생진양혈탕(生津養血湯) 물 추출물의 Streptozotocin 유발 고지혈증에 대한 효과

허현,김대준,변준석,최빈혜,Hur, Hyun,Kim, Dae-Jun,Byun, Joon-Seok,Choi, Bin-Hye 대한한방내과학회 2006 大韓韓方內科學會誌 Vol.27 No.2

In the Present study, the therapeutic hypolipemic effect of water extract of Saengjinyanghyl-tang (SJYHT), a herbal extract mixture for treatment of diabetes in oriental medicine was tested in Streptozotocin-induced diabetic hyperlipemic SD rats. For detect the therapeutic effects, the test articles were once a day dosed for 28 days by gastric gavage at a dosage 1000, 500 and 250mg/kg from 25 days after STZ-dosing, and the changes on body weight and gains, serum LDL, HDL, Triglyceride and Total Cholesterol levels were observed In addition, the effects of test articles were compared to that of Simvastatin, a well known hypolipemic agents 10mg/kg-dosing group. Base on these results, although no meaningful effects were detected on the serum HDL levels, it is concluded that Saengjinyanghyul-tang water extracts have relatively good favorable effect treatment of STZ-induced diabetic hyperlipemia because they showed clear evidences inhibit the increase of serum LDL, Triglyceride and Total Cholesterol levels. Therefore, it is expected that Saengjinyanghyul-tang extract has favorable potency to development hypolipemic drugs. In addition, about 1000mg/kg of Saengjinyanghyul-tang extracts have similar effect compared to that of Simvastatin 10mg/kg. The effective dosage of Saengjinyanghyul-tang water extracts in the present study was considered as below 250mg/kg.

자유인의 독립선언 -1857년 오하이오 인신자유법-

허현 ( Hyun Hur ) 한국서양사학회 2013 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.116

This study examines Ohio abolitionists` struggle to adopt personal liberty laws from the repeal of the state Fugitive Slave Law of 1839 to the adoption of personal liberty laws securing legal protection for fugitive slaves and free blacks and challenging the federal fugitive slave laws. Although the Ohio Fugitive Slave Law was repealed in 1843, its repeal did not lead to the adoption of a follow-up measure for the protection of blacks, fugitive and free, as was becoming common in other Northern states. From 1843 on, the struggle to adopt personal liberty laws defined antislavery politics in Ohio. Unlike the general trend across the North, in which Free Soil and Republican political antislavery focused on the restriction of slavery in the western territories, slave-centered abolitionism remained dominant in Ohio. Even when sectional conflicts escalated and Republican leaders stressed the necessity of political compromise and conciliation, antislavery radicals in Ohio persisted in radical antislavery campaigns to repudiate the federal fugitive slave laws and adopt personal liberty laws. Considering the existence of strong proslavery interests, it is quite possible that the pro-southern and anti-black elements in Ohio were strong enough to crush every attempt to adopt even moderate personal liberty laws. Further, given the conservatism of the Whigs and their frequent anti-abolitionist moves in state legislature, it came as no surprise that the Whigs` fear of a personal liberty law and its radicalism frustrated antislavery forces in their campaigns to pass personal liberty laws. The Whigs harbored strong suspicion that radical personal liberty laws would create unfolding political and economic crises between Ohio and the neighboring slaveholding states, to say nothing of threatening Unionism. Despite the anti-abolitionists` antagonism, the persistence of personal liberty politics (including challenges to the constitutionality of the federal Fugitive Slave Law), the dissolution of the Whigs, the growth of the Republican Party, and the assertion of the states` sovereignty against the Slave Power finally broke down the walls of anti-abolitionism in Ohio and led to the passage of personal liberty laws in 1857. Ohio abolitionists intended personal liberty laws not merely to provide assistance to fugitive slaves but to undermine the system which enslaved them. The belated adoption of the personal liberty laws in 1857 rather dramatized the transformation of the Ohio legal mind compelled by the indomitable Ohio abolitionists.

