羅聯添의 “韓愈 고문의 ‘起衰’와 ‘兼美’론”

羅聯添,金智英(번역자) 중국어문논역학회 2016 中國語文論譯叢刊 Vol.0 No.39

본고는 羅聯添(1927-2015)의 <論韓愈古文的幾個問題>(《唐代文學硏究》(第三輯), 1992)를 번역한 것이다. 나련첨은 한유의 고문과 관련된 문제를 1. 쇠락한 문풍을 일으켜 세움과 8대의 장점을 겸비함(‘起衰’與‘兼美’) 2. 이문위시와 이시위문(‘以文爲詩’與‘以詩爲文’) 3. 고문의 유폐(古文流弊) 4. 한유와 유종원이 문으로 서로 경쟁함(韓柳爲文相角)으로 장을 나누어 서술하였다. 본고에서는 지면 관계상 1장만을 번역하였다. 이 논문의 주지를 요약하면 한유의 문이 ‘8대의 쇠락함을 일으켰고(文起八代之衰)’ 또 ‘8대의 장점을 겸비했다(文兼八代之美)’는 것이다. 나련첨이 전개한 내용을 요약하면 다음과 같다: 첫 번째로 한유가 쇠락함을 일으켰다고 한 ‘8대’ 란 과연 어느 시기인지, 그 시기 획정에 대한 여러 학자들의 의견을 정리하였다. 두 번째로 한유가 쇠락했던 문풍을 일으켜 세웠다는 말이 과연 타당한지를 살피고, 쇠락함을 일으켜 세웠다는 말의 함의 문제를 다루었다. 그는 8대 문풍의 쇠락은 문장이 대우에 구속된 文體의 쇠락, 경전의 주지를 담지 않은 내용의 쇠락, 사마천과 양웅의 문장 氣格을 갖추지 않은 기격의 쇠락 세 가지로 보았다. 세 번째로 한유의 문장은 8대의 장점을 겸비하기도 했는데, 한유가 지었던 비지류의 작품에는 동한 이래의 8대 문장의 장점을 겸비하였다. 비지의 문체는 동한 이후에 성행하고 발전하였는데, 한유 역시 이러한 비지 문체의 도움을 받지 않을 수 없었다. 한유는 비지문 작품에서 8대 문장의 수사와 구법을 취하고 그 氣格을 활용하였다. This paper is translation of Luo Lian Tian’s book titled <Comments on Hanyu’s prose in respect of several aspects (论韩愈古文的几个问题)>. Luo Lian-tian appreciates in his book that Hanyu’s role “raising the writing style from the last eight dynasties decline(文起八代之衰)” and “taking advantage of the good aspects for the past era (文兼八代之美).” His book can be summarized mainly in three aspects. First, the definition of the eight dynasties and the controversial definition of the eight dynasties among scholars. And secondly, the real meaning of HanYu’s role of prose-raising from its’ decline for the past era since East-Han (东汉) dynasty and the validity of the contention. The last but not the least, the evaluation of Hanyu’s prose in that it embraces the advantages of the past era, especially more remarkable in his beizhiei (碑誌类). The writing style of beizhi (碑志) was very popular and further developed since the East-Han and HanYu is obliged to get some help from it. HanYu takes this beizhi (碑志) rhetorical writing style and makes good use of its wiring spirit.

