조선시기 城隍祠 입지를 둘러싼 양상과 그 배경

최종석(Choi Jong-Suk) 한국사연구회 2008 한국사연구 Vol.143 No.-

During the Joseon dynasty period, most of the Gun and Hyeon units were equipped with a Sajik-dan/社稷壇 altar, a Yeo-dan/?壇 altar, a Seonghwang-sa/城隍祠 shrine, and a Munmyo/文廟 shrine. In most of the regions Sajik-dan and Yeo-dan were located respectively in the Seogyo/西郊(Western outskirt) and Bukgyo/北郊(Northern outskirt) areas, and even with the passage of time such location virtually never changed. In the meantime, the location of Seonghwang-sa units significantly varied from region to region, and from period to period. The Seonghwang-sa shrines in the early days of Joseon showed even distribution in terms of direction, and the trend of placing the shrine at an obligatory spot, the Namgyo/南郊(Southern outskirt) area, was simply weak or not existent. Yet《Yeoji Doseo/輿地圖書》, published in the 18th century during the reign of King Yeongjo, indicates that such trend came to existence during the latter half period of Joseon. Such trend was vivid in the Gyeongsang-do region, while being relatively weaker in other regions. This trend, just like the trend of placing Sajik-dan and Yeo-dan in the Seogyo and Bukgyo areas, had something to do with embracing the Hongmu-era ceremonial protocols. In terms of local Seonghwang services, Joseon dynasty completely denounced the Goryeo era practices, and tried to observe local Seonghwang ceremonies based upon the Hongmu-era ceremonial protocols, and after a series of enhancing and reasserting, the Joseon society and government finally completed the local Seonghwang memorial service institution, based upon Hongmu protocols, during King Seongjong's reign. Inspired by the Seonghwang-dan altar of wind, cloud, thunder, rain, mountain and streams(風雲雷雨山川城隍壇), the Joseon people came to place Seonghwangdan units in the obligatory spots, Namgyo areas. Unlike Sajik-dan and Yeo-dan, which had not existed before, Seonghwang-sa shrines which housed local Seonghwang figures were already established in most of the regions during the early days of Joseon, and most of them had been there since the Goryeo dynasty period. In structural terms they were not altars(祭壇) but shrines(祠廟), and were not located in Namgyo areas. So in order to observe and abide by Hongmu protocols and establish Seonghwang- dan altars, the existing Seonghwang-sa shrines had to be brought down and abolished('廢祠設壇'). Yet such practices were not being done by the government in a unilateral fashion, and were only being conducted inside local areas in a random fashion. And to the Hyangri clerks and ordinary people the existing Seonghwang-sa shrines were still very important. So in the Joseon dynasty's early days, only few regions showed such changes, and in most of the regions the Seonghwang-sa shrines continued to exist and be respected. This situation remained the same for quite some time. But as the people's understanding of Neo-Confucianism grew, a new world perspective that considered the Sino-centric order based upon ceremonial protocols & teaching to be universal values and source of obligation spreaded throughout the local regions. Such practices started to occur in a concentrated fashion everywhere in the country, roughly around the 1670s. And that was the reason that the 'Namgyo' trend became vivid in this period, the latter half period of Joseon. In the meantime, because the practice of 'abolishing shrines and establishing altars(廢祠設壇)' happened everywhere inside local communities at the time, conflicts between local administrators & local Sajok influentials and local Hyangri clerks and ordinary civilians continued to occur over the issue, reflecting various situations that existed inside local regions. They displayed both a general trend and also regional characteristics, while some regions did not display such practice at all. That resulted in the 'Namgyo trend' and other various kinds of activities in local regions.

조선초기 국가 위상과 ‘聲敎自由’

최종석(Choi, Jong suk) 한국사연구회 2013 한국사연구 Vol.162 No.-

Since the reign of Emperor Hongmu-je, Chinese Ming dynasty granted (Goryeo, and then) Joseon of the ‘Seong’gyo Ja’yu(聲敎自由)’ authority, and the Joseon government purposely embraced that. This ‘authority granting’ was actually inherited from a past convention, in which the Mongol Yuan empire promised the Goryeo government that Goryeo would be able to retain their past traditions(‘Bulgae Topung, 不改土風’). The Goryeo government as well actively utilized such agreement. Ming, in the footsteps of Yuan, sent to Joseon the Ming emperor’s royal edicts containing instructions in the form of ‘Seong’gyo Ja’yu’ and created the appearance of granting Joseon (and perviously Goryeo) a certain level of autonomy. Ming’s intention was to declare itself as the successor of Yuan empire’s ‘substantial’ control of the world, and to do that Ming needed a device, a procedural step of granting the subordinate state’s autonomy and independence. The Joseon government utilized such authorization not in issues involving Ming, but in domestic issues that involved the Confucian governmental officials as well as the king himself. They accepted and embraced ‘Seong’gyo Ja’yu’ in a hope and attempt to preserve the Joseon autonomy and independence in the context of Sino-centric universal culture.