복수 실내기를 가지는 에어컨의 정상상태 성능해석

허현(Hyun Hur),이진욱(Jin Wook Lee),정의국(Eui Guk Jung),김병순(Byung Soon Kim) 대한기계학회 2016 大韓機械學會論文集B Vol.40 No.11

본 연구의 목적은 에어컨 사이클 성능해석에 있다. 응축기, 증발기, 팽창밸브 및 압축기는 냉동사이클을 구성하는 핵심요소이다. 사이클의 개별적인 구성요소들에 대한 해석 기법들을 합리적으로 통합하여 다양한 운전조건에서 에어컨 시스템 성능예측이 가능하도록 하였다. 응축기 압력은 압축기 질량유량과 팽창밸브 유량이 일치하도록 반복계산에 의해 획득되며, 증발기 압력은 목표 흡입과열도가 획득되도록 압축기 흡입엔탈피를 반복계산에 의해 획득되었다. 더 나아가서 복수 실내기를 장착한 에어컨 시스템의 성능이 예측될 수 있도록 알고리듬들이 마련되었으며, 이들 모델들에 대한 해석결과를 제시하였다. 소프트웨어의 정확성은 실험결과에 의해 증명 되었다. 특히, 8.3 ㎾급 모델의 실험결과와 비교함으로써, 소프트웨어의 정확성이 다양하게 검정되었다. 해석결과로써, 정확성은 대체적으로 10% 이내에 있는 것으로 확인되어 우수한 신뢰성이 확보되었다. In this study, the cycle performance of an air conditioner with multi-indoor units is analyzed and simulated. The cycle performance could be predicted through the integration of mathematical formulation for these devices. The condenser pressure is obtained by an iteration process to match the mass flow rates of the compressor and the expansion valve and the evaporator pressure is determined by an iteration process, in which the suction super heat is tracing the targeted super heat. The required software was developed by system programming. the software algorithm is extended to predict the cycle performance of an air conditioner system with multi-indoor units, and then the numerical results are compared with experimental results. This mathematical model is validated from the result of experiments conducted on 8.3㎾ air conditioner. The errors in capacity, electronic power, and COP are found to be within 10% in general.

송이(Tricholoma matsutake)의 자실체에서 추출한 조다당류가 생쥐의 Sarcoma 180에 미치는 항암 및 면역증강 작용

허현(Hyun Hur),최연일(Yon Il Choi),이태수(Tae Soo Lee) 한국생명과학회 2008 생명과학회지 Vol.18 No.9

송이는 담자균문, 주름버섯목, 송이과에 속하며 맛이 좋은 식용 버섯으로 예로부터 사람의 위궤양이나 위암의 치료효과는 물론 생쥐의 Sarcoma 180과 Ehrlich Sarcoma에도 효과가 있다고 알려져 있다. 본 연구에서는 송이의 자실체로부터 중성염용액, 열수 및 메탄올을 이용하여 조다당류를 추출하고 ICR mice에 주사하여 항암 및 면역증강 효과를 조사하였다. NIH3T3, Sarcoma 180, HepG2, HT-29 등의 암세포에 대한 독성을 조사한 결과 각각의 암세포는 2 ㎎/ml의 조다당류 농도에서는 세포독성을 나타내지 않았다. Sarcoma 180이 접종된 ICR mouse에 자실체에서 추출한 각각의 조다당류를 투여한 실험군은 대조군에 비해 평균수명이 각각 23.4~37.2% 연장되었다. 메탄올과 열수로 추출한 조다당류를 0.2~0.5 ㎎/ml의 농도로 투여한 실험군 생쥐의 B 임파구 alkaline phosphatase 활성은 대조군에 비해 각각 2.17~11.9배의 증가하였다. 중성염추출 조다당류를 50 ㎎/㎏ body weight의 농도로 투여한 생쥐의 총 복강 세포 수와 백혈구의 수는 대조군에 비하여 각각 6배와 1.5배 증가하였다. 따라서 송이의 자실체에서 추출한 조다당류는 생쥐의 Sarcoma 180에 대해 항암작용 및 면역증강 작용을 나타내는 것으로 확인되었다. Tricholoma matsutake, one of edible and medicinal mushroom belonging to Tricholomaceae of Agaricales, has been known to contain some curing effect on gastric cancer and ulcer, and inhibitory effect on sarcoma 180 and Ehrlich sarcoma. Neutral salt soluble (0.9% NaCl), hot water soluble and methanol soluble substances (hereinafter referred to Fr. NaCl, Fr. HW and Fr. MeOH, respectively) were extracted from fruiting body of the mushroom. In vitro cytotoxicity tests, crude polysaccharides were not cytotoxic against cancer cell lines such as Sarcoma 180, HepG2, HT29 and NIH3T3 at the concentration of 2.0 ㎎/ml. Intraperitoneal injection with crude polysaccharides showed life prolongation effect of 23.4~37.2% in mice previously inoculated with Sarcoma 180. Fr. MeOH and Fr. HW exhibited the immuno-potentiating activity of B lymphocyte by increasing the alkaline phosphatase activity by 2.2~11.9 folds compared with control at the concentration of 0.2~0.5 ㎎/ml. In case of Fr. NaCl, the numbers of peritoneal exudate cells and circulating leukocytes were increased by 6.0 and 1.5 folds at the concentration of 50 ㎎/㎏, respectively. Therefore, it is concluded that crude polysaccharides extracted from fruiting body of Tricholoma matsutake showed antitumor and immuno-potentiating activity against Sarcoma 180 of mouse.

