근대 한국 민주주의 문화의 전통 수립과 특질

김정인(Kim, Jeong-in) 한국역사연구회 2013 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.87

In this article, reconstruction of the historical nature of the Korean modern democracy will be attempted. But it will not view democracy as something foreign that was transplanted upon Korean soil. Democracy will be analyzed as a network of values, convictions, and action. It will be perceived as a culture. Democratic values supporting horizontal relationships among people, such as freedom, equality and independence, replaced traditional Confucian values which supported vertical relationships, such as loyalty or filial piety. Democratic values prompted not only individuals but also groups and institutions to change, and established themselves as a culture in Korea. First, we shall remember that it was the people who inherited the Korean traditions of democratic nature, and connected them to the democratic reforms. The Dong"hak Peasantry movement, the Gabo-year reform which was a democratic effort performed under a despotic kingdom, the Parliamentary Foundation movement which was staged by the Independence Club and Man"min Gongdong-hwe and strived for a Legal Kingdom and the realization of democracy, and the March 1st movement in 1919 which demanded freedom and equality for the Korean people, and the foundation of the Dae"han Min"guk Provisional Government as a Republic. All the turning points in Korean history of democracy were triggered by the people themselves. Second, the characteristic nature of Korean modern democracy should be examined from two directions. Modern historical studies have concentrated their focus upon nationalism. Instead of maintaining such trend, the concept of "Group Democracy" should be examined. The logic of independence argued by modern nationalism can be interpreted in democratic terms, and judging from that angle, another argument that "freedom and equality for all the Korean people, in other words democracy for all the Korean people, is the same with independence, also works. And another characteristic of the Korean modern democratic culture is that the concept of equality established itself in the Korean history rather quickly, since the appearance of social demands in the 19th century for the abolishment of the social class system, through the Equality argument in the "Dae"han Min"guk Provisional Constitution" in 1919. In the process, discriminative Confucianism lost its ground, and lowborn and female population became part of the people.

공공리더십에 관한 경험적 연구

김정인(Kim, Jungin) 한국지방정부학회 2017 지방정부연구 Vol.21 No.3

본 연구는 현대 행정환경 변화에 효과적으로 적용될 수 있는 공공리더십을 관료적･절차적 리더십, 변혁적 리더십, 윤리적 리더십, 협력적 리더십 차원에서 제시하였다. 오늘날 급변하는 행정환경 특성에 적합한 공공부문 리더십은 하나의 주류적 리더십이 아니라 다차원적인 리더십이다. 이와 관련해 본 연구에서는 행정환경 변화의 직접적이고도 중요한 현장이 되는 지방자치단체 소속 공공기관의 리더들을 대상으로 심층인터뷰를 시행하여 관료적･절차적 리더십, 변혁적 리더십, 윤리적 리더십, 협력적 리더십이 행정 현장에서 어떻게 적용되고 있는 지를 살펴보았다. 분석 결과 관료적･절차적 리더십은 권위적인 행태가 아닌 절차와 규정에 따른 분권적 리더십으로 나타났고, 변혁적리더십은 공공성 추구라는 공공조직 미션, 비전, 전략목표 설정 시 조직 내･외부 고객 의견을 적극적으로 반영하는과정에서 나타났다. 윤리적 리더십은 리더와 구성원 모두가 지켜야 하는 기본적인 리더십으로 작용하였으며, 협력 리더십은 조직 내･외부 다양한 기관들과 유기적 관계를 형성하는 가운데 나타났다. 이러한 연구결과는 지방자치단체 행정현장의 다차원적인 공공리더십을 경험적으로 분석하였다는 점에서 향후 지방분권시대의 공공부문 리더십연구에 기초자료로 활용될 수 있을 것이다. The research examined an effective public leadership in times of modern administrative environment change in the perspective of four leadership behaviors: bureaucratic or procedural leadership, transformational leadership, ethical leadership, and collaborative leadership. An relevant leadership in times of modern administrative environmental characteristics includes a multi-level integrative public leadership instead of one mainstream leadership behavior. Using the in-depth interviews with the leaders in the public enterprises of local government, this study examined the extent to which they maintained bureaucratic or procedural leadership, transformational leadership, ethical leadership, and collaborative leadership. As a result, bureaucratic or procedural leadership meaned decentralized leadership based on procedure and rule instead of authoritarian leadership; transformational leadership meaned active leadership which reflect various opinions from inside or outside stakeholders in the process of establishing public organizational mission, vision and strategic goals like publicness; ethical leadership meaned basic leadership which all leaders and members should obey; and collaborative leadership meaned network leadership which connect closely with various inside or outside organizations. This research contributes to future public leadership study by conducting an empirical public leadership.

