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동해 실시간 해양관측 부이로부터 관측한 태풍 매미에 대한 연안해양의 반응 고찰
남성현,윤재열,김구,Nam, Sung-Hyun,Yun, Jae-Yul,Kim, Kuh 한국해양학회 2004 바다 Vol.9 No.3
한국 동해시에서 약 10 km떨어진 수심 130 m해역에 실시간 동해 해양관측 부이를 계류하여 기상(기온, 기압, 풍속, 순간최대풍속, 풍향, 상대습도) 및 해양(파랑, 해수물성, 전층해류) 자료를 실시간으로 수집하였다. 2003년 9월 13일 03:00에 태풍 매미의 눈이 한국 울진시 부근을 통과할 때, 순간최대풍속은 25 m/s(10분 평균풍속은 최대 20 m/s) 그리고 최저기압은 980 hPa로 기록되었다. 파고는 이로부터 한 시간 뒤인 04:00에 최대가 되었으며 유의파고는 4 m 그리고 최대파고는 9 m에 이르렀다. 표층부근에서 측정된 유속은 태풍의 눈이 통과한 뒤 점차 증가하여 약10시간 뒤인 13:00에는 약 100 cm/s에 달하였고 그 방향은 남남동이었다. 강한 남남동향류를 동반한 표층혼합층은 고온저염의 특성을 유지하였으며, 그 두께는 같은 10시간동안 20 m에서 40 m로 서서히 증가하였다. 일정경사면의 해저지형을 가지는 해양에서 해안선방향의 순간 바람에 대한 이층유체의 반응을 알아보기 위해 Csanady(1984)가 제안한 간단한 해석모형을 적용하였다. 그 결과 실시간 해양관측부이의 계류 위치(x=8.15 km)에서 태풍의 눈 통과 후 10시간동안 전개된 해안선 방향과 이에 수직한 방향의 유속구조와 상하층의 경계에 대한 적절한 추정치를 얻을 수 있었고, 태풍 매미 통과 후 동해시 연안해양의 특징적인 반응을 부분적으로 설명할 수 있었다. An ocean buoy was deployed 10 km off Donghae city, Korea at a depth of 130 m to measure meteorological (air pressure, air temperature, wind speed, wind gust, wind direction, relative humidity) and oceanographic data (water properties and currents in the whole column) in real-time. The buoy recorded a maximum wind gust of 25 m/s (10 minutes' average speed of 20 m/s) and a minimum air pressure of 980 hPa when the eye of typhoon Maemi passed by near the Uljin city, Korea at 03:00 on 13 September 2003. The wave height reached maximum of 9 m with the significant wave height of 4 m at 04:00 (1 hour after the passage of Maemi). The currents measured near the surface reached up to about 100 cm/s at 13:00 (10 hours after the passage of Maemi). The mixed layer (high temperature and low salinity) thickness, which was accompanied by strong southward current, gradually increased from 20 m to 40 m during the 10 hours. A simple two layer model for the response to an impulsive alongshore wind over an uniformly sloping bottom developed by Csanady (1984) showed reasonable estimates of alongshore and offshore currents and interface displacement for the condition of typhoon Maemi at the buoy position (x=8.15 km) during the 10 hours.
남성현(Nam, Sunghyun),김선회(Kim, Sun-Hoi) 한국음운론학회 2018 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.24 No.1
Focusing on the phonological neighborhood defined by Turnbull and Peperkamp (2017: 83) as “two words are neighbors of each other if they differ by the deletion, addition or substitution of one and only one segment,” we analyzed the characteristics of phonological neighborhood networks (PNN) in English and Korean words in order to investigate the interrelation between words in these two languages. Here, a PNN is assumed to represent the mental lexicon. In the case of English, 33,329 high-frequency words were selected as target words from the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA) (Davies 2008), and in the case of Korean, 32,698 high-frequency words were selected as target words from SJ-RIKS (Kang and Kim 2009). Using R (R Core Team 2016) and Pajek (de Nooy et al. 2011), we formed the PNN matrices of both languages, and using these matrices, measured the key indicators of each language’s PNN, such as the number and size of sub-PNNs in each PNN, the proportion of the giant component size, average shortest path length, average clustering coefficient, and assortative mixing by degree (AMD). Through a quantitative analysis of these key indicators, it was shown that the network measurements reflect a language particularity between English and Korean, and at the same time the two PNNs shared the characteristics of a “small-world network” (Watts and Strogatz 1998) and a high value of AMD.
초기 비잔틴 시대(4-7세기)의 기독교적 빈민보호시설의 발전과 병원의 탄생
남성현(NAM Sung Hyun) 대한의사학회 2015 醫史學 Vol.24 No.1
This study aims to examine the beginning and the development of Christian Charities during the 4th-6th centuries which would eventually result in the birth of the hospital in modern sense in the first half of the 7th century. For this purpose, I looked carefully into various primary sources concerning the early Christian institutions for the poor and the sick. Above all, it’s proper to note that the first xenodocheion where hospitality was combined with a systematic caring, is concerned with the Trinitarian debate of the 4th century. In 356, Eustathios, one of the leaders of homoiousios group, established xenodocheion to care for the sick and the lepers in Sebaste of Armenia, whereas his opponent Aetios, doctor and leader of the heteroousios party, was reckoned to have combined the medical treatment with his clerical activities. Then, Basil of Caesarea, disciple of Eustathios of Sebaste, also founded in 372 a magnificent benevolent complex named ‘Basileias’ after its founder. I scrupulously analysed several contemporary materials mentioning the charitable institution of Caesarea which was called alternatively katagogia, ptochotropheion, xenodocheion. John Chrysostome also founded several nosokomeia in Constantinople at the end of the 4th century and the beginning of the 5th century. Apparently, the contemporary sources mention that doctors existed for these Charities, but there is no sufficient proof that these ‘Christian Hospitals,’ Basileias or nosokomeia of Constantinople were hospitals in modern sense. Imperial constitutions began to mention ptochotropheion, xenodocheion and orphanotropheion since the second half of the 5th century and then some Justinian laws evoked nosokomium, brephotrophia, gerontocomia. These laws reveal that ‘Christian Hospitals’ were well clarified and deeply rooted in Byzantine society already in these periods. And then, new benevolent institutions emerged in the 6th century: nosokomeia for a specific class and lochokomeia for maternity. In addition, one of the important functions of Sampson Xenon was, according to Novel 59, to hold a funeral service for the people of Constantinople. Nevertheless, there is no sufficient literary material that could demonstrate the existence of a hospital in modern sense. The first hospital where outpatient service, hospitalization and surgery were confirmed was Sampson Xenon in the first half of the 7th century, figured in the tale of Stephanos of the The Miracles of St. Artemios. Why was the early Byzantine literary so reticent as to write the medical activities in the Christian Charities? It’s because Christian innovation didn’t rest on the medical treatment but caring for the poor and the sick, depending on the word of Mt. 25.35-36. In this meaning, I’d like to say that the Early Byzantine history of Christian Charities or ‘Christian Hospitals’ consists of only a footnote of the verse.