연방헌법 수정조항 제14조와 반(反)노예제적 내셔널리즘의 승리

허현 ( Hyun Hur ) 이화사학연구소 2015 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.50

Adopted in April 1866, the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, one of “Civil War Amendments” or “Reconstruction Amendments,” declared that all persons born or naturalized in the United States were citizens of the nation and citizens of their states and that no state could abridge their rights without due process of law or deny them equal protection of the law. This amendment nullified the Dred Scott decision of 1857, which had declared that blacks were not citizens. Second, the amendment guaranteed that if a state denied suffrage to any of its male citizens, its representation in Congress would be proportionally reduced. As well as that the Fourteenth Amendment revealed Republican Moderates` growing receptivity to Radical demands, including black male enfranchisement, it was the first national effort to limit state control of civil and political rights. In some respects, it looks clear that the Congress took the most ambitious step after it had achieved the major object of the Civil War through the adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment, that is, abolition of slavery. Under the moderate Presidential Reconstruction, the ex-Confederate states took steps to recover their political powers and old racial order, and to ensure a landless, dependent black labor force, by passing black codes to replace the slave codes. The so-called “home rule” by the southern whites without federal interference would definitely make the Civil War meaningless. To frustrate the reactionary southern intentions, Congress adopted the Civil Rights Act, in March 1866, that made blacks U. S. citizens with the same civil rights as other citizens and authorized federal intervention in the states to ensure black rights in court. However, Republicans in Congress needed a more secure measures to protect the fruits of the Civil War against the obvious hostility and repulsion to the Civil Rights Act. So, they took their next step: the passage of a constitutional amendment to prevent the Supreme Court from invalidating the new Civil Rights Act and to block Democrats in Congress from repealing it. Unlike the Thirteenth Amendment, however, the Fourteenth Amendment have generated considerable interpretational confusion and misunderstanding among the Civil War historians and legal scholars. One school of interpretation claims that the Fourteenth Amendment, as a political compromise among several factions of the Republican Party, was fundamentally conservative rather than radical. These historians contend the true conservatism of Congressional Reconstruction policies and the manifest distaste of many Republicans for federal intervention in the South by stressing the ultimate change of language in the amendment. However, is it true that the understanding of the Fourteenth Amendment was so unclear and confusing as the historiography shows? Actually not. In a critical respect, the Fourteenth Amendment was not merely an outgrowth of antislavery project but, further, an embodiment of nationalist vision of the Republicans. In short, it signified the successful fusion of antislavery and nationalist beliefs. While radicalism of the 1850s denoted “a persistent refusal to compromise with the South on any question involving slavery,” radicalism, with the Civil War, took the form of unqualified devotion to the nationalist cause, including the major expansion of central authority. The Fourteenth Amendment, as a realization of the radicalism, did not merely amend the Constitution. Rather, it revolutionized the Constitution and the political structure. The local debates in Wisconsin over the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment provide a useful window into revolutionary transformation of Americans` social vision and legal mind that had been under way since the eve of the Civil War, that is, away from the preservation of the existing federalism and proslavery constitutionalism to the establishment of forceful nationalism and antislavery constitutionalism. The ratification debates in Wisconsin, rather than simply reproducing the generally compromising and conciliatory attitude of Republican leaders in Washington, showed clearly that the advocates of the amendment did not conceal their intention of revolutionizing antebellum American political and economic structures by positing the amendment as foundational step for construction of a greater postwar nation. In short, Wisconsin`s nationalists endeavored to reaffirm and develop the cardinal nationalist principles of the Thirteenth Amendment and the Civil Rights Act of 1866.

