프랭클린 D. 루스벨트의 ‘선린정책’과 멕시코의 석유 국유화

박구병(Koo-Byoung Park) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2007 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.20 No.4

This article shows how Franklin D. Roosevelt(FDR)’s Good Neighbor policy affected the Latin American country’s internal affairs by paying special attention to the Mexican expropriation policy of oil wells managed by foreign multinational corporations in March 1938. During the Lazaro Cardenas presidency, the multinational oil enterprises that had operated in Mexico soon came under severe criticism for their maltreatment of workers and their failure to adhere to Mexican laws and pay taxes. The Mexican workers who were considered largely underpaid, precipitated a series of strikes in the main oil production areas and the situation reached a point of crisis. On March 18, 1938, Cardenas issued a decree that substantially expropriated oil wells of multinational corporations and nationalized the entire domestic petroleum industry. Facing with the international crisis surrounding the oil expropriation, the Roosevelt administration consistently maintained Good Neighbor policy that would produce a longer effect regarding the national interests. Good Neighbor policy paved a more favorable foundation for pan-American cooperation that would function effectively as the Western hemisphere became closely involved with the wartime situation especially after summer of 1939. Because of its geographical proximity, vast natural resources, and a lack of appropriate protection of unguarded shores, unprotected oil fields and mines, Mexico became a main strategic concern for the U.S. defense project. From the U.S. perspective, this possibility was very significant for several reasons: Mexico shared southern border with the U.S.; Mexico was the second largest Latin American country in population; Mexico had more questions at issue with the U.S. than any of others, especially culminated in oil expropriation dispute; finally other Latin American countries considered the U.S. approach toward Mexico as a yardstick of the reliability of the Good Neighbor policy. The Cardenas’ presidency has been recognized as the culmination of revolutionary nationalism in Mexico because of his reform politics such as agrarian and labor reform as well as the oil nationalization. Cardenas was able to strengthen at least symbolically the economic independence by means of the expropriation of oil industry that had formerly been controlled by foreign companies, and took advantage of the wartime situation to avoid overall boycott of the Mexican oil products before the end of his and Roosevelt’s presidential terms. However, right after the promulgation of oil expropriation, his reform politics began to change its preceding radical orientation. FDR’s Good Neighbor policy exercised gradual influence on Cardenas’ change of pace in his internal politics and eventually succeeded in steering Mexico to a new phase of mutual cooperation.

독립 이후 라틴아메리카 지식인들의 유럽 인식과 자기정체성 탐색 - 볼리바르에서 바스콘셀로스까지 -

박구병 ( Koo Byoung Park ) 한국서양사학회 2006 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.91

[스페인ㆍ라틴아메리카] 이베로아메리카사 : '국내 최초'의 연구에서 질적 수준의 심화로

朴枸炳(Park Koo-byoung) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.203

‘눈까 마스’와 ‘침묵협정’ 사이 : 심판대에 선 아르헨티나 군부의 ‘더러운 전쟁’

박구병(Koo-Byoung Park) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2005 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.18 No.2

This article examines the Argentine case of confronting the tragic past of the Dirty War from 1976 to 1983, during which period the military junta completely dominated political processes and carried out repressive politics of anti-subversion in an unprecedented manner. Thus the military regime left indelible trauma in Argentines' mind. At least 9,000 people disappeared according to the official source and certain human rights groups claim as many as 30,000 may have been assassinated during the period. This article pays special attention to civilian government -sponsored political and judicial practice regarding the inhumane crimes committed by the military junta. It also explores how the Alfonsin and Menem governments attempted to restrain military influence which enjoyed striking levels of power and privilege even after the transition to democracy. The features of Argentine confrontation of the Dirty War can be summarized as follows; First of all, after the Dirty War, the Alfonsin government established the National Commission of the Disappeared (CONADEP) that would finally submit a large volume of official report titled Nunca Mas(Never More) on the terrible state terror during the period of military dictatorship. Second, although the subsequent judical procedure tried to punish perpetrators, the human rights trials provoked military rebellions by carapintadas and finally led to political compromises through a series of laws of pardon( leyes de perdon) and presidential pardons. Third, in overall atmosphere of pact of silence and oblivion, there had been indefatigable and intransigent challenges by victims' family insisting on elucidating what really happens to the numerous disappeared. This article finds that civilian governments in post-authoritarian Argentina had managed to make progress in challenging military prerogatives. However, the results were not positive in human rights issue. Facing with military repulsion, civilians had to negotiate the scope of indictment and degree of punishment with the military perpetrators and even accept military impunity. In doing so, the Argentine process of confronting the tragic nearly ended in political compromises by closing the judicial process, rather than pursing reconciliation. However, recently the Nestor Kirchner administration opened up a new chapter of Argentine confrontation of the tragic past by supporting legislative activities to repeal ley de impunidadand groping for a new possibility to elucidate the issue of the disappeared and put the perpetrators on trial. In sum, confronting the past in Argentina indicates that it is an unfinished process which often entails acute conflicts and controversies in a given society surrounding the important issues such as victims and perpetrators, and accountability and punishment. It should be noted that confronting the past cannot be accomplished in a single round but rather should be regarded as a continual and persistent process that deals with new questions over time.