韓愈에 대하여 논함

陳寅恪,金智英(번역자) 중국어문논역학회 2011 中國語文論譯叢刊 Vol.0 No.28

韓愈의 以文爲詩에 대한 논평

程千?,金智英(번역자) 중국어문논역학회 2013 中國語文論譯叢刊 Vol.0 No.32

[이 사람!] 한국으로 신학공부하러 온 미국청년, 커트 - Kurt Wayne Esslinger 님

한문순,김지영(번역자) 새가정사 2007 새가정 Vol.- No.-

한유의 詩文合一과 文章流弊에 대한 논의

나련첨(羅聯添),金智英(번역자) 중국어문논역학회 2017 中國語文論譯叢刊 Vol.0 No.40

본고는 나련첨이 1992년에 발표한 <論韓愈古文的幾個問題>에서 제2장 한유의 以文爲詩와 以詩爲文, 제3장 한유 文의 流弊를 번역하고 주를 가한 것이다. 본고의 제1장에서는 한유의 이문위시와 이시위문에 대하여 논하였다. 한유의 이문위시에 대하여는 찬반의 의견이 분분하다. 한유의 이문위시에 대해 비난한 이들로는 송대의 蘇軾⋅黃庭堅⋅魏泰⋅孫奕⋅陳師道⋅劉克莊, 명대의 王士禎, 청대의 毛先舒⋅王士禛 등이 있는데, 이들은 이문위시는 시의 본색에서 벗어난 단지 압운한 문이라 여겼다. 이문위시에 대해 찬성한 이들로는 송대의 呂惠卿⋅李常⋅惠洪, 원대의 趙秉文, 명대의 李東陽⋅陸時雍, 청대의 顧嗣立⋅趙翼⋅方東樹, 근대의 錢基博⋅朱自淸⋅夏敬觀⋅陳寅恪 등을 꼽을 수 있는데, 이들은 이문위시는 문을 시 속에 끌어들여 시의 영역을 확충하였다고 여겼다. 나련첨은 역대의 이문위시에 대한 평가를 검토하고, 전인들의 이문위시에 대한 견해를 귀납하여 이문위시에 대한 정의를 내렸다. 다음으로 한유가 ‘이시위문’했다는 설은 錢穆 선생이 처음 제기하였는데 그 근거는 청대 曾國藩의 ‘無韻之詩’라는 말에서 나온 것이다. 한유는 ‘이문위시’에 다시 ‘이시위문’을 더하여 진정으로 ‘詩文合一’의 경지에 도달했는데, 이는 한유 문학의 創新이며 문학상 미증유의 성과이다. 제2장에서는 한유 文의 유폐에 대하여 논하였다. 한유의 글은 平易自然과 奇崛造作의 두 가지 풍격을 지녔다. 그러나 이러한 경지는 쉽게 이르기 어려운 것이다. 한유가 진부한 표현과 賤俗함을 피하고자 썼던 창작방법은 때로 유폐를 낳기도 했는데, 1) 字句가 生割하고 2) 晦澁하고 3) 客氣가 盛하고 眞氣는 衰하게 되었다는 점이다. 한유 문은 장점이 많지만 이를 잘 배우지 못해 말류에 이르며 이러한 폐단을 야기했던 것이다. This paper is translation and annotation of the Han Yu’s ‘Yiwenweishi(以文爲詩)’⋅‘Yishiweiwen(以詩爲文)’ and the negative effect of his prose published in <論韓愈古文的幾個問題> in 1992 by Luo Lian-tian(羅聯添). The Han Yu’s ‘Yiwenweishi’ is controversial. Those who support Yu’s ‘Yiwenweishi’ think that it draws the prose into poetry area and expand the poetry world. On the other hand, some underestimate that it is a just rhymed verse. Luo Lian-tian induce opinions on ‘Yiwenweishi’ from ancestor and gives a definition of the ‘Yiwenweishi.’ Next, the claim of Han Yu’s ‘Yishiweiwen’ is raised by Qian Bin-si(錢穆) and his view is based on Zeng Guo-fan(曾國藩)’s saying of ‘poetry with no rhythms(無韻之詩)’ in Qing. Han Yu adds ‘Yishiweiwen’ to ‘Yiwenweishi’ to reach truly ‘Cohesion of poetry and prose’, which builds Han Yu’s novel literature and unprecedented achievements. Next, this paper covers the negative effects of Han Yu’s prose. His writings have two characteristics: naturally plain and quaint. However, such a stage is not easy to reach. In particular, the writing style of naturally plain sometimes resulted in negative effects in three ways, that is, the words became unfamiliar, less lucid, and more artificial & less pure.