미국 혁명의 배신 -흑인 군(軍)복무와 인종주의적 시민권 개념의 법제화-

허현 ( Hur Hyun ) 한국서양사학회 2019 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.142

미국 혁명의 결실이라고 할 수 있는 연방헌법은 노예제 양보조항의 삽입을 통해 노예제를 합법화함으로써 백인공화국의 수립을 뒷받침하였다. 하지만 이러한 인종주의적 헌정질서의 수립과 백인공화국의 기원은 자유와 평등을 부르짖었던 미국 혁명에서 찾아볼 수 있다는 점에서 상당히 역설적이다. 미국 혁명이 흑인들에게 자유의 획득을 꿈꿀 수 있는 해방의 기회였다는 것은 주지의 사실이지만 자유를 향한 흑인들의 열망이 일반적으로 이야기되듯 각 식민지 의회에 대한 해방 청원이나 도피적인 탈주 행위만을 통해 표출되었던 것은 아니었다. 이들은 자신들이 얻게 될 자유가 단순한 인신의 자유를 넘어 시민권의 획득을 통한 온전한 시민적·정치적 자유가 되기를 갈망하고 있었던 적극적 혁명가들이었으며 이들은 이러한 자유의 획득을 위한 가장 확실하면서도 합법적인 방식이 바로 ‘군복무’라고 간주하고 있었다. 하지만 이러한 흑인들의 염원은 백인 공화국의 탄생을 꿈꾸는 식민지 백인 애국파 세력에게는 결코 받아들여질 수 없는 것이었다. 백인 애국파 세력은 혁명 이념을 내세운 흑인들의 투쟁을 부정할 수 없었지만 새로운 미합중국에 대한 흑인들의 충성심이나 애국심을 의심하는 방식으로 혁명운동에 대한 이들의 집단적 기여의 기억을 지워버리고자 했다. 백인들은 흑인들의 애국심을 끊임없이 의심했으며 흑인들의 애국심은 인종주의적으로 채색되었다. 애국심은 이제 오직 백인들만의 전유물로 남게 될 것이었으며 백인들만이 “아메리칸”이라는 새로운 국민적 정체성을 부여받게 될 것이었다. 자유를 위한 흑인들의 군복무와 이것이 명확하게 보여주었던 사실, 즉 흑인들이 혁명 이념을 내면화하고 있다는 사실은 미국 혁명을 하나의 사회혁명으로 전화시키고 있다는 점에서 인종 질서의 붕괴를 결코 원하지 않았던 애국파 백인들에게 경종을 울렸다. 전후 백인들은 시민권의 중요한 상징인 군복무 자격을 “백색화”하고자 하는 의지에서 1792년 민병대법을 통해 흑인들의 군복무 자격을 박탈해 버렸다. 본 연구는 이처럼 미국 혁명기 흑인들의 참전 행위를 미국적 정체성의 확립을 둘러싼 정치적 투쟁사의 관점에서 돌아보면서 흑인참전 행위를 통해 노예제 폐지를 향한 사회 혁명으로서 미국 혁명의 의미를 새롭게 조명하는 한편, 나아가 흑인들의 참전 행위를 노예제폐지운동을 넘어서 시민권 획득을 위한 흑인민권운동으로서 정의해 본다. This work sheds new light on the American Revolution as a social revolution through black military service in the Revolutionary War from the historical perspective of political struggle for American citizenship. Too, it seeks to redefine the act of black military service as the black civil rights movement beyond the abolition movement. During the Revolutionary War, blacks realized that only their military service would guarantee their liberty and full citizenship. The colonies had a lengthy history of denying blacks, free or slave, entry into military service. The reason most often given for prohibiting slaves from combat was that they, once armed, would rebel against their masters. Similarly, free blacks were excluded from combat for fear that they would encourage slave rebellions. Despite white colonists’ fears of slave rebellion, during times of war, manpower shortages forced the colonists to allow slaves and free blacks to fight. In the process, the black soldiers dreamed of a more liberated democratic society after the war. However, the American colonists had no intention of allowing the black soldiers’ dreams to come true. They consistently cast doubt on their patriotism, erasing the memory of black soldiers’ fight for independence and redefining the concept of patriotism from a racist perspective. After the war, the American whites “whitened” the military service through the adoption of the Militia Acts 1792. It is ironic that the establishment of a racialized social order and the “white” republic in America originated in the American Revolution. (Chungnam National University / hon422@gmail.com)

