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We have seen that the ceonomic crisis which broke out in the wake of the first oil shock eventually brought to a complete halt the expansion of the German welfare rotate. There by the struggle against the stagflation phenomenon coincided with a renewed emphasis on export performance. The pursuit of these twin objectives took on a definite anti-welfare state bias with the advent to power of the Christian Democrats in 1982. But spite of the ideologicalnoise which was produced the conservative government did not undertake any serious attempts at substantive dismantling of the existing welfare state institutions, After some inistial spending cuts in peripheral programmes, it even introduced some new beneftits. The major adjustments in the social security and the public health in surance systems, which implied a certain trimming of benetits, responded to demographic pressure and system-immanent cast escalation. They were meant to contain the welfare state burden on the economy, but net to diminish it or to re-delegate health care and old-age income maintenance to the market. The concluding thesis seems supportable that in the Germany the concern for the country's international competitiveness baa (1) contributed to the erosion of effective welfare statism and (2) obstructed the return to it. But With equal truth we could say that solidarity push the search for effected solutions with sufficient impetus into on working time reduction has so far been an alibi for the avoidance of unpleasant decisions.
This writing is written for identifying Habermas thought about late capitalist state and its crisis tendencies. He understands that late capitalist societies confronted various problems that can be regarded as crisis phenomena specific to the systems. In liberal capitalism, crises appear in the form of unresolved economic steering problems. Dangers to system integration are direct threats to social integration, and economic system has the first and fundamental functions. In capitalism, the class relationship is institutionalized through the labor market and is thereby depolitalized. The market assumes a double function: on the one haled, it functions as a steering mechanism in the system of social labor, which is controlled through the medium of money; on the other, it institutionalizes a power relation between owners of the means of production and wage laborers. The economic system requires an input of work and capital. The output consists in consumable values, which are distributed over time according to quantity and type among social strata. A crisis that derives from inadiquate input is a typical of the capitalist mode of production. The crises of liberal capitalism were output disturbances. The crisis cycle again and atwain placed in question the distribution of values in conformity with the system. If economic crisis tendencies persist in late capitalism, this indicates that government actions intervening in the realization process obey, no less than exchange process, spontaneously working economic law. Therefore the qualitatively expanded role of bureaucratic state power is indispensable. But, according to Habermas, this is another basis of displacement of crisis tendencies through intensified bureaucratic planning. Late capitalism is a contradictory unity, whose naturalizing tendencies are counteracted by a failing rate of the production and reproduction of meaningful sociopolitical relations. Reinforced by the disorganizing and contradictory effects of bureaucratic planning, loyally problems reduce the capacity of rouling groups to motivate and discipline their dependents.