언어의 張力

陳莊,周裕?,金智英(번역자) 중국어문논역학회 2009 中國語文論譯叢刊 Vol.0 No.24

韓愈와 柳宗元의 작문 경쟁

羅聯添(Lian-Tian Luo),金智英(번역자) 중국어문논역학회 2017 中國語文論譯叢刊 Vol.0 No.41

본고는 羅联添이 1992년에 발표한 <論韓愈古文幾個問題>의 제4장 “韓愈와 柳宗元이 고문으로 서로 경쟁함(韓柳爲文相角)” 부분을 번역한 것이다. 한유와 유종원의 글이 유사하다거나 경쟁적이라는 견해는 예전부터 있어왔다. 이런 주장은 송대의 羅大經, 명대의 孫礦, 청대의 林云銘, 근대의 錢基博이 제기한 바 있다. 필자는 한유와 유종원의 작문 경쟁에 대한 이전의 정황을 검토하고, 이전에 언급되지 않았던 다른 작품들을 예로 들어 한유와 유종원의 글쓰기에 확실히 경쟁심리가 있었음을 증명하였다. 즉 한유와 유종원의 작품 가운데 서로의 작품을 의식하면서 경쟁적으로 쓴 29조의 작품을 예로 들며, 창작 연대와 주요 내용을 설명하고 그 증거를 제시하였다. 경쟁했던 작품을 종합해 보니 두 사람의 작품 중 시기를 확정할 수 있는 작품 가운데 한유가 유종원 보다 앞서 지은 작품이 월등히 많았다. 이로써 유종원이 고문 창작에 있어 한유와 경쟁하려는 의도가 많았고, 한유가 유종원과 경쟁하려 한 것은 적었음을 알 수 있다. 이 점은 또한 한유가 고문 창작에서 주도적인 지위를 차지하고 있었음을 분명히 보여준다. 후인들이 한유를 당송고문운동의 으뜸으로 추앙하는 데에는 그만한 까닭이 있는 것이다. This paper is a translation of Han-Yu and Liu Zong-yuan’s writing competition in Chapter 4 of Luo Lian-tian’s <論韓愈古文的幾個問題>. The view that Han-Yu and Liu Zong-yuan’s writings are similar or competitive has been around for a long time. These claims were made by Luo Da-jing of Song Dynasty, Sun-Kuang of Ming Dynasty, Lin Yun-ming of Qing Dynasty, and Qian Ji-bo of modern times. I reviewed the previous context of Han-Yu and Liu Zong-yuan’s writing competition and proved that there was a clear competition in their writings by taking other works not mentioned before. I took examples the twenty - nine articles which compete with each other while conscious of their works among the works of Han-Yu and Liu Zong-yuan, in a chronological order Among the works that we can confirm the timing of the works of two people, Han-Yu had much more works than Liu Zong-yuan. This shows that Liu Zong-yuan intends to compete with Han-Yu for the Composition of the ancient writing, and that Han-Yu did not try to compete with Liu Zong-yuan. This also clearly shows that Han-Yu was in a leading position in the Composition of the ancient writing. There is a clear reason why the posterity pay reverence to Han-Yu as the forerunner of the Composition of the ancient writing movement.