근대건축물 정밀안전진단 사례

박구병(Park, Koo-Byoung),김동희(Kim, Dong-Hee),이석호(Lee, Seok-Ho),김민수(Kim, Min-Soo) 한국구조물진단유지관리학회 2011 한국구조물진단학회 학술발표회논문집 Vol.15 No.1

The purpose of this inspection and structural anlysis is to find the physical and functional flaw about modern Building, in addition to check structural safety of modern Building because of the effect surrounding construction sites.

멕시코 혁명기 ( 1910 -1920 ) 사빠따 운동 ( Zapatismo ) 의 성격

박구병(Koo Byoung Park) 한국서양사연구회 1994 서양사연구 Vol.16 No.-

N/A

세계에 비춰 본 유럽 : 아메리카노의 독립투쟁과 에스파냐 자유주의의 변화, 1808~1823

박구병 ( Koo Byoung Park ) 한국서양사학회 2012 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.112

This article attempts to examine the Spanish response to the dissolution of Spain`s empire in the Americas and the influence of Latin American independent movements on Spain`s political shift during the period of 1808~1823. It also pays to be attentive to some aspects of transatlantic interrelation by focusing on to what extent political ups and downs in the Iberian peninsular shaped by Americanos` struggle for self-government and independence. From the late 18th century to the early 19th century, the Spanish Atlantic Empire was embroiled in intense battles for independence and liberal revolution. Meanwhile, Spain`s response to independent movements of its American colonies was determined by a single and consistent policy: uncompromising disapproval of independence. The Constitution of 1812, albeit applauded as a hallmark of Spanish liberalism, demonstrated the moral dilemma and contradictory move of Spanish liberals who decided to deprive African descendants , blacks and castes, of their suffrage. In other words, the Constitution of 1812 itself was discriminatory toward Americanos and their demands for equal representation in the Cortes. Furthermore, the restoration of Fernando VII to the throne in May 1814 led to a complete reappraisal of colonial policies and preparation for the military reconquest of American colonies, some of whom pursued independence. In January 1820, sedition spread among the junior officers of expeditionary forces led by Major Rafael del Riego who fostered ideals of restoring the liberal 1812 constitution and firmly believed that its implementation was the last chance to save the empire. However, the Constitutional triennium , 1820~1823, had to give a way to the second restoration in a state of political division among the liberals. Spanish political process from the first restoration in 1814 to the second one in 1823 was full of dramatic turnabouts and conversion that could compare to the French revolutionary decade. The rapid and violent political oscillation in Spain during the period impeded the possibilities of its recovery of former colonies slipping away in America. The political ups and downs in the Iberian peninsular were closely linked to the process of Americanos` struggle for independence. Indeed, the revolutions in America contributed towards, if not directly produced, a series of crises in the Spanish ancient regime and the breakdown of the Spanish empire by providing the motive power for the Spanish liberal reform.

