러일전쟁기 일본 육군의 만주전략

趙明哲(Cho, Myung-Chul) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2004 군사 Vol.- No.51

20세기초 동아시아 국제정세와 일본의 대륙정책

Cho Myung Chul(趙明哲) 일본사학회 2001 일본역사연구 Vol.14 No.-

The key premise in Japan’s continental policy between the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War was the rule of the Korean peninsular. Although the colonization of Taiwan produced ‘the policy of maintaining the North and proceeding into the South’ as the general direction of Japan’s foreign policy, Japan never gave up the goal of ruling Korea. Thus, after ‘the policy of maintaining the North and proceeding into the South’ failed to produce concrete outcomes in the Boxer Incident, Japan’s focus on the continental policy moved once more to the Korean issue. In particular, Japan came to realize the difficulties in expanding its own interest in China due to the interferences by the Western powers. Japan was very aggressive in the Korean issue, in contrast to its easy abandonment of South China. In short, Korea was much more important to Japan. There were various opinions over the Korean issues, such as dividing Korea and exchanging Korea with Manchuria, most of them resulted in nothing. Still, it is important to notice that Japan began to discuss the Korean issue in relation to Manchuria, narrowing the major parties in the matter into Japan and Russia. On the other hand, Japan’s continental policy after the Sino-Japanese War failed to get out of the goal of ruling Korea, resulting in limiting its diplomatic choices. Japan’s continental policy was losing flexibility due not only to the inflexibility of its diplomatic goal but also to the way its sought to achieve that goal. In short, the sense of resistance to the diplomacy using military powers was weakening in Japanese society.

역사교육의 제도와 이념

Cho Myung Chul(趙明哲) 일본사학회 2003 일본역사연구 Vol.17 No.-

Although most Meiji leaders shared the view on the importance of education, education policy was rarely on top of their policy lists. One of the reason was that the investment on education was very late in return. Still education reflected the ideology of the nation as the strengthening of the Emperor system proceeded in close relations with the changes in education. In particular, historical education played a big part in sustaining the state. Most societies have put importance on historical education as a means of accomplishing national integration because it gives reassurances on national bondage and patriotism. The problems in prewar Japan was that it removed scientific and rational thinking from historical education and only emphasized patriotism and loyalty to the emperor. Although historical education went though critical changes in the postwar period, the system of textbook certification contains the element of prewar historical education by allowing the state to influence the contents of the education.

義和團事件과 일본의 외교전략 : 만주문제와 한국문제를 중심으로

조명철(Cho Myung Chul) 일본사학회 1998 일본역사연구 Vol.8 No.-

Peking was isolated by the Ching troops and rebel forces during the Boxer Rebellion and public order could not be maintained. By taking advantage of this chaos Russia occupied Manchuria. Japanese foreign policy makers also wanted to solve the Korean problem by taking full advantage of a political chaos in China. Under these circumstances there appeared a policy initiative to occupy part of Korea such as Inchon harbor or the Koche Island. Its strong proponents were Japanese Consul in Korea and non-government associations. When it became apparent that Russian occupation of Manchuria became a settled matter, Japanese foreign policy makers felt a lot of pressure caused by the occupation. At this juncture they began to relate the Korean issue to the Manchurian issue, and this led to the emergence of a policy of exchanging Manchuria for Korea. As the Korean issue became related to the Manchurian issue, Japan was forced to change its previous Korean policy. The two issues became inseparable. The policy could not be realized because of its failed negotiations with Russia but guided the Japan’s Russian policy until the outbreak of the war against Russia in 1904.

日本近代

趙明哲(Cho Myung-chul) 역사학회 2000 역사학보 Vol.167 No.-

러일전쟁과 영토확장 : 사할린 점령작전의 재검토 조명철

조명철(Cho, Myung-Chul) 일본사학회 2021 일본역사연구 Vol.56 No.-

봉천회전 후, 러일 양국의 전력이 소진됨으로써 일본 육군은 더 이상 추격전을 벌일 수 없었고 러시아군도 대규모 반격을 시도할 수 없었다. 이런 이유로 봉천회전의 승리에도 불구하고 전쟁은 종료되지 않았다. 봉천회전 이후 일본 육군은 새로운 작전을 기획했다. 보통 ‘제2기 작전계획’으로 불리는 이 작전계획은 러시아군의 주력을 섬멸시 킴으로써 전쟁을 끝내겠다는 초기의 작전계획과는 전혀 다른 것이었다. 그것은 전쟁의 승패와는 무관한 특정 지역을 영구히 점령하기 위한 작전계획이었다. 먼저 ‘제2기 작전계획’에서 작전의 방향이 갑작스럽게 변경된 과정과 이유를 면밀히 살펴보았다. 다음으로 ‘제2기 작전계획’에서 언급된 점령 대상 중에서 군사적 점령에 성공한 곳은 사할린이 유일했다. 결과적으로 사할린은 ‘제2기 작전계획’의 목적이 가장 충실하게 실현된 지역이었다. 지금까지 사할린 점령작전은 전투의 규모나 치열함, 전략적 중요성 등에 비추어 러일전쟁 연구에 있어서 크게 주목받지 못했지만 전쟁을 통해 자국의 영토를 확장하고자 일본의 욕구가 완전하게 실현되었다는 점에서 새로운 접근이 필요하다. After the Battle of Mukden, the Japanese Army could no longer pursue and the Russian army could not attempt a large-scale counterattack as the power of the two countries was exhausted. For this reason, the war did not end despite the great victory of the Battle of Mukden. After the battle, the Japanese Army planned a new operation. This, commonly referred to as the Second Operation Plan, was a completely different plan from the earlier one to end the war by destroying the Russian military s main power. It was a plan to permanently occupy a specific area unrelated to the victory or defeat of the war. First, the process and reason for the sudden change in the purpose and direction of the operation in the Plan were closely examined. Next, Sakhalin was the only region that actually succeeded in military occupation among the objects of occupation mentioned in the Plan. As a result, Sakhalin was the region where the purpose of the Plan was most faithfully realized. So far, the Sakhalin occupation operation has not received much attention in the study of the Russo-Japanese War in light of the size, fierceness, and distance from Manchuria. But it needs to be reviewed anew in that Japan’s desire to expand its territory through the war has been fully realized.