해방 전후 민주주의 들의 변주

김정인 ( Jeong In Kim ) 한림과학원 2013 개념과 소통 Vol.0 No.12

해방 전후 민주주의는 정치적으로 뜨거운 쟁점을 형성한 그야말로 펄펄 살아숨쉬는 개념이었다. 좌익·우익·중도 누구든 신국가 건설에 동참하고자 한다면, 자신들의 정체성을 창조하고 또한 입증하는 데 있어 제일의 이념이자신념으로 수용해야 하는 시대의 화두였다. 좌익은 통합의 가치로 인민민주주의와 진보적 민주주의를 내세우면서도 우익과의 대립각을 분명히 하기 위해 민주주의 대 반민주주의라는 프레임을 구사했다. 우익에게 민주주의는 통합적 가치가 아니었다. 오히려 좌익을 공격하기 위한 정치 무기의 의미가 컸고 미 군정의 도움을 받으며 민주주의 대 공산주의라는 프레임을 확산하고자 애썼다. 민족 분열과 사회 분열의 현실 속에서 통합 가치로 민주주의를 전면에 내세운 것은 중도 세력이었다. 중도좌파에서 중도우파에 이르기까지 다양한 스펙트럼의 신민주주의들이 분출했고, 저마다미국식도 소련식도 아닌 ‘조선식’ 민주주의의 상을 선보이고자 했다. 이상의 분석을 통해 해방 전후 민주주의는 독립과 분단이라는 현실과 운명을 같이했음을 확인할 수 있었다. 독립 후 신국가 건설의 이념으로서의 민주주의는 통합을 추구하는 가치였다. 하지만 국토와 이념의 분단화 과정에서 민주주의는 좌익과 우익에게 서로를 공격하는 무기로 사용되면서 분열의 가치로 작동했다. 민주주의=선이라는 가치가 전도되지는 않았지만, 정쟁 속에서 이념 지형이 달라질 때마다 민주주의=선=?이라는 도식에서 물음표가 변주 되어야만 하는 역동적인 시간을 보냈던 것이다. At the time of liberation, ‘Democracy’ was a living, breathing concept encompassing a wide variety of subtle interpretations which were subject to vigorous debate. Whatever their political stance, whether left or right or anywhere in-between, all who were interested in joining the grand task of creating a new country for the Korean people had to embrace some form of purportedly democratic ideology. All political identities were based around this concept, and all factions had to be ready to defend their democratic credentials. The left wing proclaimed ‘People`s Democracy’ and ‘Progressive Democracy’ in support of their own philosophy of unification, but in order to distance themselves from the right, they presented these ideas within a frame of democracy vs. anti-democracy. Meanwhile, the right wing never considered democracy as a unifying value, and instead used it to attack the left by trying to propagate a frame of democracy vs. communism, and aligning themselves with the U.S. military government. It was only the moderates who proposed democracy as a genuinely unifying principle: witnessing the deep divisions within Korean society, both moderate leftists and moderate rightists suggested a variety of neo-democratic forms, all seeking to present a concept which had not obviously been inspired by the U.S. or the U.S.S.R. The evolution of the concept of democracy ran in parallel with the changing political realities confronting the Korean people: from the liberation of the country through to the division of the Korean peninsula. In fact it was suggested as a value symbolizing unification immediately after the liberation. But when the peninsula was being divided, it came to be used as a weapon in the hands of both the left and the right, taking on the role of an ideology of separation.

"교사인가 도우미인가?"

김정인(Kim Jung In),신창옥(Shin Chang Ok) 한국외국어교육학회 2014 Foreign languages education Vol.21 No.4

This study delves into the temporary English teachers' identities through at their reflective journals and interviews, grounded on Norton's (2000, 2013) and Wenger's (1998) conceptions of identity. In taking second/foreign language teacher education course at a TESOL MA program, 16 teachers' reflective journals and interviews were analyzed qualitatively for emergent themes, in terms of the three modes of belonging in identity formation (Wenger, 1998). The analysis revealed that the participants represented the identities of the controller, the diverse teaching program participant. the teaching activity sharer, the negative future dreamer, and the language expert. Moreover, most of the participants, as non-regular teachers, concerned themselves about their future career as part-timer. To empower non-regular teachers' voices, this study discussed and suggested how to strengthen temporary teachers' identity for their professional development.

창업교육 서비스 품질이 자기효능감, 기대성취 및 교육만족도에 미치는 영향

김정인(Jeongin-Kim),주명규(Joo, Myoung-Kyu),이일한(Il-Han Lee) 한국벤처창업학회 2012 한국벤처창업학회 학술대회 Vol.2012 No.8