논문 : 고려 전기 지역방어체계의 특징

최종석 ( Jong Suk Choi ) 수선사학회 2011 史林 Vol.0 No.40

This study aims to review the overall characteristics of the local defense system in the early Koryo dynasty. It can be summarized that it was grounded on the regional community defense systems. I also found out that such regional community defense system did not operate itself but perform its role in the context of local defense system in Koryo dynasty. From the perspective of local defense system, the Koryo was dependent on the community self-defense capability of each region. Thus, each Kunhyun(郡縣) meant to be the unit of defense system. Koryo people in each Kunhyun had been able to defend themselves centering on the local castle as the center of their administrative control. It can be maintained that the Mongol invasion marked a turning point in the manner of such a local defense system of Koryo dynasty.

高麗前期 保勝 · 精勇軍의 性格과 地方軍 構成에 대한 再檢討

최종석(Choi Jong-suk) 湖西史學會 2011 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.58

한국사상(韓國思想)사학(史學) : 조선초기 제후국 체제 운영의 특징과 그에대한 맥락적 이해

최종석 ( Choi Jong Suk ) 한국사상문화학회 2013 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.70 No.-

본고는 제후국 체제를 철저하고 온전하게 운영하고자 한 조선초기의 움직임을 부각하고 아울러 그것의 역사적 맥락을 규명하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 우선적으로 조선초기 국가의 위상이 대내외적으로 공히 중국의 外國이면서 동시에 제후국이었고 이는 ‘원간섭기’ 이래로 지속되어 온 현상이었음을 논급하였다. 그러한 후 조선초기에 ‘원간섭기’와 다름없이 제후국의 위상이 국내에까지 관철된 이유를 탐색하였다. 특히 조선에 들어 제후국의 위상 내지 제후국제가, ‘원간섭기’에서와는 달리, 자발적으로 보다 철저히 구현되었음을 주목하였다. 이상의 검토를 토대로 하여, 조선에 들어 제후국의 위상 내지 제후국제가 자발적으로 보다 철저히 구현된 움직임의 역사적 맥락을 추적하고자 했다. 곧 조선에 들어서의 제후국 명분의 견지는 기본적으로 명에 의한, 혹은 명을 의식한 외향적 행위가 아니라 중화(문명)를 보편적인 것으로 여기는 세계관 속에서 이상적 중화 문명을 구현하고자 하는 일환에서 이루어졌을 것으로 보았다. The Joseon thinkers` tendency and decisions were not only out of their former experiences of enduring powerful Chinese dynasties. They themselves believed that the new world order and honor codes were identical with what they pursued as universal and obligatory. And they really wanted to repair Joseon to make it a state equipped with all those things. So they relentlessly pursued their own intentions in domestic reforms, no matter Ming urged the Joseon people to do so or not. In domestic reforms, the Joseon officials rather employed certain `original` methods to fulfill Joseon`s rightful status as a vassal state(分義).

한국의 ‘전통적’ 邑治 경관의 창출에 관한 試論

崔鍾奭(Choi Jong-Suk) 歷史敎育硏究會 2009 역사교육 Vol.112 No.-

The local administrative centers(邑治) of the Joseon dynasty period were centers of local ruling and administration, yet they were not mere ruling centers, they served as central locations that functioned as economic centers and important traffic junctures inside local areas. But the ‘scenery’ of such local administrative centers had never been examined from a historical perspective, and most of the studies have only analyzed the forms of those sceneries and perceived them as forms that could fall into a same category that had been labelled as ‘traditional form’. The so-called ‘traditional’ scenery of the local administrative centers can be characterized with its inherent geomantic configuration of their own inner spaces, and as we can see from the term ‘traditional’, many people tend to perceive them as products created outside the frame of time or history. This ‘traditional’ scenery of the local administrative centers is understood as a result that was established out of efforts of trying to adjust to the climatic environment (of Korea) which has many mountains and also a Northwest seasonal wind, and as a result that also came from a situation where people could get logs to burn and wild edible greens from the mountains and engage in agricultural production by using water from the rivers. We could say that the formation of this ‘traditional’ scenery of the local administrative centers has only been explained with variables that were not necessarily products of a particular time period. And the examples which did not fit with the ‘traditional’ scenery of the local administrative centers have been casually explained as a result of mere geological reasons. But we should be aware that the so-called ‘traditional’ scenery of the local administrative centers were only formed around the transitional period between the Goryeo and Joseon periods, and that such particular ‘traditional’ scenery of the Joseon dynasty had been perceived as a typical norm and also a norm beyond time. Unlike the local administrative offices of the Joseon period, which were usually positioned in auspicious places located in front of ‘main mountains’(in terms of geomancy), the administrative centers(治所, including the office buildings) of either the ancient or Goryeo dynasty were usually located ‘on’ the mountains(which generally served as ‘anterior mountains’ for the Joseon local administrative centers). And in those periods, political and military reasons mainly determined the locations of local administrative centers. We can see that the most important aspect of the scenery of the local administrative centers, namely the location itself, was so different between the ancient & Goryeo periods and the Joseon period, so it would be difficult to say that the former period’s ‘scenery’ was based upon geomantic elements just like the Joseon dynasty’s ‘scenery’. In the meantime, Goryeo dynasty’s capital itself happened to have geomantic elements, unlike the local administrative centers of the same period. The Gaegyeong capital was a relatively new one, and when it was named capital of the dynasty it was given a rebirth and a nature that was unattached to any previous norms inherited from the Shilla dynasty’s local administrative institutions, and in the process it was equipped with geomantic elements as well, which were never present in earlier periods' capitals. Unlike the ancient & Goryeo dynasty periods, in Joseon dynasty many of the local administrative centers in Gun & Hyeon units were showing geomantic elements and considerations, and it was basically because when the local administrative units(which had assumed the form of mountain fortresses) moved to the nearby plain areas during the transitional period between the Goryeo and Joseon dynasty, many regions established their own new local administrative center structures that were modeled after the main capital. In the wake of this kind of transformation that occurred inside the local ruling order which