일본의 軍事戰略과 ‘國防方針’의 성립

Cho Myung Chul(趙明哲) 일본사학회 1997 일본역사연구 Vol.5 No.-

After the Russo-Japanese War ended, there began a movement in Japan to unity nation’s external strategy by the army. As a result, the Defense Plan of the Japanese Empire was enacted in April, 1907. It was for the first tirre since the Meiji Restoration that an overall long-term direction in the defense affairs was decided The Defense Plan stipulated such items as the unified political and military strategy, offensive strategy, presumed enemy-nation, the size of military armaments. Although it contained unrealistic items, it is viewed a cornerstone in the establishment of the military circles (‘gunbu’) because it aimed at the military’ s predominance in the military-cabinet relationship. Previous studies on the Defense Plan has focused on the political, military and financial aspects. However, this study focused on the process in which the unified political and military strategy and the principle of offensive strategy developed into the central concept in the military strategy of the Defense Plan. As a result, it reached the following conclusions: the Defense Plan was not a temporary phenomenon resulting from the intoxication of war victory; it came into reality thanks to the continuous demands from the mid-level officers who voiced for offensive strategy since the prewar period; consequently, unlike the political interests of the upper-level officers, the mid-level officers intended to solve the military-strategic problems such as the disagreement of political and military strategies, the absence of unitied operations between the army and the navy, and the delay of Manchurian operations due to defensive strategy through a special remedy, that is, the Defense Plan.

근대일본의 전쟁과 팽창의 논리

조명철 ( Myung Chul Cho ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2008 사총 Vol.67 No.-

일본의 러일전쟁에 대한 인식

조명철(Cho Myung Chul) 한림대학교 아시아문화연구소 2004 아시아문화 Vol.- No.21

Regardless of the purpose and reason, Russo-Japanese War was a general war which determined the destiny of the involved countries and as the result, Japan colonized Korea and made inroads to Manchuria. The international standing of Japan skyrocketed far beyond that of its diplomacy or commerce and joined the world Powers. In addition, there were great changes, what can be called structural changes, in every aspect of politics, economy and social situation. So there has been many researches studying Russo-Japanese War from not only the military angle but also viewing from various standpoints such as foreign policy, its connection with domestic politics, the Japanese Capitalism, and social thought having power over the people and the ideology in control. Also there has been various methods to study on Russo-Japanese War. There were theoretical approaches, positive analyses, studies of the war itself and applications of the war as a standard to define the era. The bulkier the study of Russo-Japanese War the less all-out researches are. The main current of the study is to view a specific area.

일본의 대외전쟁과 대본영의 운영실태 - 청일, 러일전쟁을 중심으로 -

趙明哲(Cho, Myung Chul) 동양사학회 2019 東洋史學硏究 Vol.147 No.-

The script was created during the creation of the Navy’s military command, the Navy’s military command. Through this, the Army wanted to take the initiative in wartime. In other words, the script was the product of a conflict between the army and the navy over the military’s desire to create an independent agency that could not reach interference from the government and politicians under the pretext of the emperor’s control. Although the organization was purely for the military, the first of its kind was the one in which a civilian politician representing the government took part, which did not carry out its original intention. However, the first scriptwriter played a very successful role, including the cooperation of the military, the cooperation of the Army and Navy, and the connection with the military. Most of all, it is noteworthy that civilian control has been compromised in the war map. In this process, it is very meaningful that the “coordination of political strategy” has won the consensus of the government and the military as a great principle in conducting the war. After the Sino-Japanese War, the Army wanted to create an army-oriented system in peacetime, but was frustrated when it faced strong opposition from the Navy. The Navy took a step further, saying, “The wartime headquarters ordinance should be revised because it is on a par with the Army, Navy and Army.” The Army, which could no longer pressure the Navy to revise its wartime headquarters ordinance with the Bolmo War, accepted the Navy’s demand just before the opening of the war with Russia and created a war zone ordinance in which the Army and Navy were equal. This earned the Navy equal status with the Army in peacetime and wartime, but there was no institutional mechanism for reaching an agreement between the Army and Navy in the script. Fortunately, by the time of the Russo-Japanese War, the systemic flaws of Scrippyong had been resolved relatively smoothly by experienced and experienced human resources.