3.1운동 사례를 통해 본 역사 교과서의 시각과 구성에서의 변화 가능성 모색

김정인 ( Kim Jeongin ) 수선사학회 2021 史林 Vol.- No.78

This article proposes to try new compositions as well as alternative viewpoints in history education. Such proposition is based on the author’s own personal experiences in engaging not only historical studies but various educational activities. And in making this very point, the issue of how the March 1^st Movement has been depicted and described in History textbooks seems to be particularly useful. The history of certain events have always been depicted in History textbooks through description of certain elements: background, how it unfolded, and what kind of influence or legacy it left. This is a chronological approach to the event in question, based on a perspective or framework considering causes and result to be very important. The March 1^st Movement is a definitive example of such approach, and as it bear the honor of being a monumental cornerstone in the Korean people’s national efforts for liberation in the 20^th century’s early half, the event itself was most of the time written with a Nationalistic tone. The Movement’s distinctive image and nature of the narrative in the textbooks’ description of the event has remained relatively the same since the government’s First Education plan. Unfortunately, due to repeated description of the March 1^st Movement in this fashion, it is becoming increasingly difficult to break free from such mold, and as a result a rather fixed version of the Movement has been established, while recent academic accomplishments on the event have been constantly ignored. Moreover, certain factual errors concerning how the Movement actually unfolded remain virtually uncorrected, while an ever-growing Nationalist viewpoint emphasizing the Movement’s meaning in world history refuses to embrace new facts and interpretations produced by the community of historians. As a result, discrepancies between the image of the March 1^st Movement in History textbooks, and details of the movement uncovered by historical researches, just continue to build. We should endeavor to escape such Nationalistic point of view, as well as the aforementioned ‘causal’ framework, and indulge ourselves in democratic viewpoints accompanied by thematic approaches, as such effort will lead us to analyze and interpret the March 1^st Movement from fresh new angles. In that case, a number of new ways to teach this historical event to the students, based on new factual details and proper interpretations, will surface in the future.

손동작 인식을 이용한 마우스제어기법

김정인(Jung-In Kim) 한국멀티미디어학회 2012 멀티미디어학회논문지 Vol.15 No.11

1920년대 전반기 普天敎의 浮沈과 民族運動

김정인 ( Kim Jung-in ) 한국민족운동사학회 2001 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.29 No.-

There are still plenty of debates and discussions addressing the matter of quasi-religions going on in the society, and BoChunGyo, the typical example of one of the so-called ‘New Religions' which had come into existence in the Occupation era, is undoubtedly one of the hot spots. This study intended to shed some light on the rise and fall of the BoChunGyo faction, which tried to reform itself into a modernized religion and to affiliate themselves with the National Movement front but instead only failed in the end. This study also noted the fact that BoChunGyo faction was recognized as being a quasi-religion not only by the oppressing Japanese authorities or other quasi―religion factions which were embroiled in their own power struggles, but also by the National Movement front which already had their own point of views able to classify healthy religions(which required to possess certain qualities of modernity and nationality in it) and unhealthy heresies. Though after the 3.1 Movement the size of the BoChunGyo faction was enlarged, its efforts for reformation and attempts to join the National Movement front have eventually failed with their organization of a Pro-Japanese party named ShiGook DaeDongDan. The progressive members have parted company with the BoChunGyo faction in the process, and the faction itself was alienated by other political parties, but for different reasons. The Japanese authorities recognized the faction as being a heretical religion with anti-Japanese agendas, and the National Movement front(including the Socialists) condemned the faction for acting against the cause of the National Movement and also being just so premodern in its nature. The negative sentimentality against BoChunGyo religion which nowadays is still pretty active, was already firmly established in those times. It should be noted that, it was not only because BoChunGyo faction lacked some critical and necessary elements for being a modernized religion nor the Japanese authorities intentionally spreaded malign propaganda to oppress the faction, that they were condemned of being a premodern and anti-social, heretical quasi-religion. It was also because the faction actually conducted many political actions which demonstrated their agendas were indeed against the cause of the National Movement. So it becomes clear that the fact that BoChunGyo suffered heavy damage by the concentrated oppression of the Japanese authorities, or the fact that they attempted to launch some petty joint effort with the National Movement, or the fact that many of its believers and followers were peasants, does not necessarily mean or indicate that there were any significant redeeming quality within the faction.

1919년 3월 1일 만세시위, 연대의 힘

金正仁(Kim Jeong-in) 역사교육연구회 2018 歷史敎育 Vol.147 No.-

In 1919, on the first day of March, people poured out to the streets and shouted “Manse!”, which was a call for the liberation of Korea from Japanese occupation. Those shout-outs were staged in total of seven cities in Korea: Seoul, Pyeong’yang, Jinnampo, Annam [of Pyeong’an Nam-do province], Seoncheon, Euiju [of Pyeong’an Buk-do province] and Weonsan [of Hamgyeong Nam-do province]. Interestingly enough, with the exception of Seoul, all of them were located in the northern part of the peninsula. Of course, the shout-outs were not contained in those areas. In the following two weeks these Manse shout-outs spreaded, and in mid-March they began to occur in the middle and southern parts of the country as well. They eventually became sort of a daily event for the Korean people. It is an important question nonetheless that demands an adequate answer regardless of how many years have passed since that fateful day. The pursuit of such answer will hopefully lead us to find a unique quality that the March 1st Movement manifested in abundance, which would be the power of solidarity. Religious solidarity between the Cheondo-gyo sect and the Christians, and the solidarity between religion and the students, all enabled the first wave of shout-outs calling for the liberation of Korea, and led people of an occupied state to the streets and alleys demanding freedom.

Analyzing Factors Influencing Conservative Decision Making for Pension Plan Strategy

Kim, Jungin(김정인) 한국사회복지행정학회 2013 한국사회복지행정학 Vol.15 No.1