on Number

Barrie Michael Jonathan Mathew 한국생성문법학회 2016 생성문법연구 Vol.26 No.1

Cowper (2005) presents an intriguing theory of number features in which she suggests that plural is more marked than dual, contrary to traditional wisdom (Corbett, 2000). Cowper’s theory has been rebutted by Nevins (2007). In this squib I revisit the debate on number with data from Onondaga (Iroquoian), which support Cowper’s analysis of number. I do not show, however, that plural is more marked than dual in the traditional sense. The results of this investigation show, as Cowper did, that plural is structurally more complex than dual; however, this does not imply that plural is typologically more marked than dual. Thus, I tease apart the notion of structural markedness and typological markedness. Nevins’ arguments that dual is more typologically marked than plural still hold, even though plural is structurally more complex than dual. The broader implication here is that structural complexity and typological markedness are not necessarily correlated.