개선된 설측 고정 나사 시스템(T-screw system)을 이용한 임플란트 보철 수복 증례

홍태영,김만용,윤준호,Hong, Tae-Young,Kim, Man-Yong,Yoon, Joon-Ho 대한치과보철학회 2016 대한치과보철학회지 Vol.54 No.4

The implant prosthesis can be divided into the screw retained prosthesis and cement retained prosthesis. Each type has advantages as well as disadvantages which is unfavorable to maintain the implants. To overcome these drawbacks, T-screw system was developed. T-screw system which utilizes a lingual direction of the screw to retain the implant prosthesis, has advantages of retrievability of the prosthesis, passive fit, and possibility to form esthetic and functional occlusal surface. The prior prosthesis which utilized horizontal screws had difficulty in fabrication especially in the case of multiple units, and also limited use with all-ceramic prosthesis. In this case, fabricating the implant prosthesis by using the T-screw system showed superior results in easy maintenance, esthetics, and also functions. In addition, we are to report the method of using the T-screw system in implant prosthesis, such as multiple units of implant prosthesis and all ceramic prosthesis.

프랑스 시민교육과 정치교육: 학교의 시민교육과 정당의 정치교육 사례

홍태영 ( Tai Young Hong ) 한국정치평론학회 2012 정치와 평론 Vol.10 No.-

In France, political education is realized in the school which is the centre of republican civic education, The school is the place where the French republicanism is realized and transmit, and is considered as place of formation of republican citizen, The school support the French republic, in forming the republican citizen, Actually French political party system has multiplural political spectrum from extreme right to extreme left. In spite of these political differences, there is consensus of French republicanism through French history. In this consensus, the school has important role of French republicanism. In contrast, political party has not role in political education concerning French citizen. Political party has each political program for political education, but it is for their partisan and their membership. In the consensus of French republicanism, political party has young membership of political party, which has an important role of their reproduction.

유럽에서 다문화주의적 도전과 사회통합의 원칙들: 문화적 인종주의 vs. 헌정적 애국주의

홍태영 ( Tai Young Hong ) 한국EU학회 2012 EU학연구 Vol.17 No.2

The long-term process of national identity formation in the nation-state is joined together with the development process of democracy, in that it is at the same time, partly the process of formation of democratic subjectivity. However, it is realized that the framework of national identity in the transition process to nation-state could grant a limitation to democracy of the nation-state. In this sense, the experiment of a new community in the European integration could be an opportunity for a new transition that democracy frees itself from the frame of nation-state. Cultural racism is a phenomenon arising in the midst of conflicts surrounding identity in the formation and the process of European citizenship and identity. While nationalism has operated as the major mechanism used for the formation of national unity and integration at the nation-state level, cultural racism is operating at the European regional level. Constitutional patriotism is proposed as a major alternative to European democracy and the making of a European identity. However, whether constitutional patriotism would be able to fully contribute to the cause is still debated upon, and needs further discussion. Rights coming out of daily life are increasingly of importance, and identity should be formed through the new and huge community of Europe. The realization should be done in a way to bring down the boundaries dividing inclusion and exclusion and, at the same time, to tear down physical barriers. If the community of nation-states is faced with sweeping changes to pursue a new way of community, values can be found only when it provides an opportunity to expand democracy and human rights. Europe formed by citizens who are characterized in this way can be born again as ``Europe of citizens``, not ``Europe of nations``, or an association of the existing nation-states.

전력 분배 최적화를 위한 배선 구조 모델링 방안

홍태영(Tae Yeong Hong),오승환(Seung Hwan Oh),홍슬기(Seul Ki Hong) 대한전자공학회 2024 대한전자공학회 학술대회 Vol.2024 No.6

68혁명을 위한 레퀴엠

홍태영(Hong, Taiyoung) 경상대학교 사회과학연구원(마르크스주의 연구) 2018 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.15 No.3