미국 흑인의 인종주의적 이미지와 캐리커처 : 흑인 신체에 대한 집단적 비하와 문화적 인종주의의 구축

허현 ( Hur Hyun ) 연세사학연구회 2022 學林 Vol.49 No.-

본 논문은 미국 내전 이전부터 형성되어 왔지만 노예제 폐지 이후 짐 크로우시대를 거치며 더욱 확산되고 변형·발전되었던 미국 흑인들에 대한 다양한 인종주의적 이미지와 캐리커처에 대한 역사적 분석과 고찰을 통해 그 내용과 목적, 그리고 메시지 효과를 추적해보고자 한다. 이렇게 정형화된 인종주의적 흑인 캐릭터들로서는 순종적이고 충성스러운 샘보(sambo)와 매미(mammy), 경멸적인 쿤(coon), 음탕한 제즈벨(jezebel), 폭력적인 브루트(brute)와 벅(buck) 등을 들 수 있는데 백인 중심의 기성 인종질서의 정당성과 위기를 동시에 반영하고 있었다고 할 수 있다. 다양한 인종주의적 이미지와 캐리커처들은 백인 노예소유주들과 백인우월주의자들이 창조하여 흑인들에게 억지로 강요했던 가공의 뒤틀린 자화상이자 자기혐오의 시선이었다. 흑인들은 백인들의 일방적 시선을 통해 자신을 바라보는 억압적 문화 공간 안에 갇혀 있었고 그러한 ‘하얀 시선’을 통해 ‘검은 자아’를 부정당했다. ‘검은 자아들’은 늘 곱슬머리와 왕방울 같은 눈, 두터운 입술, 튀어나온 입과 유난히 하얀 이, 칠흑 같은 피부색, 비대한 몸, 바보 같거나 천박한 미소, 타락한 몸짓, 욕정에 찬 음탕한 눈길 등과 같은 부정적인 신체적 특징을 통해 보편적인 인간성을 거부당했다. 이러한 인종주의적 정형화는 특히 노예제의 폐지 이후 백인들이 인종질서의 위기를 타개하기 위해 전개한 헤게모니 장악 과정으로도 볼 수 있다. 백인들은 문화적 인종주의의 구축을 통해 후기노예제사회를 건설하고자하는 의도를 품고 있었고 인종주의적 캐리커처에서 드러나는 유머와 위트로 가장한 흑인들의 문화적 재현을 통해 노예제라는 폭력적 역사에 대한 집단적인 역사적 기억상실을 도모하고 있었다. The purpose of this work is to examine the contents, intentions, and message effects of the various racist images and African American caricatures which have been developed from the antebellum period through the Jim Crow era. These racially-stereotyped black characters, which includes submissive and faithful sambo and mammy, insolent and dishonest coon, seductive, sexually arousing jezebel, and innately savage, animalist, and criminal brute and buck, have justified the history of slavery and at the same time reflected the crisis of racial hierarchy. Also, these racial stereotypes have signified a fictional, distorted self-portrait and the gaze of self-abhorrence for African Americans which slaveholders and white supremacist imposed for their power and hegemony. African Americans were in prison of oppressive looking, becoming racialized objects of view. As a result, African Americans internalized the sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, that is, through the lens of a dominant white gaze. In the process, the universal humanity of the African Americans, the ‘black one’s self,’ were denied by the ‘white gaze,’ because it defined the African American identity with distorted, negative physical features of them. Privileged whites had an intention of building the post-slavery society through the degradation of the black body and the construction of cultural racism, and simultaneously sought to cause collective historical amnesia about the violent history of slavery.