고려초기의 관계(官階) 수여 양상과 광종대 문산계(文散階) 도입의 배경

최종석(Choi Jong-suk) 한국역사연구회 2008 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.67

Since Gwan-gye was operated toward safeguarding the vested rights in Early-Koryo period, it had limitations in the bureaucratical grade of rank(位階). Gwan-gye was conferred to not only bureaucrats, but also local powers. However, a part of low bureaucrats was unable to receive it. In addition to Gwan-gye, the bureaucratical grade of rank of Silla was used limitedly as a standard in operating bureaucracy. Considering the limitations of operating and nature of Gwan-gye, Munsan-gye(文散階) was introduced in Gwangjong(光宗) period. It seemed to aim three goles. Firstly, Munsan-gye was used in order to absorb low bureaucrats in national orderly system. Secondly, it was introduced for strengthening new low bureaucrats who supported royal authority reinforcement. Because Gwan-gye system was not usually applied to them, they needed to be included in bureaucratical grade of rank system with Munsan-gye. Lastly, it was used to reinforce bureaucracy. In addition to Gwan-gye which was operated safeguarding vested rights, Gwangjong government tried to accomplish the reinforcement of bureaucracy and royal authority with introducing Munsan-gye which was conferred target for solely bureaucrats.

조선전기 淫祀的 城隍祭의 양상과 그 성격

崔鐘奭(Choi Jong-suk) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.204

In the early days of the Joseon dynasty, the government decided to designate only a Seonghwang-je ritual format which was specifically based upon the Chinese Ming dynasty's local ritual protocols as part of the dynasty's official ritual system(正祀), and therefore the Seonghwang-je institutions that hailed from the Goryeo dynasty period, which showed those Seonghwang-je rituals being officially observed by a community, were declared as 'adulterate'. Such declaration was based upon a new perspective to view the so-called 'adulterate ritual' concept. Previously, 'adulterate rituals' only referred to rituals worshipping Shaman gods or other mystical beings. Yet the concept changed, and came to refer to as well either the 'unnecessary, inappropriate rituals', or 'rituals that are not registered in the national roster of official rituals', essentially calling previous Seonghwang-je rituals an adulterate practice. Transformation in some people's perception viewing these so-called 'adulterate rituals' during the transitional period between Goryeo and Joseon dynasties was actually triggered by those people's eagerness and readiness to accept and embrace new perceptions of certain rituals harboring a possibly adulterate nature. Such eagerness and readiness had been growing since the beginning of the Chinese Ming dynasty, and the Koreans' attitude was also based upon the argument which dictated the obligation and necessity of embracing (advanced) institutions of the current lord of the Chinese civilization('時王之制'). Coming into the ]oseon society, rituals for the Seonghwang shrine prepared either privately or publicly(in case of the latter, by the local Hyangri figures), came to be considered unwarranted and also adulterate by some people, and were therefore naturally banned. Yet it was not an easy job to prevent the larger population, in either legal or institutional terms, from still observing such rituals. Either the local leaders or the general population were not ready to accept the sino-centric world view and not to mention a new perspective which would determine a certain convention to be 'adulterate'. So legal and institutional banning was only working inside the capital, and against the literary class, especially the female portion of it. As a result, the 'adulterate' Seonghwang-je ritual from the Goryeo period continued to be observed, and prevailed during the early half of the Joseon dynasty. In the meantime, coming into the 16th century, a new trend of trying to suppress and control such rituals also began to emerge inside local communities as well. Then again, such trend was only apparent in limited areas, and was only occurring sporadically here and there. The public was still not ready to abandon past mentality and previous conventions, and the local literary figures had no choice but to acknowledge the situation and also participate in such rituals, while only a handful, 'pioneering' local prefects and local influentials(the same Sajok figures) were trying to control the rituals, and bring a change to the people's habits and customs. Private observations of the Seonghwang rituals, or of the community itself prepared by Hyangri figures continued in the 17th century. Yet the locations of such Seonghwang shrines, or structures related to the Seonghwang rituals, suggest that the 'adulterate' Seonghwang-je ritual observation was indeed weakening, especially in the latter half of the 17th century. First, the destruction of many Seonghwang shrines during wartime in the late 16th century must have paved a way for changing the frame of Seonghwang ritual observation itself(which was reflected in the early efforts of 'demolishing the Seonghwang-sa shrines and newly constructing Seonghwang-dan altars'/'廢祠設壇'). Secondly, the condition inside local communities have changed, as after mid 17th century, the local clerks and the commoners as well started to imitate and actively embrace the Yangban culture, which caus