프랑스 계몽주의와 혁명 그리고 제국적 공화국

홍태영(Hong, Taiyoung) 한국정치외교사학회 2017 한국정치외교사논총 Vol.39 No.S

18세기 프랑스가 영국과 경쟁을 벌이면서 절대왕정과 귀족들의 부패와 재정적 곤란이 심해지는 상황이 되었다. 따라서 당시 프랑스 계몽주의자들을 비롯한 많은 이들은 프랑스의 난관을 극복하고 새로운 프랑스의 모습을 찾고자 하였다. 그러한 지적 노력의 과정에서 공화국과 제국에 대한 사유들을 전개해 나갔다. 특히 ‘제국적 공화국’ 혹은 ‘공화 주의적 제국’이라는 개념은 18세기 동안 공화주의자들에 의해 로마로부터 빌려와 프랑스에 적용시키고자 한 개념이었다. 공화주의적이면서 동시에 프랑스의 영광을 구현할 수 있는 제국으로의 발전을 구현할 수 있는 개념이었다. 이글은 18세기 계몽주의자들의 공화국과 제국에 대한 사유가 무엇이었으며, 그것은 이후 프랑스 혁명과 나폴레옹 제국 시기에 어떻게 전환되어 구체화되는가를 살펴보고자 한다. This article aims to examine the imperial-republican thoughts of the 18th century French intellectuals and their development in the periods of French Revolution and Napoleon Empire. In the 18th century, France was situated under the absolute monarchy and the corruption of aristocracy. Les homme de lettres–enlightened intellectuals–searched for the way to overcome the difficulties under which it labored and to establish a new France. Not only republic but also empire were the ideas which they came up with. The idea of ‘imperial republic’ or ‘republican empire’ is the conception which originated in the ancient Rome. The French intellectuals adopted it, for it seemed to them to ensure both republicanism and the glory of imperial France.

세계화와 정체성의 정치

홍태영(Tai-Young Hong) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2009 국제관계연구 Vol.14 No.1

This study aims to examine the problems of identity in the contexts of globalization and postmodernity. The situations of globalization and postmodernity bring up limits of the cadre of nation-state as modem political community. In particular, the absolute position of national identity is menaced. Although national identity can not be denied because of solid cadre of nation-state, lots of possibilities are opened and lots of identities come into existence. In relation to problems of identity, culture is important variable that must be considered in the contexts of globalization and postmodernity. Culture, which playa role of fields of games of powers, can provide field of competitions of identities. This article examines the case of Europe: raised competitions and conflicts of identities. Europe has formed firstly the nation-state as modem political community, and recently she suggests new alternative political community. In this sense, Europe is a place in which many identities appear and compete. After we examine significances of transformation and conflicts of identities in the example of Europe, we think what politics of identity can suggest for new moment of democracy. It is a work that search for how modem democracy must transform and develop itself in the contexts of globalization and postmodernity.

2차원 채널 물질을 활용한 전계효과 트랜지스터의 저항 요소 성능 영향성 분석

홍태영(TaeYeong Hong),반학준(HakJun Ban),홍슬기(Seul Ki Hong) 대한전자공학회 2023 대한전자공학회 학술대회 Vol.2023 No.6

Research on novel semiconductor materials to replace Si, including the use of 2D materials as channels, is actively being conducted. However, there have been very few studies on the effects of 2D transistor variables, such as parasitic resistances and their relation to RF applications. Here we report a systematic study of those effects on electrical performance depending on the transistor structure. It is found that the access resistance and contact resistance are the dominant factors leading to degradation of the device performance, especially in deep scaled devices. A guideline for device structural parameter design for required RF performance is discussed.

프랑스 혁명과 프랑스 민주주의의 형성(1789-1884)