오하이오주 인신자유정치의 등장과 쇠퇴, 1803-1839

허현 ( Hyun Hur ) 한국서양사학회 2014 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.120

This study seeks to trace the development of personal liberty politics in Ohio and its abrupt decline following the advent of political anti-abolitionism in the 1830s. It suggests that after the adoption of a series of Black Laws (providing the basic fugitive slave policy favorable to claimants seeking the recovery of their property) Ohio gradually developed the politics of personal liberty intervening in the administration of slaveholders` rights to recapture fugitive slaves. The adoption of a series of anti-kidnapping laws dovetailed with the evolution of the state fugitive slave policy towards the establishment of what I call “personal liberty politics.” By “politics of personal liberty” or “personal liberty politics” I mean the social and political resistance to the exercise of constitutional or common law rights of slaveholders to recapture fugitive slaves. Also it refers to the antislavery struggle to assign strategic priority to the protection of the freedom of fugitive slaves and free blacks through the security of legal safeguards such as the right of trial by jury, the writ of habeas corpus, and the rights of testimony and appeal, or even through physical force. “Personal liberty politics” therefore refers to the campaign for personal liberty laws which were designed to challenge and undermine the federal fugitive slave legislation. It thus related to the legislative battle regarding state and federal fugitive slave policy, judicial decisions on fugitive slave and anti-kidnapping cases, and even illegal aid or rescue operations of abolitionists. During the first three decades of the nineteenth century, a significantly pro-freedom fugitive slave policy prevailed in spite of the persistence of a strong white supremacist policy. When militant abolitionism emerged in the early 1830s, however, radical abolitionists inadvertently fostered unity among anti-abolitionists. Because the first intensive campaign of radical abolitionists was to question the constitutionality of the federal Fugitive Slave Law and adopt stronger personal liberty legislation, the counterattack of the anti-abolitionists on the abolitionists focused on destroying personal liberty politics. It is noteworthy that the first successful task of the political anti-abolitionists was the passage of the repressive Ohio Fugitive Slave Law of 1839. Clearly, it testified to the total collapse of the personal politics of Ohio. Anti-abolitionists became all the more hostile to the development of personal liberty politics because they regarded it as the embodiment of abolitionism. The repression of personal liberty measures was established as an important way of suppressing abolitionists in Ohio.

미국 구(舊)남부에서 주권론(州權論)과 남부내셔널리즘의 모순적 공존에 대한 역사적 해석

허현 ( Hur Hyun ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2018 역사학연구 Vol.70 No.-