시모무라 간잔(下村觀山)의 <일월>과 오카다 사부로스케(岡田三郞助)의 <나부> 조사

이미나(Lee Mi-na),김지영(번역자) 한국근현대미술사학회 2014 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.28 No.-

The Korean Imperial Household played an ongoing role in contributing to the formation of the country’s modern Japanese art collection. Purchasing many works of Japanese art, largely from exhibitions held within Korea or government-organized exhibitions within Japan, the Imperial Household served as the greatest patron of Japanese art within the Korean peninsula. Some of the works owned by the Imperial Household, particularly those that were displayed as part of Japanese art exhibitions that took place in the Imperial Household Art Museum, inside the present-day Deoksu Palace, are now owned by the National Museum of Korea, as part of what is commonly known as the Imperial Household Collection. However, the entire truth about the Imperial Household’s art collection has, to this day, not been made fully clear. As well as those works of art that it purchased publicly in a systemic manner, the Imperial Household also acquired works of art by other means, and indeed, it is thought that works attained in these non-standard ways account for a decent proportion of its collection. Aside from those works now making up the Imperial Household Collection at the National Museum of Korea, the majority of the works of art previously owned by the Imperial Household were scattered and lost during the various transformations that took place after the end of the Second World War. Several pieces identifiable as once belonging to the collection have been discovered within Japan. In this essay, I trace the way in which two such works?Sun and Moon by Kanzan Shimomura, and Nude by Saburousuke Okada ?came to be the property of the Imperial Household. Although the Korean Imperial Household’s Palace was located in Seoul, during the Japanese occupation the Prince Lee Un was forced to live in Tokyo, returning only occasionally to his home in Korea. Prince Lee Un’s wife Lee Bangja, born Masako Nashimoto, came from the Nashimoto-no-miya, a collateral branch of the Japanese Imperial Family. Hence, in terms both of their living arrangements and their genealogical situation, the state of the Imperial household at this time visibly instantiates its structural ties to the two nations. This paper will also use an examination of these two artworks to ask questions and make predictions about how, within this kind of situation, such works of art were stored and appreciated, as well the kind of ways in which they might have been preserved and used. Through this kind of research, I hope to help shed light on the matter of the art making up the Imperial Household’s collection beyond those pieces that were accumulated through the standard means, in order to come to a deeper understanding of the relationship between the Imperial Household and Japanese art.

『경성일보』 미술기사로 본 그룹 활동

이우치 가츠에(Kasue Iuchi),김지영(번역자) 한국근현대미술사학회 2014 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.27 No.-

In Japanese modern art history, it has been ignored to describe the art history in the Japanese colonies of Asia. If mentioned, it is mostly focused on the political systems such as national exhibitions. This is a try to describe the grass roots activitiesof groups in the art world of Seoul, from 1922 to 1931 based on the articles of Keijonipponewpaper, the leading Japanese paper. In 1922, Chosen-bijutsu-ten, competitive exhibition held by Japanese government in Seoul, stimulated artists’desire to organize exhibitions by themselves, for themselves. Kogen-sha, Chosen-bijutsu-kyokai and Matoro-sha are the representative reported in Keijonippo in 1920’s. They started their exhibitions firstly as coterie ones, but developed to ones open to public. Among them, Chosen-bijutsu-kyokai established an institute for young students and produced successful applicants of the Tokyo-bijutsu-gakko, National University of Arts in Tokyo. In the latter half of 1920’s, junior high school students began to pursue their activities. Among other things, Daini-kohu-ten was the motive force of the movement. The art teacher of Daini-kohu was SATO Kunio from Sapporo. Sato had started his art career at his junior high school age, having exhibition downtown in the free atmosphere of Sapporo. Daini-kohu-ten had produced many talents. Also, it is memorable in this era that there existed art activities focused on specific fields, such as prints, pastille. In 1930, on the one hand, Andepandan-ten, exhibition with no judge appealed its presence, and, on the other, Reiran-kai, an intimate group consisted of graduate of Tokyo-bijutsu-gakko started their activcities. These two movements tell us the growth of art world in Seoul. It is the fact that the Keijonippo newspaper gives us many evidences of art activities in Seoul before the end of World WarⅡ. However, we also have to pay attention to its limit, since the articles were described only from Japanese’view point. The articles in the paper should be reexamined through cross references with thoseof the Korean paperin the future.