홍태영(Tai-Young HONG) 한국정치학회 2004 한국정치학회보 Vol.38 No.3

1875년 선언된 제 3공화국은 1789년 프랑스 혁명과 함께 시작되었던 자유주의와 민주주의 간의 100여년의 투쟁을 종결시키면서 자유민주주의를 제도적으로 또한 이데올로기적으로 정착시키게 된다. 이것은 근대정치의 틀로서 국민국가의 일정한 완성을 의미한다. 프랑스 혁명 이후 19세기의 역사는 주권자로서 선언된 국민을 단순히 ‘수’의 결집체가 아니라 ‘이성’을 갖춘 정치적 행위자로서 형성하는 작업 - 시민권의 형성 - 과 그들에 의한 민주주의의 형성 - 대의제와 국민주권의 실현 - 이라는 과제를 수행하는 것이었다. 하지만 그 과정은 다양한 이데올로기적 세력들이 자신들의 이상적인 사회상을 제시하고 정치적 실험들을 실행하면서 서로 대립하고 타협하였던 복합적 과정이었다. 절대주의 왕정을 대체하는 공화국이라는 합의와 그 내용을 둘러싼 각각의 사회세력들의 투쟁은 극한적인 대립으로 끝나는 것이 아니라 프랑스 민주주의의 내용을 채워가는 작업으로 이해될 수 있다. The Third Republic, declared in 1875, established liberal democracy in the point of institution and ideology, in ending struggles between liberalism and democracy which had begun with the French Revolution of 1789. This signifies certain achievements of the Nation-State as a cadre of modern politics. History of 19th century after the French Revolution is filled with formation of nations - that of citizenship - not as simple association of ‘number’ but as political actor, furnished with ‘reason’, and formation of democracy by nation - realization of representation and of national sovereignty. But these are complex processes in which diverse ideological forces propose and try to experiment their ideal societies, in confrontations and reconciliations. The consensus as Republic and ideological struggles about its contents are not extreme confrontation, but formation and enrichment of democracy.

동·서양 정치사상이라는 이분법을 넘어서 한국정치사상의 모색을 위한 시론: 근대성의 형성과 변용 그리고 그 전환의 문제의식을 중심으로

홍태영(Hong, Tai-Young) 서강대학교 현대정치연구소 2020 현대정치연구 Vol.13 No.1

이 글은 동ㆍ서양 정치사상의 이분법을 넘어 한국정치사상의 정립을 위한 시론적 글로서 정치사상이란 무엇이며, 그 역할과 책무, 그리고 그에 따른 연구 방향에 대해 논의한다. 이를 위해 2장에서 서구 정치사상의 네 가지 흐름 - 미국 시카고학파, 영국 케임브리지학파, 프랑스 아날학파, 독일 개념사학파 - 이 각 나라의 근대성에 대한 고유한 문제의식과 결합된 정치사상의 방법론과 문제설정을 어떻게 형성ㆍ전개하는지를 살펴본다. 3장에서 근대성에 대한 마루야마 마사오의 일본정치학적 문제설정과 1990년대 이후 한국정치사상 연구의 다양한 모색들이 지닌 문제의식을 살펴본다. 이러한 다양한 흐름들이 각 나라 근대성의 특수성을 어떻게 이해하고 나아가 그것을 파악하기 위한 정치사상의 고유한 방법론을 어떻게 구성하는지 알아봄으로써, 마지막 4장에서는 동·서양 정치사상이라는 구분 자체가 갖는 한계와 그것의 극복을 통한 한국정치사상이 추구해야 할 문제의식과 방법론을 탐구해 보고자 한다. This article tries to suggest ways for the formation of Korean political thought in overcoming the dichotomy of eastern and western political thought. For this objective, we examine what is the political thought, how we study the political thought, and what is the role of political thought. The 2nd chapter examines the four principal streams of political philosophy in the late 20th century which treat the problems of relation between political philosophy and history: the political philosophy of Leo Strauss in the Chicago school, that of Q. Skinner in the Cambridge School, that of R. Koselleck in the conceptual history school and that of P. Rosanvallon in the Annales. In the 3rd chapter, we examine the problematics of Maruyama Masao, that is, the transformation and formation of modernity in Japan and the formation of Japanese political science. And we examine the intellectual trials of the researches of political thought in Korea after the 1990’s. In comparing these schools, we draw meanings to the Korean political philosophy, that is, what would be done the Korean political philosophy, what is the tasks of Korean political philosophy. In definitely, the Koran political philosophy should resolve the problems of the formation of modernity in Korea, which is to trace the particularity of Korean modernity. Finally, we suggest meanings of distinction of eastern and western political thoughts and, propositions for the purpose of overcoming this distinction.