미국의 대표적 분권적 정치철학이라고 할 수 있는 주권론(州權論, states’ rights doctrine)은 건국 초기부터 연방정부의 강력한 권한 확대를 견제하면서 내셔널리즘에 맞서는 대표적 저항이데올로기로서 자리잡아왔다. 따라서 주권론과 내셔널리즘은 결코 공존할 수 없다는 것이 정설이었다. 특히, 미국 역사에서는 이러한 주권론과 내셔널리즘 간의 적대적 대립관계가 미국 역사 최대의 비극이었던 내전(the Civil War)을 야기했던 주요 원인의 하나였다는 역사적 해석이 주류를 이루어왔던 것이 사실이다. 게다가 주권론은 지역 자치권을 지켜내고자 했던 남부만의 고유한 정치철학이자 헌법이론으로서 남부 노예주들의 연방탈퇴와 남부연합의 건설은 결국 연방정부에 맞서 주권을 지켜내기 위한 체제 방어적 성격이 강했다는 통념도 여전히 뿌리 깊다고 할 수 있다. 하지만 이러한 해석들이나 평가들은 역사적 실제에 부합하지 않는다. 왜냐하면 구(舊)남부에서는 주권론과 남부내셔널리즘(the Southern nationalism)이 공존하면서 남부의 정치·경제적 이해관계를 지켜내는 데 핵심적 역할을 했을 뿐만 아니라 궁극적으로는 남부연합의 탄생을 가져왔던 혁명적 이데올로기로서 기능했기 때문이다. 따라서 본 연구는 구남부에서 이루어졌던 주권론과 남부내셔널리즘의 모순적 공존에 대한 역사적 해석을 시도해 보고자 한다. 첫 번째로는 남부의 주권론이 고유의 실체적 내용을 갖춘 전통적인 주권론이 아니었다는 것이다. 어떤면에서 남부의 주권론은 노예제의 수호와 팽창은 물론, 인종주의의 지탱을 위해 이용되었던 일종의 정치적·이념적 도구 내지는 편의장치로서 성격이 강했다. 실제로 남부의 플랜터 지배계급은 노예제가 위협받거나 노예제의 확산이 필요한 경우가 아니라면 주권론에 헌신적인 모습을 결코 보이지 않았다. 남부는 내전 과정에서 진정한 주권론의 시험대에 올랐지만 결국 그 시험을 통과할 수 없었다. 두 번째로, 남부의 주권론은 변질된 주권론이자, 본질적으로는 내셔널리즘의 일종으로서 친노예제적 내셔널리즘을 구현하고 있었다. 그렇기 때문에 남부는 노예제에 관한 북부의 주권론 행사를 일말의 거리낌도 없이 억누르고자 하였다. 세 번째로, 주권론과 내셔널리즘은 설령 대립적이고 모순적이었다고 하더라도 ‘남부’라는 새로운 노예제의 프런티어에서 서로 녹아들기에 어렵지 않았다. 연방법거부론자들이 연방탈퇴를 정당화하였던 가장 극단적인 형태의 주권론이었던 절대적인 주우월주의가 ‘남부’라는 가상의 지역적·민족공동체적 공간 속에서 남부내셔널리즘으로 재탄생했던 것은 극히 자연스런 과정이었다. 이러한 남부내셔널리즘은 노예소유 주권을 주창하는 남부 노예공화국의 탄생을 가능하게 했던 백인지배계급 이데올로기였다. 남부의 주권론은 남부내셔널리즘과 경계가 모호했을 뿐만 아니라 노예제를 전국화하려는 시도 과정에서 핵심적인 정치철학이었다는 점에서 결코 진정한 의미의 주권론이 될 수 없었다. 오히려 연방도망노예법의 위헌성을 주장하면서 인신자유법의 제정을 정당한 주권 행사로서 주장하던 북부 자유주들의 주권론이 진정한 주권론을 표현하고 있었다고 할 수 있다. 결국 구남부에서는 친노예제 내셔널리즘인 남부내셔널리즘이 지배적이었으며 진정한 의미의 주권론은 수용되기 어려웠다는 역사적 해석의 가능성을 열어보고자 하는 것, 즉 남부 주권론의 모순성을 논증해 보는 것이 본 연구의 기본 목적이며 이를 통해 내전 발발 이전 시기 남부의 주권론에 대한 재해석의 필요성을 제기해 본다. States’ rights doctrine, which was a major political philosophy and constitutional theory in the United States, had been established as a representative resistance ideology to nationalism, keeping the expansion of the power of federal government in check. In short, it is rightfully believed that states’ rights doctrine and nationalism could not be coexistent. Especially considering a history of the Old South, however, there is some doubt on such a general interpretation or assessment because states‘ rights doctrine and southern nationalism were coexistent and working together as revolutionary ideologies, generating the birth of the Confederacy and the outbreak of the Civil War. In some sense, it would be ahistorical approach in assuming that states’ rights doctrine has an essential or absolute meaning in history. At least, it can be reasoned that states’ rights doctrine, like nationalism, might have a variant challenging the traditional understanding of it. Rather than being used as a tool for the decentralization of power, actually, states’ rights doctrine had been functioned as a sort of revolutionary ideology for the birth and growth of southern nationalism in the antebellum America. In other words, states’ rights doctrine, as a sort of proslavery nationalism, contributed the centralization and fortification of the Slave Power who attempted to nationalize slavery through the federal government, Congress, and the federal courts. In this respect, states’ rights doctrine of the Old South could not be a states’ rights doctrine in its real meaning. Indeed, the Confederacy could not pass the test of the real states’ rights doctrine during the Civil War. In the end, the Confederacy “died of [real] states’ right,” as one historian argued.