망명 이주민 멘추의 삶에 나타난 세계시민성의 단면

박구병(Koo-Byoung Park) 한국사회과교육연구학회 2009 사회과교육 Vol.48 No.4

마야 원주민인 리고베르타 멘추는 과테말라 내전이 낳은 망명 이주민으로서 군부독재체제의 원주민 학살을 고발하고 내전의 종식과 원주민 권리 회복을 위해 노력함으로써 1992년 노벨평화상을 수상했다. 그의 인생역정을 요약한다면 국경을 넘는 삶 또는 지역과 국가의 틀을 넘어 전 세계를 무대로 활동하는 초국적인 삶이라고 할 만하다. 망명 이주민 멘추의 생애는 무엇보다 다양한 이주와 이동, 즉 국내 추방, 이웃 국가인 멕시코로의 망명, 세계 각지 순방과 국제기구를 활용하는 정치 활동 등을 통해 세계의 여러 문제를 인식하게 될 뿐만 아니라 원주민 공동체와 지역, 국가, 세계를 연계시키는 세계시민의 귀감이 된다. 또 노벨평화상 수상을 계기로 진보적 성향의 정치 세력과 지식인들의 우상이 된 멘추가 사고의 독립성을 견지하는 가운데 혁명 투쟁으로부터 점차 새로운 방식의 사회운동으로 활동의 폭을 넓혔다는 점에 주목할 필요가 있다. 아울러 멘추의 삶은 신자유주의적 세계화 시대를 풍미한‘위로부터의 세계시민성’과 대비되는‘아래로부터의 세계시민성’의 실례를 제시해준다. This article focuses on the relationship between political upheaval and migration through the life of asylum seeker Rigoberta Menchu from Guatemala and pays special attention to the contribution of her transnational life to the discussion of global citizenship. Rigoberta Menchu Tum, a Mayan born in Guatemala, became an international icon for the rights of indigenous people in the Americas and ethnocultural reconciliation, especially after receiving the 1992 Nobel Peace Prize. The life of Rigoberta Menchu can be summarized as a life of “Crossing Borders,” just as the English title of her second book exposes. First of all, Menchu became a model global citizen who interconnects a local community, the national, and the global through her dramatic transnational experiences. It should be also noted that she increasingly evolved into a public figure with propensity for independence of thoughts. In addition, Menchu’s life gives a wonderful example of radical democratic conceptions of global citizenship, in other words, “global citizenship from below” that may be the strongest alternative to globalization and “global citizenship from above.”

‘멕시코혁명기념건축물’과 혁명 기억의 재건

박구병(Park, Koo-Byoung) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2016 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.29 No.4

This article examines why the post-revolutionary state built public commemorative memorials such as the Monument to the Revolution in Mexico City to glorify the Mexican Revolution and perpetuate its official memory. The significance of the Monument to the Revolution in reinforcing national integration and unification as well as in prolonging its commemoration has been only marginally discussed. Post-revolutionary leaders regarded the cityscape as an artifact of the Revolution, and therefore a way of demonstrating the direction of the national government following the prolonged revolutionary upheaval. The historian Patrice Elizabeth Olsen properly points out that the construction of the Monument to the Revolution was intended to reconstruct public memory of the Revolution as well as contemporary history, and to reconcile rival forces by removing Europhilic symbols of the Porfirio Díaz regime, such as the Palace of the Federal Legislature. The Monument adopted Prehispanic architectural forms to extol indigenous cultures and mexicanidad. Also inherent in the monument were the legitimation of post-revolutionary state and a symbolic reclamation of public space. The Monument to the Revolution in the capital city was paradigmatic, not only of revolutionary change, but also of a grand transition from the nationalist struggle for Independence to the liberal Reform of the mid-19th century, culminating in the Revolution of the 20th century. However, the enduring, evocative power of the Monument has had more to do with a subsequent modification that was carried out in the early 1940s, rather than with its original design and concepts in the previous decade. Its architect then designed an honored cemetery for five revolutionary leaders, and thereafter the meaning of the Monument and its linkage with the Revolution were definitively enhanced.

세사르 차베스의 변모

박구병(Park Koo-Byoung) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2011 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.24 No.3

Since the spring of 1962, Cesar Chavez and his colleagues had launched a historical struggle for farm workers’ unionization in the San Joaquin Valley of California. Events in California in 1965 -1966 such as successful unionization of farm workers in the National Farm Workers’ Association (NFWA), statewide boycott campaigns, and a famous procession to Sacramento promoted Cesar Chavez to the rank of the great U.S. labor leaders. It was a historic moment that was comparable to the emergence of the civil rights movement in the mid-1950s for African Americans. Hence, the historical significance of Cesar Chavez transcends the field of labor history. Indeed, he is considered to have been a great civil rights leader among Mexican Americans and other Latino groups which had suffered from ‘internal colonialism’ and had been treated as second-class citizens in the United States. Cesar Chavez was able to solicit hundreds of individual stories of injustice and reweave them into a broader story of economic, political, and racial injustice that enabled him to speak on behalf of Mexican descendants throughout the United States. Although Cesar Chavez saw himself primarily as a labor organizer rather than an ethnic movement leader, the farm workers’ struggle that he headed encouraged what came to be known as the Chicano movement since the late 1960s and it was embraced by many Chicanos as a part of the movement to assert pride in their ethnic heritage and affirm their cultural citizenship. Moreover, Cesar Chavez came across as a spiritual leader and not merely a symbol of ethnic identity. He was a pious Catholic and sincerely demonstrated his strong religious beliefs in practice such as nonviolent acts of resistance to authority, fasting, prayer, and meditation. As a result, he was also revered as if he were a political saint in a form of civil religion which was quite unusually developed for him as an exceptional leader of a social movement.