한영우(韓永愚)선생 정년 기념호 : 논문 ; 나말여초(羅末麗初) 성주(城主),장군의 정치적 위상과 성

최종석 ( Jong Suk Choi ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2004 韓國史論 Vol.50 No.-

여말선초 명(明)의 예제(禮制)와 지방 성황제(城隍祭) 재편

최종석(Choi Jong-suk) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.72

The modifications made to the Seonghwang-je services during the transitional period between Goryeo and Joseon dynasties, were arranged out of a strong denial(negation) of the existing community-wide Seonghwang-je practices that had been led by the local influentials(Hyangri) and conducted as an official function. Such modification opted to establish the Ming dynasty's local Seonghwang protocols(which were developed by the founder of the Ming dynasty and were new ones even in China as well) as the legitimate and main protocols(正祀) for the Seonghwang-je practice in Joseon. This task of modification began in 1392, the first year of king Taejo’s reign, and continued during the early days of the Joseon dynasty, motivated by considerable changes in environment that involved the Seonghwang-je practice and took place during the ending days of the Goryeo dynasty. In July 1370(19th year of king Gongmin-wang's reign), Ming's imperial edict was sent to the Goryeo government. This edict was originally issued earlier in June the same year, and contained Ming government's order (for the Goryeo dynasty) to get rid of the existing practice of bestowing titles(封號), and the renaming of various entities, like natural geographic figures(mountains and streams) and the Seonghwang figures(嶽鎭海?城隍諸神). Regarding the local Seonghwang figures' titles, it was ordered only to name them with administratively discerning titles and with no other bestowed titles whatsoever. Due to this new protocol, special occasions in which certain Seonghwang figures from several regions which were acknowledged with their own miraculous qualities were exceptionally given with official titles and registered in the memorial service roster(祀典), ceased to exist. And the dynastic service roster came to show no local Seonghwang figures registered. This renaming of the Seonghwang figures was an attempt of negating and dismantling the existing mentality toward Seonghwang figures and the religious customs that involved them. Ming dynasty was strongly urging Goryeo to do so, and the reason that Ming tried to bring modifications to even the Goryeo dynasty's memorial services for the mountains and streams, was because it developed a new kind of perception toward the natural figures not only in China but also inside adjacent subordinate states(藩屬國). Ming considered the mountains and streams in countries that pledged loyalty as a vassal(臣附) to China, as entities the very same with China's own mountains and streams. In other words, Ming considered them all objects of memorial services that should be held, carried and overseen by the emperor himself. This perception was indeed a new one, and was essentially extending the ceremonial and ritual protocols of the master country(천자국) to the vassal states, opening a new chapter in the sino-centered traditional order. Ming dynasty's order to Goryeo to change its own internal practices and protocols was to urge the Goryeo people to observe and abide by this universal cause, and relevant course of actions. Yet, on the other hand, apparently Goryeo as a whole was not that acceptive to this kind of urging. The environment was not so welcoming to such demand. The order itself, and the Neo-Confucian nuances and aspiration embedded inside that order should have been warmly considered by the newcomer Goryeo scholar-officials of the time(both philosophically and epistemologically). Those Goryeo scholar-officials must have perceived Ming's order not as a threatening display of force but as a suggestion of a course of action based upon universal order and ritual protocols. Yet, there is no concrete reference to Goryeo people's acceptance and compliance to such order, and it seems that was because of the ever changing political landscape of the Goryeo dynasty at the time, which was witnessing the assassination of king Gongmin-wang and the killing of a Ming emissary that ensued, events that must have made it difficult for the scholar-officials to