개리슨을 넘어서: 노예제폐지운동의 프런티어와 “서부노예제폐지론”

허현 ( Hyun Hur ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2015 사총 Vol.86 No.-

Abolitionism provided core constitutional ideas to what one writer has called the “Third Constitution”: the Thirteenth through Fifteenth Amendments. From abolitionist constitutional ideals embedded in section one of the Fourteenth Amendment, there emerged some principal trends of constitutional development in the century after the Civil War: equality before the law, protection for the privileges and immunities of national and state citizenship, and substantive due process. No historian of abolitionism can afford to ignore William Lloyd Garrison, because he was one who initiated modern abolitionist movement based on the principle of immediate, unconditional, and total abolition in the early 1830s. Since major antislavery societies, such as New England Anti-Slavery Society (1832), American Anti-Slavery Society(1833), and American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (1840), were located in New England and New York, in addition, it is no surprise that East-centered abolitionist movement represented a general American abolitionist movement. Due to these reasons, there is historiographical trend that the presumed failure of Garrisonian abolitionist movement is considered the total failure of abolitionist movement. As a result, the influence of abolitionist movement on the outbreak of the Civil War and the constitutional revolution has been considerably underestimated or minimized and, instead, sectionalism, economic and social differences, and states’ rights system have been overestimated as a cause of the Civil War. Furthermore, claiming that antisouthernism and racism, rather than racial equality and constitutional liberty, were dominant in the ideology of the antislavery movement, some historians raised doubts about the authenticity of the abolitionist movement. However, this historiographical trend is biased in that it tend to assume only one abolitionist movement which was East-centered and suffered from factionalism. In fact, there was another abolitionist movement which was developed in the West, especially in Ohio: Western abolitionist movement based on Western abolitionism. Ohio was a frontier of liberty and abolitionist movement as well as a geographical frontier in the West, for she was a border state neighbored with slave states such as Kentucky and Virginia. In this border region, the political rhetoric of abolition of slavery in the South was ineffective and even meaningless. On the contrary, frontier abolitionists managed to ‘pioneer’ the very least constitutional liberty and racial justice. Therefore, western abolitionism was inevitable to the frontier abolitionist in some sense. The western abolitionist movement based on the personal liberty politics focused on the fugitive slave issue including federal and state fugitive slave laws. In the history of western abolitionism, the adoption of by the 37th General Assembly of Ohio of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1839 as an “ultra anti-abolition” measure was a turning point. The state Fugitive Slave Law was the most alarming and menacing anti-abolitionist measure in that it set up a comprehensive system of suppression of Ohio abolitionists and provided extensive protection to the slaveowners’ right to reclaim fugitive slaves in Ohio with the assistance of state law enforcement. By infuriating Ohioans in general, and abolitionists in particular, as a symbol of the full-scale invasion of the Slave Power to undermine Ohio’s republican ideals and heritage of freedom, the 1839 Fugitive Slave Law whipped antislavery advocates into intense agitation for its repeal in the early 1840s and the adoption of personal liberty laws in 1857. In the process, the Ohio political abolitionists, such as James G. Birney, Gamaliel Bailey, Salmon P. Chase, Benjamin F. Wade, and James M. Ashley, developed its own antislavery constitutional ideas, ultimately contributing the creation of the “Third Constitution.”